Concluding Remarks — Charles Wesley and the Struggle for Methodist Identity

Concluding Remarks The primary aim of this book has been to present a new evaluation of aspects of the life and ministry of the Evangelist and hymn-writer

Charles Wesley. Such an approach is long overdue, as it is certain that his reputation and place within church history have never received the attention that he deserves. It is a sad and surprising truth that the most detailed biography of Charles was written in 1841 and many of its conclusions have never been seriously challenged.

This state of aﬀairs came about for a number of reasons and it is valuable to brieﬂy summarize the position with regard to the evolution of Charles Wesley scholarship. Charles was a controversial ﬁgure, disliked and even hated by some of his contemporaries; John Pawson and Michael Fenwick are the most obvious examples and there would have been others who felt the same way. Even preachers who respected

Charles Wesley were exasperated at his outspoken ways, as shown by this passage from a letter written to Charles by John Valton:

Was it likely to do good to the cause of God to tell a friend of mine, that Mr J. Wesley had a hard matter to keep us [the preachers] together, pride had got such a footing among us, and that as soon as your brother's head was laid, you forsaw what would be the consequence? Did you not speak stronger things in your sermon at the fast day? Dear Sir what good can such unhappy prophecies do the preachers or the cause of God? It will irritate the men of little grace, and distress the sincere preachers of the Word.1

Such negative undercurrents had an inevitable eﬀect on the way that Methodist historians treated Charles Wesley, with particular regard to the controversies that plagued his post-itinerant ministry.

John Wesley himself may consciously have promoted the perception of his brother as a man who in his later years was out of step with Methodism. Their disagreements were reasonably well known and neither was averse to attacking the other in print, albeit anonymously.

In addition to the examples already cited, it is intriguing to consider 1 John Valton to CW, MS letter, 13 November 1779 (MCA: DDPr 2/55).

Concluding Remarks 235 the following excerpt from a letter by Thomas Coke to John Wesley dated 15 December 1779:

I was totally ignorant of your brother's spirit till very lately. He appeared to me to be a proud man but I am now satisﬁed that he is a man of genuine humility. I thought him an enemy to Methodism; but I now ﬁnd him its real friend, as far as Methodism is a friend to the Church of England; and on your plan the Church of England never had so great a friend. I looked upon the [musical] concerts which he allows his sons to have in his own house, to be highly dishonourable to God; and himself to be criminal, by reason of his situation in the Church of Christ: but on mature consideration ...I cannot now blame him.

I laboured during part of these two last years with some who saw your brother in the same light as I did; and no doubt their prejudices served to heighten mine.2

This letter was published in the 1790 issue of the Arminian Magazine, which had a national circulation as the oﬃcial periodical of the Methodist movement. John exercised close editorial oversight and it is inconceivable that the letter, which in this instance was printed with little attempt to disguise identities, was published without his approval. It is true that Coke was, on the surface at least, 'correcting' his former poor opinion of John's dead brother, but one eﬀect of the document is to highlight the accusations levelled at Charles and expose the hostility felt towards him.

John Wesley was ruthless in his treatment of those he considered rivals or who had let him down in some way. Charles was under no illusions about this aspect of his brother's personality and indeed, in the early part of his ministry, joined enthusiastically with John in conﬂict with others. On 11 June 1755 at the height of the controversy over preachers administering the Sacraments, Charles conﬁded to the Countess of Huntingdon his fear that his brother would treat him as a 'deserter'.3 Five years later, Charles's refusal to travel to Norwich to deal with dissident preachers was partly based on his worry that John's 'fear and dissimulation will throw all the blame upon me and perhaps disown me'.4 These suspicions appear justiﬁed from the 2 [Thomas Coke,], 'From the Rev. Dr. C. to the Rev. J. Wesley', Arminian Magazine,

3 Quoted by Baker, John Wesley and the Church of England, 168.

4 CW to John Wesley, MS copy letter, 2 March 1760 (MCA: DDCW 7/57).

236 Concluding Remarks evidence represented by the publication of Thomas Coke's letter, as well as such curious incidents as the threadbare obituary inserted in the minutes of the 1788 Conference.5

In his early biography of John Wesley, John Hampson stated that the Methodist leader 'never doubted, that the plans he had formed, were the best that could be devised; so, when any of the preachers were of a diﬀerent opinion, and refused to concur in his measures, he treated them as the mariners treated Jonah. He threw them overboard with the most perfect indiﬀerence.'6 John could not eject his brother from the Methodist ship as this would have been too controversial, and in any case many people agreed with Charles's views, but that did not stop him from placing a discreet black mark against his brother's posthumous name and reputation. In so doing, he gave his own seal of approval to the negative perception of Charles's later ministry.

