Brothers in Arms: The Early Relationship and Shared Ministry of John and Charles Wesley The most important relationship of Charles Wesley's life was with his brother John. His bond with his wife Sarah, who he married relatively late in life, was exceptionally strong but in terms of longevity, depth of conflicting emotion, and impact, the fraternal relationship had singular significance. This was true not only for the Wesleys but also for the Methodist movement of which they were the co-founders. Charles's biographers have acknowledged the importance of the brotherly link, with particular regard to the ten years from 1738, a decade that saw the birth of the Revival in England and the emergence of a specific
Wesleyan wing of the Evangelical movement. Scholars have in fact been at pains to show that in spite of disagreement in later years over such issues as the Church of England, the brothers remained close until the end of their lives.1
Except in regard to his hymns, Charles Wesley has never been viewed in isolation from John. This is understandable given their kinship and important place within the Revival's leadership, but many aspects of the brothers' relationship remain incompletely understood.
Among the specific areas to which this judgement applies is Charles's apparent dependence on his domineering brother, their latent rivalry, and the mutual fear that other relationships would challenge their special understanding. Examination of these areas is important for an appreciation of the impact that their complementary and conflicting
1 For example, Gill, Charles Wesley, 200; Brailsford, A Tale of Two Brothers, 276.
22 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles personalities had on the Revival. This chapter will chart the evolution of the brothers' relationship from their days at school and university through the first decade of Methodism's existence until the end of the 1740s at which point their relationship changed forever.
FAMILY AND SCHOOL The roots of the close fraternal tie can be traced to a shared upbringing that was special, one might even say abnormal. Strict and devout child-rearing was not of course unique to Samuel and Susanna, but their mixture of discipline and spiritual preparation against the background of an isolated and precarious family situation resulted in the Wesley children becoming exceptionally close. The bond between John and Charles was always potentially the strongest as the age difference between them was just four years, while their brother Samuel junior was considerably older. The relationship with their sisters, while affectionate and mutually supportive, was not one of equals. As the males of the family, John and Charles enjoyed a superiority that was predetermined by society, and their professional lives overlapped in ways that were not accessible to their sisters. This common background and experience contributed to a closeness of understanding that they were never to replicate with anyone else. No one understood John Wesley to the same degree as Charles, while for his part
John held his sibling in high regard; despite bitter clashes in later life, Charles remained one of the few men capable of swaying his imperious brother from a particular course of action.
After the claustrophobic closeness of their childhood in Epworth, the boys were sent to separate boarding schools in London. At the age of 8, Charles made the long journey to Westminster not far from Charterhouse where John had been a pupil for two years. We have little first-hand information concerning Charles's schooldays as none of his letters survive from that period. In later life he referred in passing to the corporal punishment that was standard in the schools of his day2 and it is perhaps significant that he educated his own sons
2 'If Robin will not be led, he must be driven. I mean whipped through Westminster or some other great school.' CW to Mary Jones, Xerox copy letter [7 November]
1749 (MCA: DDCW 1/27).
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 23 entirely at home. Whatever the nature of his later misgivings about the public school system, he flourished at Westminster, displaying the academic prowess and strength of character that came with the Wesley name.
In 1721 Charles achieved the enviable status of King's Scholar, which brought with it free board and education together with the likelihood of a university scholarship. Four years later he became
Captain of the School, an honour accorded to the most promising senior pupil. His contemporaries included the sons of aristocratic and gentry families and for Charles, the son of a penniless country minister, to win this distinction speaks volumes for the quality of his character. At Westminster Charles was under the supervision of his brother Samuel who was a teacher at the school and with whom he lodged for five years.3 Given their father's financial embarrassment, Samuel junior subsidized his brother's education and in Samuel senior's words, was 'a father to your brothers and sisters'.4 It is doubtful whether financial constraints would have allowed Charles to make the long journey home at all during his ten years in London.
Until he left Charterhouse for Oxford in 1720 John was only a short distance away from his brothers and spent his free time with Samuel and his family. Despite such contact, there is no doubt that it was
Samuel junior who was the principal influence in Charles's life at this time. Samuel was a convinced High Churchman and may have shared his mother's passive loyalty to the exiled Stuarts.5 He was a friend of the extreme High Church bishop Francis Atterbury and in later years was sharply critical of the irregularities attendant on the early stirrings of revival.6 The natural attachment to Anglican doctrine and discipline that Charles brought with him from Epworth would have been reinforced by close contact with his oldest brother. In his future ministry Charles was to stray in quite radical ways from conventional
High Church practice but he was never to entirely divest himself of its influence and for that Samuel must take some of the credit.
3 Gill, Charles Wesley, 32.
4 Quoted by Maldwyn Edwards, Family Circle: A Study of the Epworth Family Household in Relation to John and Charles Wesley (London: Epworth, 1949), 101.