With the exception of his poetic works, twentieth-century scholars largely failed to meet the challenge represented by one of the most important leaders of the eighteenth-century Revival. The result is that more than two hundred years after Charles Wesley's death we are far from understanding in a balanced way his personality and ministry, with speciﬁc regard to his vision of the Methodist movement.

The question must be asked if this negative view of Charles Wesley is justiﬁed. With regard to his personality, there can be no doubt that he gave ammunition to his critics—Charles was a temperamental man, subject to outbursts of fury that verged at times on the irrational. Valton's impassioned letter is testimony to the fact that John Wesley's brother displayed minimal restraint when a principle was at stake. Charles's annotation on the letter consists simply of Valton's name, indicating that Charles was unconcerned with such minor details as declaring controversial views from the pulpit.7 His sharp tongue and provocative opinions rendered him a diﬃcult biographical subject and one might conclude that had it not been for the fact that he was one of the most proliﬁc and talented of hymnwriters, Charles Wesley would have been consigned to the footnotes of Methodist history in much the same way as Benjamin Ingham and Vincent Perronet.

5 Conference Minutes, i. 201. 6 Hampson, John Wesley, iii. 199–200.

7 John Valton to CW, MS letter, 13 November 1779 (MCA: DDPr 2/55).

Concluding Remarks 237 The argument could be made that Charles does not warrant a more signiﬁcant place in the annals of the movement. After all, he retired from the itinerancy in 1756 and if his personal standing at the time of his death is anything to go by, he was barely missed. One of the things that annoyed John during the last thirty years of his brother's life was the sheer negativity indulged in by his sibling. After 1756,

Charles refused to play any further substantial role in the leadership, with the sole exception of opposing separation. John's letter to Charles written on 19 August 1785 summed up his frustration:

'if you will go hand in hand with me, do. But do not hinder me if you will not help. Perhaps if you had kept close to me, I might have done better.'8 However, a strong case can be made for Charles's post-itinerant impact on Methodism being greater and more positive than previously supposed. This can be argued in two ways; ﬁrst, his personal inﬂuence over his brother, and secondly, his championship of a considerable body of silent opinion within the movement.

At several crucial points, Charles's intervention appears to have proved decisive in preventing a formal division from the Anglicans.

During the Sacramental dispute of 1754–5, John wavered on the brink of ordaining preachers, but was pulled back by Charles's ﬁerce protestations and rallying of pro-Anglican support. In the years that followed, Charles used his privileged position to wage a bitter war against the separatists: even in the aftermath of the 1784 ordinations, he was able to exert suﬃcient pressure to swing John back to an avowedly pro-Anglican viewpoint. In a series of conversations towards the end of 1785, Charles dragged from his brother the statement that 'He has not separated from the Church of England—and has no thought of it.'9 Charles expressed doubts at the time concerning the value of this assertion, but the fact remains that in the months that followed, other observers remarked on John's renewed loyalty to the Church of England.10 The hope entertained by John Pawson

8 John Wesley, 'On the Church: in a Letter to the Rev.—', Arminian Magazine, 9 (January 1786), 51.

9 CW to Henry Durbin, MS copy letter, 10 November 1785 (MCA: Memoranda book, Charles Wesley box 5).

10 'I have heard from various quarters of Mr Wesley's [declaring] himself in very strong terms in favour of the Church.' John Pawson to [Charles Atmore], MS letter,

2 June 1786 (MCA: PLP 82.2.8).

238 Concluding Remarks and his friends that there would be formal separation from that 'old withered harlot' had once more been dashed.11

The brothers' special relationship was seriously frayed by the time the ordinations took place, but Charles remained one of the few men capable of shifting John from an entrenched position. After 1756,

Charles played little part in the making of policy and he was deliberately excluded from involvement in certain issues, but he retained until the end of his life a foothold in John's deliberations, and he used this to maximum eﬀect with regard to the all-important subject of separation. It was with good reason that John Pawson referred to Charles's death as the removal of 'the grand hindrance'.12 This residual inﬂuence may have been one of the reasons why Charles was not given advance warning of the 1784 ordinations. John must have harboured some concern over the wisdom of his decision, but having made up his mind, did not wish to have his doubts exacerbated by his brother—he must also by this time have been thoroughly weary of Charles's habit of making impassioned interventions in both his ministry and his personal life.

One of the most powerful weapons in Charles's arsenal was his being able to speak on behalf of pro-Anglican sentiment within Methodism. Time and time again, he stressed to his brother the absolute necessity of appeasing this body of opinion. During the Norwich dispute of 1760 for example, he was careful to enlist the support of men like Christopher Hopper, John Nelson, and William Grimshaw, while during the battle for control of the pulpit of City Road Chapel in 1778–9, he was quick to point out that many subscribers to the chapel's building costs were Anglicans, not Methodists.13 It was through this championship of Church

Methodism that Charles made the most positive impact after his retirement from the itinerancy. This is a point of fundamental importance, as it runs counter to the view that Charles and his supporters were in the minority by the 1780s.14 Instead, it is apparent from 11 John Pawson to [Charles Atmore], MS letter, 13 February 1786 (MCA: PLP

12 John Pawson to [Charles Atmore], MS letter, 28 April 1788 (MCA: PLP 82.4.4).

13 Baker, Charles Wesley as Revealed, 132.

14 For example, Harrison, The Separation of Methodists from the Church of England, 12–13; Leslie Church, More about the Early Methodist People, 255–6; Rack, Reasonable

Enthusiast, 525; Jackson, Charles Wesley, i. pp. vii–viii and ii. 377.

Concluding Remarks 239 the primary sources that a substantial number of British Methodists, perhaps even the majority, would have been opposed to separation, or at least felt uncomfortable at the prospect. This is shown not only by the actions of chapel trustees, who were of course few in number, but by the strong attachment to the Church of England evidenced on a society level throughout the eighteenth century and for decades after 1800. Even if Church Methodism had been conﬁned to wealthy trustees such as Horton and Pine, it would still have made a signiﬁcant contribution by underwriting chapel building costs and the work among the poor. The fact that many other Methodists also felt attachment to the Church simply reinforces the point.

It is interesting to speculate what would have happened if John Wesley had separated in the 1750s, when he was hovering on the brink. In the event of such a division, prominent lay people would probably have chosen the Church of England if only for reasons of social status and avoidance of discrimination. As for the rank and ﬁle of the societies, many would have followed Wesley into Dissent, but a substantial if indeterminate number would have returned to the Anglican fold. This is shown by the fact that many people from all walks of life left the movement after 1791 despite the fact that they were never presented with a stark choice between Methodism and the Church. If separation had occurred during the 1750s, when the national membership was fewer than 25,000,15 the damage would have been considerable. John Wesley himself acknowledged this; in a letter of 21 February 1786 referring to events of forty years previously, he made the point that 'if we had then left the Church, we should not have done a tenth of the good which we have done'.16

By 1791, after more than ﬁfty years of struggle and steady growth, Methodism was strong enough to prosper as an independent denomination and, with a membership of 72,476, it could aﬀord to lose people back to the Church of England. Infrastructure too had attained a level of sophistication that could accommodate continued expansion.

This may not have been the case a generation previously—many of the four hundred preaching houses that were serving Methodist

15 Membership ﬁgures were ﬁrst published in the 1767 Minutes of Conference when the ﬁgure of 25,911 was recorded. Conference Minutes, i. 71.