5 Vivian Green, The Young Mr Wesley: A Study of John Wesley and Oxford (London:
6 Samuel Wesley jun. to JW, MS letter, 16 April 1739 (MCA: DDWF 5/15).
24 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles OXFORD AND THE HOLY CLUB In 1726 Charles was awarded a scholarship to Christ Church Oxford, typically securing first place among successful candidates from his school.7 In going up to Christ Church he was following family tradition—his brothers had both been undergraduates there and in the year of Charles's matriculation John moved to occupy a Fellowship at nearby Lincoln College. Charles would have found Christ
Church a congenial place for a man of his background. Traditionally one of the most prestigious and Tory inclined of the Oxford colleges8 it leaned towards high Anglicanism, very much in keeping with the rest of the university.9
Spiritual matters were not first on the list of Charles's concerns during his first year. By his own admission and in time-honoured undergraduate tradition, he celebrated his new-found freedom by indulging in 'diversions' such as playing cards, party-going, and at a slightly later date flirting with an actress.10 None of these amounted to a great deal and there can be little doubt that by most standards
Charles was an unusually upright and devout young man. He had in any case little money with which to indulge himself and, to his occasional chagrin, an older brother in the Lincoln College Senior
Common Room who, when he was not absent in Epworth, kept a watchful eye over his sibling.11 This in itself would have been enough to dampen the high spirits of most undergraduates.
By his second year the reality of Charles's situation was starting to sink in. He was depressed by the state of his finances,12 which even with a scholarship were precarious, and he was also uncomfortably
7 Gill, Charles Wesley, 33–4. 8 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 69.
9 'The flavour of Oxford churchmanship was neo-Jacobite and neo-Laudian.'
Vivian Green, Religion at Oxford and Cambridge: A History c.1160–c.1960 (London:
10 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 142; CW to JW, MS letter, 5 June 1729 (MCA:
11 'He pursued his studies diligently and led a regular harmless life; but if I spoke to him about religion, he would warmly answer "What, would you have me to be a saint all at once?" and would hear no more.' Quoted by Green, Young Mr Wesley,
12 CW to JW, MS letter, 20 January 1728 (MCA: DDCW 1/1).
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 25 aware that he was in a state of spiritual lethargy.13 He therefore turned his back on his former amusements and threw himself into his studies and devotions. Charles derived particular comfort from weekly attendance at Holy Communion and was able to influence two or three fellow students to accompany him. It was in this rather low-key fashion that the famous 'holy club' started to take shape.
In a letter written many years later, Charles described the early days of what is sometimes seen as the birth of Methodism: 'I went to the weekly Sacrament and persuaded two or three young scholars to accompany me, and to observe the method of study prescribed by the Statutes of the University. This gave me the harmless nickname of Methodist. In half a year my brother left his curacy at Epworth and came to our assistance ...'14 Over the course of the next six years until the departure of the brothers for North America, the holy club, or Oxford Methodists as they were also known, expanded in size, activities, and notoriety. At its peak in the early 1730s it consisted of a network of student groups dispersed among several colleges.
They engaged in intense bible study and other serious reading and were considered noteworthy for their rigid observance of church fast days and attendance at divine service. Their Christianity also had a practical aspect expressed by giving to the poor and visits to the town's prisons.15
Recent research has cast doubt on the traditional picture of the Oxford Methodists as a tightly organized group subject to the supervision of first Charles Wesley and then his brother John. The reality appears to have been that the meetings were informal in nature and that membership was fluid.16 John Wesley was certainly one of the most influential participants and was at the centre of what
Heitzenrater has termed a 'core society', but he could not be said to have exercised formal leadership over the entire group.17 Charles
13 'I am not ashamed to desire your prayers. Tis owing in great measure to somebody's (my mother's most likely) that I am come to think as I do, for I cannot tell myself how or when I first awoke out of my lethargy—only that it was not long after you went away.' CW to JW, MS letter, 5/22 June 1729 (MCA: DDCW 1/2).
14 CW to Dr Chandler, MS letter, 28 April 1785 (MCA: DDWes 1/38).
15 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 153–6, 175–9.
16 Benjamin Ingham, Diary of an Oxford Methodist Benjamin Ingham, 1733–1734, ed. Richard Heitzenrater (Durham: Duke University Press, 1985), 6–9.
26 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles too was a prominent member and was talked about in college for his 'preciseness and pious extravagance'.18 He also exercised a strong sway over individual students such as Benjamin Ingham19 and John
Gambold,20 showing early signs of a personal flair for the exercise of spiritual direction.
The pattern of religious observance practised by the brothers and their friends was rooted in the High Church with more than a touch of Nonjuror influence. This can be seen from the earliest days when the holy club first became identifiable through the practice of regular Sacramental attendance; other typical High Church characteristics such as the observance of Wednesday and Friday fasts were also adopted. Two of the men named by John Wesley as major contributors to the Oxford Methodist system were the Nonjurors
John Clayton and Thomas Deacon.21 In particular, Clayton's concern that the Church should be restored to the doctrinal and devotional purity of its early history, made a deep impression on John
Wesley and hence on the Methodist quest for a return to 'primitive'
The intensive regime of study, private devotions, attendance at worship and performance of good works was regarded as a vehicle to promote holy living with the end view of achieving 'perfection'.23
Stress was placed on meditation as part of a constant process of spiritual self-examination. The reading favoured by Oxford Methodists included cross-denominational works of a mystical nature by a number of influential writers including Ignatius Loyola, Thomas à
Kempis, Madame Guyon, William Law, Richard Baxter, and Lorenzo Scupoli.24 There existed a wide common ground between the spiritual aims of the club and the religious values instilled into the Wesley brothers at Epworth. The importance of this small group of students was not confined to the Wesleys or the movement that they went on to found. Several other Oxford Methodists made significant contributions to the Evangelical Revival in both Britain and North
America including John Gambold, Benjamin Ingham, and George Whitefield.
18 Quoted by Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 170.
19 Ingham, Diary of an Oxford Methodist, 46.
20 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 170. 21 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 90–1.
22 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 168–9.
23 Ingham, Diary of an Oxford Methodist, 31–2. 24 Ibid. 32–3.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 27 The holy club aroused mixed reactions within the university and the Church. Some senior figures such as Bishop Potter of Oxford were supportive,25 but others were distinctly lukewarm. This may seem strange as the club's Anglican credentials were beyond question and leaned towards the conservative wing of the Church establishment.
The sight of young students flaunting their faith and good works in a rather sanctimonious fashion always inspires some derision, but there was a more serious side to the hostility. It was felt by some that the Oxford Methodists were too extreme in their ascetic lifestyle and that their constant self-examination and intense inner focus could have an unhealthy affect on impressionable young minds. Religious mania or 'enthusiasm' as it was often termed was a constant fear for an older generation raised in the shadow of sectarian strife.
Ammunition was given to the club's critics by the tragic death in 1732 of William Morgan. He had been one of the earliest and most dedicated members of the group and had initiated the work in the prisons.26 Morgan was also of an unstable temperament and may have been prone to religious mania; according to one account of his final illness he 'used frequently to say that enthusiasm was his madness, repeated often "Oh religious madness"...'27 This unfortunate youth might have descended into derangement without the unwitting help of the holy club, but the resulting scandal left a stigma attached to the label 'Methodist'. In 1743, more than a decade after Morgan's death, the satirist Thomas Este referred to the Methodists of his own day as that 'swarm of vile canting hypocrites' who had been a 'nuisance at our universities'.28
THE DEEPENING BOND BETWEEN JOHN AND CHARLES WESLEY Another important development of Charles's Oxford years was the replacement of Samuel junior's influence by that of John, which coincided with Charles's decision that he must reform his ways and forge
25 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 141. 26 Ibid. 154–5.
28 Thomas Este, Methodism Displayed: a farce of one act. As it was intended to be performed at the Moot Hall in Newcastle (Newcastle: Thomas Este, 1743), 20.
28 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles a deeper relationship with God. He quickly placed himself under John's supervision with regard both to academic matters and spiritual growth, one of the first of many to follow that path. This is first documented in a letter that Charles sent to John in June 1729: 'Tis through your means I firmly believe, God will establish what he has begun in me and there is no one person I would so willingly have to be the instrument of good to me as you—I verily think dear brother,
I shall never quarrel with you again till I do with my religion, and that I may never do.'29
John's displacement of Samuel junior in Charles's loyalties did not go unnoticed by their oldest brother and his wife Ursula. During a visit made by Charles to Westminster during the college Christmas break of 1727, Samuel remarked in a letter to John that he 'was so entirely infected with your gravity that every motion and look made me almost suspect it was you'.30 Ursula was more visibly resentful and attempted, according to Charles's account, to sow dissension between her brothers-in-law. So great was the tension that Charles breathed a sigh of relief at his return to the penurious freedom of Christ Church.31 Samuel and Ursula were not the only ones to notice the deepening bond between John and Charles: John Gambold, their colleague in the holy club, remarked 'I never observed any person have a more real deference for another, than [Charles] had for his brother ...He followed his brother entirely. Could I describe one of them, I should describe both.'32
It is perhaps understandable that Charles should have started to look more towards John as a role model. They were much closer in age and shared a life at Oxford that overlapped in many areas: Samuel by contrast was a married man and had left the enclosed college world behind him years before. He had been a father figure to his brother at a time when one was certainly needed and Charles no doubt felt a debt of gratitude, but the younger Wesley was no longer a schoolboy and had reached an age where placing distance between himself and his childhood was an expression of adult independence. However, there is considerable evidence to indicate that Charles's deference to 29 CW to JW, MS letter, 5/22 June 1729 (MCA: DDCW 1/2).
30 Samuel Wesley jun. to JW, MS letter, 6 January 1728 (MCA: DDWF 5/7).
31 CW to JW, MS letter, 20 January 1728 (MCA: DDCW 1/1).
32 Quoted by Tyson, Charles Wesley, 8.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 29 John reached an unhealthy level and lasted for an unusually long time.
It was John who persuaded Charles against his own judgement to enter the Anglican ministry in 1735,33 and it appears that he also used emotional blackmail to pressure his younger brother to leave
Oxford later that year and accompany him to Georgia.34 As an old man looking back on his life, Charles acknowledged the extent of John's hold: 'I took my degrees; and only thought of spending all my days in Oxford: But my brother who always had the ascendancy over me, persuaded me to accompany him and Mr Oglethorpe to Georgia.
I exceedingly dreaded entering into Holy Orders; but he overruled me here also.'35
If Samuel junior had been mildly irritated in the late 1720s by Charles's devotion to John, his unease by 1735 was so great that he attempted no disguise of his feelings. In October just before his brothers' departure overseas he wrote a scathing letter to his one-time charge:
I knew you was not in your own power, else your common sense if not love to me would have inclined you to stay for my advice when you had once asked for it ...I saw I could no more prevail on you to stay than the sirens could Ulysses ...Jack [John Wesley] knew his strength and used it. His will was strong enough to bend you to go, though not me to consent. I freely own twas the will of Jack, but am not yet convinced twas the will of God.36
In later correspondence he accused John of stealing their brother away from him.37 Samuel's distress was exacerbated by the fact that his brothers' departure for North America left him with sole responsibility for the upkeep of their recently widowed mother and unmarried sister Kezia, which point he was quick to point out to his brothers.38
Charles's apparent difficulty in asserting himself where John was concerned is all the more intriguing when one considers that he was
33 CW to Dr Chandler, MS letter, 28 April 1785 (MCA: DDWes 1/38).
34 'You [Charles] say he [John] would not have gone without you. Was that his zeal?
His apostleship? Did it depend on a younger brother's resolution?' Samuel Wesley jun. to CW, MS letter, 11 October 1735 (MCA: DDWF 5/11).
35 CW to Dr Chandler, MS letter, 28 April 1785 (MCA: DDWes 1/38).
36 Samuel Wesley jun. to CW, MS letter, 11 October 1735 (MCA: DDWF 5/11).
37 'nor will any unkindness every disturb me, after you have robbed me of Charles'.
Samuel Wesley jun. to JW, MS letter, 29 April 1736 (MCA: DDWF 5/12).
30 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles himself a naturally dominant personality. Any son of Samuel and Susanna, a Captain of Westminster School and founding member of the holy club could hardly be described as weak or retiring: indeed, the very strength of the partnership between two such powerful characters as John and Charles Wesley was to be a key component of Methodist success.
A considerable part of the explanation for the unusually strong hold that John had on his brother's loyalty can be found in the older man's charisma. John Wesley was one of that rare breed of men who can not only sway people by personality, but inspire devotion even in difficult circumstances; this facet of his character was reinforced after his Evangelical conversion in 1738, but it can be detected before that date. Such was John's magnetic quality that Richard Morgan entrusted a second son to his care even after his older boy William had died through what many, including for a time Richard himself, had believed to be the unnatural influence of the Oxford Methodists.39
One can add the influence of the Epworth family circle—John was very like his mother in terms of personality and outlook and Charles's inability to shake offJohn's dominance until middle age, and then not entirely, might have its roots in the rigidity of his upbringing and the similarity between a controlling parent and brother.
OVERSEAS MISSION AND SPIRITUAL CRISIS In December 1735 John and Charles sailed for the North American colony of Georgia. In taking this radical step, Charles appears to have been persuaded by his brother's determination to resolve spiritual doubt through immersion in a new sphere of God's work. What is clear is that Charles was deeply troubled at leaving Oxford and that he shared John's uncertainty whether he would be saved. The following passage from a letter written on the voyage reveals a man in the throes of acute depression:
God has brought me an unhappy, unthankful wretch hither, through a thousand dangers, to renew his complaints, and loathe the life which has been preserved by a series of miracles ...In vain have I fled from myself to America; I still groan under the intolerable weight of inherent misery. If I 39 Green, The Young Mr Wesley, 166.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 31 have never yet repented of my undertaking, it is because I could hope for nothing better in England—or paradise. Go where I will, I carry my hell about me ... 40
If Charles had known what was in store for him, he would have had good reason to feel depressed. His stay in Georgia was extremely unhappy, marked by ill health, primitive living conditions, and quarrels with colonists who rivalled the Epworth parishioners in their dislike of High Church pretension.41 Deeply disillusioned, Charles tendered his resignation in July 1736 and arrived back in England in December. John, who had experienced even greater disappointment, followed him just over a year later.
The brothers' failure to make an impact in the mission field added to mounting spiritual uncertainty to create a background conducive to the dramatic conversions that they experienced in the spring of 1738. More will be said in the next chapter about those events but in the specific context of the development of the brothers' relationship, it should be said that as they approached that crossroads John and Charles were in a state of almost perfect unison. At Epworth and Oxford they had been exposed to the same influences and had responded in a similar vein. John was showing himself to be the stronger character but Charles was not far removed and was equally focused on the search for personal salvation. In terms of intellect and energy the brothers were well matched and at this crucial point in their lives shared a similar perspective on the Anglican Church and the wider Christian community. They were exploring the same routes of inner focus and holy living and they both experienced at virtually the same time the personal knowledge and conviction that they would be saved by faith alone. The stage had been set for the appearance of one of the greatest of Evangelical partnerships.
THE BIRTH OF METHODISM In the aftermath of their conversions, Charles followed John into open-air preaching and the itinerant ministry, content to defer to his brother's lead. John preached in the open air for the first time
40 CW to 'Varanese' [Sarah Chapone], MS letter, 5 February 1736 (MCA:
41 Gill, Charles Wesley, 51–60; Baker, Charles Wesley as Revealed, 20–31.
32 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles in April 1739 and Charles joined him in this new and radical venture on 29 May. At once, the Wesleys found themselves preaching to large crowds and receiving considerable popular attention. Working initially in cooperation with their friend and fellow Oxford Methodist
George Whitefield, the brothers coordinated their itinerant ministries to ensure maximum effectiveness.
In the first eighteen months of their open-air evangelism, they concentrated their attentions on Bristol, London, and the densely populated countryside between. They travelled back and forth, preaching en route, and by operating independently ensured a regular presence in both cities. Typical of this period was Charles's visit to the capital and its surrounds between 3 April and 18 June 174042 when he regularly preached several times a day to crowds of up to nearly ten thousand. During those months, his brother was visiting Bristol and South Wales, although he did make an unscheduled visit to the capital in April because of problems in the Fetter Lane congregation.43 John returned to London on 5 June two weeks before Charles left to take his place in Bristol, allowing ample opportunity for consultation.
John stayed in London until 1 September when he departed to join his brother in Bristol.44 Charles's peripatetic ministry is exemplified by the twelve months from March 1740:45 he was in Bristol and its vicinity for a total of approximately four months, London for nearly six months, and the Cardiffarea for two weeks. Confirmation of the systematic nature of the brothers' itinerancy can be found in Susanna Wesley's complaint that as one of her sons arrived in London, the other left.46 In later years, after their relationship soured,
John accused his brother of not working in close harmony with him since the earliest years of their Evangelical ministry. The record of Charles's activities during the 1740s shows that this charge was the product of anger rather than recollection—during those vital early
42 CWJ, 3 April–18 June 1740.
43 John Wesley, The Works of John Wesley, xix. Journal and Diaries II, 1738–1743, ed. W. Reginald Ward and Richard Heitzenrater (Nashville: Abingdon, 1990), 146–8.
45 Based on Charles's manuscript journal and correspondence.
46 Susanna Wesley to CW, Published copy letter, 27 December 1739. Susanna Wesley, Susanna Wesley, 181.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 33 years he was as active as John and their partnership was characterized by close coordination.
By the end of 1739 the Wesleys had established the first Methodist preaching houses at the New Room in Bristol and the Foundery in London.47 These became the home of the Anglican religious societies in those two cities that placed themselves under the brothers' supervision and from this point it is possible to speak specifically of a Wesleyan movement within a wider Evangelical revival. As Methodism put down firm roots in its two early centres, the brothers began to sow the Gospel seed further afield. As early as October 1739 John embarked on a five-day preaching tour of Wales and in June 1741 he visited the Midlands at the invitation of the Countess of Huntingdon.
In the spring of 1742 he made his first preaching tour of the north of England.48 Charles was content at this stage to allow his brother to take the initiative elsewhere in the country. The fact that he looked after existing societies, principally in Bristol and London, meant that John had the luxury of being able to embark on such journeys, confident in the knowledge that his brother was keeping a close eye on Methodism in its first heartland.
It was not long before Charles was also venturing outside the initial area of activity. He spent two weeks preaching in South Wales in November 174049 and returned there for short visits twice the following year.50 In late 1742 he visited the Midlands and the north of England, thereby beginning the far-reaching tours that were to be the dominant feature of his ministry during the rest of the decade. During the period 1743 to the end of 1749, Charles visited the Midlands five times; the north of England five times; Wales eight times; the southwest of England three times, and Ireland three times. Each journey typically lasted from three to eight weeks and involved preaching up to four daily sermons.51
The effectiveness of his personal ministry can be traced in the letters he received from devoted followers. Charles is addressed by such admiring and respectful salutations as 'Ambassador of Christ
47 Heitzenrater, Wesley and the People Called Methodists, 103 and 109–11.
48 Ibid. 134–7. 49 CWJ, 6–19 November.
50 CWJ, 13–18 July and 8–19 September 1741.
51 For example, CWJ, 27 October 1743 and 18 May 1746.
34 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles and well-beloved in the Lord'52 and 'My dear father in God'.53 The tone and content of this correspondence illustrate the regard with which he was held and the deep impression made by his evangelism.54
A considerable number of conversions were directly attributed to his labours and the concluding sentence of Margaret Austin's letter of 19
May 1740 is representative of many; 'Awakened by the Reverend Mr Whitefield: Convicted by the Reverend Mr John Wesley: Converted by the Reverend Mr Charles'.55
The Wesleys were both gifted preachers although John's brother appears to have had the edge in this respect. Mary Thomas wrote to Charles in May 1742 and commented on the difference, providing us with an opportunity to judge the brothers' effectiveness against their contemporary George Whitefield:
When Mr Whitefield came first to town I went to hear him, I very much approved of his doctrine. When I heard him preach the last sermon at Rosegreen and telling that there was one coming after him [John Wesley] whose shoe laces he was not worthy to unloose. I found that was he that stood by him [John Wesley]. I found great love in my heart to him after that. The first opportunity I had, I went to hear Mr John Wesley and my conscience soon told me that it was the true Gospel of Christ that he preached ...when you came first to Bristol, I seemed to like you better than your brother. I thought your way of delivery was finer than his ... 56
While it is difficult to reach a definitive conclusion concerning the merits of one preacher over another, it is clear from the primary sources that Charles compared very well with his brother and their associates. This is all the more impressive when one remembers that Whitefield is considered by many to have been one of the great preachers of the Christian Church. John acknowledged his younger brother's strength in this area: 'You are made as it were for this very thing. Just here you are in your element. In connexion I beat you; but 52 Ann Martin to CW, MS letter, 1740 (MCA: EMV 4).
53 Maria Price to CW, MS letter, 18 May 1740 (MCA: EMV 12).
54 For example, 'I began to pray for the 2 Mr Wesleys, but more for that dear soul Mr Charles for he had plucked my soul out of hell and I am sure I can not forget him so long as I live.' [Sister?] Ibison to CW, MS letter, 23 May 1740 (MCA: EMV 8).
55 Margaret Austin to CW, MS letter, 19 May 1740 (MCA: EMV 1).
56 Mary Thomas to CW, MS letter, 24 May 1742 (MCA: EMV 128).
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 35 in strong pointed sentences you beat me.'57 The Methodist preacher John Pawson, who could in no wise be labelled a friend of Charles Wesley, also testified to his effectiveness: 'His word I often thought was like a two edged sword. It cut and wounded every way and few could stand before him unaffected.'58
Charles's contribution was particularly significant, as these first ten years of Methodism's existence were painfully difficult. The Wesleys and their followers endured persecution and engaged in fierce conflict with Calvinist Evangelicals. The controversy within the Revival and the complex question of Anglican reaction will be looked at in detail in the next chapter but suffice it to say for now that the early spirit of Evangelical cooperation was short lived and that the Methodists sorely tested Anglican patience.
Charles no less than his brother proved himself a courageous and determined man during these difficult years. In one six-month period in 1743, he reported in his journal no fewer than nine instances of obstruction, physical attack, or intimidation.59 The entry made on 18
July 1743 is representative:
When we came to the place of battle, the enemy was ready, set in array against us. I began the 100th psalm and they beating their drum and shouting.
I stood still and silent for some time ...then offered to speak to some of the most violent; but they stopped their ears and ran upon me crying I should not preach there, and catching at me to pull me down. They had no power to touch me ...I shook offthe dust of my feet and walked leisurely through the thickest of them, who followed like ramping and roaring lions ... 60
This fortitude in the face of adversity represented the positive side of the uncompromising and principled character that Charles inherited from his father. His leadership in the face of physical danger was an example to the people around him and bolstered their own commitment. Here he was not simply John's loyal subordinate, but a role model in his own right.
57 JW to CW, MS letter, 27 June 1766 (MCA: DDWes 3/27).
58 Quoted by Luke Tyerman, MS folio entitled 'Copies of Original Letters and other Documents relating to Methodism collected from various sources', 19th century
59 CWJ, 15 January–28 June 1743. 60 CWJ, 18 July 1743.
36 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles METHODIST WORSHIP MODELS AND PASTORAL OVERSIGHT Open-air preaching was only one of the foundation blocks of early
Methodism. Had it not been for the fact that this was allied to the development of a sophisticated administrative and pastoral framework, the Wesleys would have left no more lasting legacy than did
George Whitefield. The years from 1739 to 1744 saw the introduction of the most important features of Methodist organization and worship, such as the society, the love feast, band and class meetings, lay preaching, and the Conference.
Charles Wesley's specific contribution to this process has not been documented in detail, which is understandable as there is no evidence to indicate that he was personally responsible for any major innovation. However, it should not be forgotten that the same applies to his brother. It is difficult to think of one major feature of Methodist practice that was not borrowed from other denominations, or suggested by individuals other than the Wesleys.61 The love feast and the bands were taken from the Moravians;62 the religious society originated within the Anglican Church and was again influenced by the Moravians; while the class system and quarterly meetings were the suggestions of Captain Foy and John Bennet respectively.63 Lay preaching appears to have been a spontaneous development and was at first opposed by John Wesley,64 while the Conference was a logical result of the need for deliberation. This is not to diminish the significance of the brothers for they were the driving force behind the adoption of such measures. Their energy and foresight was crucial to the very existence of Methodism while their ability to utilize the talents of others was proof of their capacity for leadership.
Charles Wesley was no radical innovator, but he did have a vital role to play in the working out of the Wesleyan Methodist system.
61 'He [JW] may have lacked a creative mind, but he was a genius at adaptation, a masterly opportunist, an inspired borrower.' Vivian Green, John Wesley (London:
Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1964), 155.
62 A Dictionary of Methodism in Britain and Ireland, ed. John A. Vickers (Peterborough: Epworth, 2000), 18 and 213.
63 Ibid. 69 and 286. 64 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 210–11.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 37 Little record survives of discussions between the brothers regarding the introduction of administrative structures and forms of worship, but it is inconceivable that such conversations did not take place, given the closeness of their ministries. Charles, no less than his brother, was instrumental in the imposition of discipline and practice. His tours of the country were not just about preaching, but were also concerned with inspection and examination—as important as active evangelism for the consolidation of faith. Mary Thomas's letter of 1742 provides us with an illustration of this aspect of his work:
You ordered the society to come and speak with you which I found a great grief to me for I was ashamed to think I was no better but I came as I was and you asked me if I was justified and I said no, you told me I was in a state of damnation which words pierced my heart though it were what I had heard many times yet it never pierced my heart so much as it did then.65
Charles's journal contains many other examples of this close and uncompromising attention to pastoral oversight; one such entry occurs on 28 June 1740: 'Met the bands in Kingswood and reproved
Hannah Barrow before them all. She would not be convinced of her pride; but was sure she had the witness of the spirit and the seal and what not. I tremble to think what will be the end.'66 Such strict spiritual examination was a vital aid to conversion and one that the brothers had learned to value at Epworth and Oxford.
The initial awakening by means of a sermon was simply the first step in a process that could last for years as Methodists were taught to view their spiritual road as a rock-strewn path marked by certain clear pointers towards salvation. Conversion testimonies tend to show the same identifiable stages, as the individual was first convinced of his or her damned condition, received assurance of God's saving grace and was finally purged of sin. The following excerpts of a letter of May
1742 from Elizabeth Sayse to Charles illustrate the several stages in this quest for salvation:
About five years ago, I went to hear Mr Whitefield preach ...and thought that strange things were brought to my ears ...but my understanding was not opened ...when Mr [John] Wesley came, I went to hear him in Nicholas
65 Mary Thomas to CW, MS letter, 24 May 1742 (MCA: EMV 128).
66 CWJ, 28 June 1740.
38 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles Street Society but at that time the Word had little effect on me. But at his preaching at Clifton Church the Word came very sweet and with power and I shed tears ...I went constantly to the Societies ...When you expounded on Isaiah, it all seemed very sweet, but when you ...said that we deserved to be damned, I thought I might be excepted ...But soon after I saw that my inward parts were very wickedness ...In this state I continued for several weeks ...until it pleased God ...in great mercy passed by me ...and said unto me Live; which was at your repeating the 11th verse of the XXXIII chapter of Ezekiel ...I gladly received the exhortation and could with great joy testify, that I had redemption in his blood.67
Such testimonies make it clear that Charles Wesley made a real difference to people's lives. He may in fact have been better suited than his brother to guide people through the difficult transition associated with the 'new birth'—John was often criticized for attaching too much credence to spiritual claims, particularly when relating to sanctification.68 Charles on the other hand showed a keen awareness of the potential pitfalls of charismatic Christianity. This is illustrated by an entry from his journal for 8 June 1743:
[I] spoke to the bands severally and tried if their faith could bear shaking.
We have certainly been too rash and easy in allowing persons for believers on their own testimony; nay and even persuading them into a false opinion of themselves. Some souls tis doubtless necessary to encourage; but it should be done with the utmost caution—To tell one in darkness, he has faith, is to keep him in darkness still, or to make him trust in a false light a faith that stands in the words of men, not in the power of God.69
The criticism of John may have been implied on that occasion, but on 5 February 1743 Charles left no doubt as to his awareness of his brother's naivety:
One among the classes told my brother she had a constant sense of forgiveness and he let her pass. I could not help proving her farther: and then the justified sinner appeared full of the gall of bitterness, said again and again, of a sister present, 'I do not love her, I hate her' etc. I assured her, if an angel from heaven told me she was justified, I would not believe him; for she was a murderer. As such we prayed for her ...I fear we have many such believers among us.70
67 Elizabeth Sayse to CW, MS letter, May 1742 (MCA: EMV 126).
68 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 541. 69 CWJ, 8 June 1743.
70 CWJ, 5 February 1743.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 39 This subtle difference between the brothers had little practical significance when their ministries were complementary, but it does illustrate the important point that Charles was not blind to John's faults.
Throughout the decade of the 1740s, John remained the dominant partner but his younger brother was starting to show signs of frustration with the balance of their relationship. One of Charles's letters to John from July 1746 documents very well these twin aspects:
I find it utterly in vain to write to you upon anything whereon we are not already agreed. Either you set aside the whole by the short answer that I am in an ill humour, or take no notice at all of my reasons, but plead conscience.
[I] have so little success in my remonstrances that I have many times resolved never to contradict your judgement as to any one thing or person.71
This undercurrent of latent rebellion was the herald to bitter clashes in later years.
Charles was equally devoted to other aspects of pastoral care. When not engaged in preaching or leading worship, he was regularly to be found with the sick and dying,72 visiting prisons,73 and accompanying condemned convicts to their execution.74 His deep determination to evangelize in all conditions and circumstances is illustrated by an encounter that enlivened Charles's journey to London by public coach on 27 July 1738:
I preached faith in Christ. A lady was extremely offended, avowed her own merits in plain terms; asked if I was not a Methodist; threatened to beat me.
I declared I deserved nothing but hell; so did she; and must confess it before she could have a title to heaven. This was most intolerable to her. The others were less offended ...a maid servant devoured every word.75
Charles Wesley made a vital contribution to the birth and consolidation of the Methodist movement. Energetic, courageous, and blessed with keen spiritual insight, he was a brilliant servant of Christ and an equal partner to his brother in the hard and dangerous work of the Revival. The fact that there were two Wesleys working in close concert gave them a tremendous advantage over other Evangelicals.
The lasting value of Charles's poetry is well recognized, but it is 71 CW to JW, MS letter [15 July 1746] (MCA: DDCW 6/12).
72 For example, CWJ, 14 May 1741 and 29 September 1744.
73 For example, CWJ, 7 November 1738 and 9 September 1741.
74 For example, CWJ, 12 September 1741. 75 CWJ, 27 July 1738.
40 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles worth remembering that most people during the early years would have known Charles better as a preacher, pastor, and leader. What
Charles's contribution meant to John on a personal level will now be examined.
THE PERSONAL BOND BETWEEN THE WESLEY BROTHERS John Wesley throughout his life had few people with whom he was truly intimate. He was in certain respects an insensitive, almost inhuman figure, somewhat removed in important respects from the popular and persistent image of the Methodist leader as a saintly patriarch. Brought up in an atmosphere of strict control and entire subordination to the will of God, John had difficulty in sustaining close personal relationships.76 His marriage to Mary Vazeille was as much a casualty of his absolute refusal to be swayed from his chosen path as it was of her emotional insecurity. John's correspondence contains several instances of his inability to relate to the feelings of others. One such was sent in November 1742 to his sister Martha upon the death of her last surviving child: 'I believe the death of your children is a great instance of the goodness of God towards you.
You have often mentioned to me how much of your time they took up. Now that time is restored to you, and you have nothing to do but to serve our Lord without carefulness and without distraction.'77
This disturbing level of emotional detachment may have been a result of the Wesleys' upbringing. Maser comments on the lack of love within the family78—the children were imbued with the virtues of duty, loyalty, and obedience, but not necessarily of love, either of one another or of other people. This aspect of John Wesley did not escape contemporary comment: John Hampson, a former Wesleyan itinerant made the intriguing charge that Wesley's much-praised philanthropy stemmed more from a sense of Christian duty than genuine
76 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 542.
77 JW to Martha Hall, Published copy letter, 17 November 1742. John Wesley, The Works of John Wesley, xxvi. 90–1.
78 'Fundamentally, both Susanna and Samuel, Sr. seemed to lack the spirit of love ...one cannot help but feel that both lacked that warmth of love and human understanding.' Maser, Seven Sisters, 111.
The Shared Ministry of John and Charles 41 compassion.79 Hampson was alienated from the Methodists when he wrote those words, but John's insensitivity is well documented from other sources, including his own pen. Hampson also stated that John
'had no attachments, so far as we have been able to discover, that partook of the genius of friendship. His regard for some individuals, proceeded less from personal, than from public considerations.
All his views were of this kind. His first object, was the success of Methodism.'80
John Wesley's isolation was exacerbated by his leadership position.
He brooked no rival and therefore tolerated no intimate. It is perhaps no coincidence that on the few occasions that he shared his feelings it tended to be with women,81 which was a reflection both of the femaledominated Epworth household and also perhaps of the fact that women could not challenge his leadership. The one exception was his brother in the twenty years from their time at Oxford until Charles's marriage in 1749. During that momentous period the two forged a seemingly unbreakable bond founded on a common background, education, and spiritual mission. In some respects they were temperamentally alike, as one would expect from brothers; they were fearless, energetic, and completely devoted to the work of God and both possessed an unshakeable will where principle was involved. They also inherited their father's temper, but whereas Charles periodically exploded, John was a master of control both of himself and others.82
The talents of the brothers were complementary. John was the supreme organizer and master of detail, driving and inspiring his followers to superhuman efforts. Charles's particular strengths appear to have been those of a preacher and pastor, although he too displayed a capacity for practical leadership and a remarkable commitment to unstinting travel and hard work. He could have been pre-eminent in his own right but was instead the perfect colleague; the brothers' special relationship ensured that Charles could be relied upon to remain loyal and be a confidant as well as a sturdy right hand.83 He
79 Hampson, John Wesley, iii. 199. 80 Ibid.
81 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 545; Green, John Wesley, 127.
82 'A remarkable feature in Mr Wesley's character, was his placidity. His temper was naturally warm and impetuous. Religion had, in a great degree, corrected this; though it was by no means eradicated.' Hampson, John Wesley, iii. 179.
83 'John, despite disagreements, always tended to be more candid about his inner life in his letters to Charles than to anyone else.' Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 251.
42 The Shared Ministry of John and Charles was the Agrippa to John Wesley's Augustus and for all John's searching in his later years, he never found anyone who could quite fill the place that his brother had once occupied.
John Wesley was not one for revealing his innermost feelings and the letter that he wrote to William Holland on 6 February 1748 has particular significance as an evaluation of his brother's worth in the tenth year of the Revival and little more than twelve months before their relationship changed forever: 'The plain reason why I bless our
Lord daily for the assistance of my brother Charles is because I know him to be an able minister of the New Testament, of the spirit which maketh alive, and one that exercises himself to have a conscience void of offence toward God and toward man.'84 In this concise testimonial,
John summarized Charles's outstanding contribution to the birth of Methodism and hinted at his own heartfelt appreciation of his brother's support. It is a warmer eulogy than the one that he was to give on the occasion of Charles's death forty years later, but it is noticeable that his praise is stated entirely with regard to ministerial value. For Charles's importance on a personal level, one must turn to a letter written to another layman just over a year later in October
1749 in the immediate aftermath of the first serious storm in the brothers' relationship: 'To you, therefore, I can freely speak my mind, as knowing it will go no further. Since I was six years old I never met with such a severe trial as for some days past ...the whole world fought against me; but above all my own familiar friend ...'85
After 1749, John Wesley never again enjoyed a relationship with anyone that was as special as that which he had once shared with his brother. His detachment became complete, a man who in Green's memorable words was 'granite in aspic'.86 Charles was also damaged by their alienation and although he was to find domestic contentment with a woman whom he loved deeply, he too missed the old intimacy with John. The extent of the pain and hurt that this breakdown caused to both men and the significant ways that their mistrust impacted on Methodism will form an important theme of the rest of this book.
84 JW to William Holland, Published copy letter, 6 February 1748. John Wesley, The Works of John Wesley, xxvi. 278.
85 JW to Thomas Bigg, Published copy letter, 7 October 1749. John Wesley, The Works of John Wesley, xxvi. 388–9.
86 Green, John Wesley, 127.