16 JW to Thomas Taylor, MS letter, 21 February 1786 (MCA: DDX 56).

240 Concluding Remarks societies by 1784 had been acquired only in relatively recent times, and it was Church Methodists who contributed disproportionately to building costs. Also, it was only in the generation after 1756 that Methodism spread to other areas of the English-speaking world. The movement may have enjoyed overseas success as a Dissenting Church, but given the disruption that separation would have caused within the parent body, it is just as likely that expansion would have received a severe check.

By staving oﬀseparation until Methodism was in a position to ﬂourish independently of a link with the Anglicans, Charles Wesley, far from being a 'retarding inﬂuence',17 helped to pave the way for prosperity in the century that followed. This is not something that he himself would have anticipated or welcomed, but he should receive credit for a vital contribution to the success and unique identity of what became the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Britain, and the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States.

In any assessment of Charles Wesley's importance, one should also remember his ministry in the years before 1756 when he played a vital role in the establishment of a distinctive Wesleyan movement.

His partnership with his brother was a major factor in Methodism's survival during those crucial years, and in some areas of their joint ministry such as preaching and pastoral supervision, Charles appears to have been the more eﬀective of the two men.

This in-depth study of the life and ministry of Charles Wesley and the contribution made by Church Methodism has highlighted other signiﬁcant points concerning the movement's early history. Charles's papers represent an exceptionally rich resource for the study of the Evangelical Revival in its wider aspects, complementing the betterknown and inﬁnitely better-used John Wesley archive. There are approximately eight hundred surviving letters by Charles,18 several hundred in-letters, and a huge amount of supplementary material.

By presenting a diﬀerent view from within the Revival's leadership, this collection sheds new light on important events, one that can support radical departures from the existing paradigm. Yet the collection remains considerably underused.

17 Smith, History of Wesleyan Methodism, i. 582.

18 Information provided by Kenneth Newport of Liverpool Hope University.

Concluding Remarks 241 The neglect accorded to Charles is both a symptom and a result of a John Wesley-centred view of early Methodist history that has held sway for over two hundred years. Among other signiﬁcant casualties of this preoccupation, one might give special mention to John

Fletcher, who did much to establish a systematic Wesleyan theology and was regarded by his contemporaries, as nothing less than a Methodist saint.19 There is no complete edition of Fletcher's works, and the personal papers compiled by Fletcher and his wife, the pioneering preacher Mary Bosanquet, have until recently been neglected despite the fact that they constitute the largest single collection in the British Methodist Archives. The detailed contributions made by George Whiteﬁeld and the Moravians have also been largely overlooked by Methodist scholarship.

It is not just the leaders who have been consigned to John Wesley's shadow: the ordinary people without whom there would have been no Methodism have never received the attention that they deserve.20

Yet there is in archives in Britain and the United States a wealth of unexplored correspondence, diaries, sermons, and memoranda books written by Methodists from all social classes, providing an invaluable insight into the reality of the early movement and charting its peculiar evolution. By way of contrast, John Wesley studies are in a ﬂourishing state with new publications added each year. This point is made not to question his signiﬁcance, but rather to stress the fact that there is a need to study Methodist history from the perspective of others. Such work can shed new light on John Wesley himself, as well as highlight the contribution made by other people to one of the great success stories of the post-Reformation Church.

The view of Charles Wesley that one gleans from close examination of the primary texts is of a man who was possessed of extraordinary gifts. It is highly doubtful whether John Wesley would have achieved so much without his brother at his side. In addition to his preaching powers, literary prowess, and pastoral skills, Charles displayed a human touch that John lacked. This did not always surface in a positive fashion, but he was responsive to ordinary people in a way

19 Patrick Streiﬀ, Reluctant Saint? A Theological Biography of Fletcher of Madeley, trans. G. W. S. Knowles (Peterborough: Epworth, 2001), p. vii.

20 'Too little work has yet been done on the Methodists as distinct from Wesley.'

Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 558.

242 Concluding Remarks that his brother was not. That Methodism survived and prospered is a testimony to the hard work and complementary abilities of both

Wesley brothers. The Church that emerged from the years of bitter controversy was not simply the brilliant creation of one man, but a compromise born of the diﬀerent visions of John and Charles Wesley, and of their followers.

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M.D. To which is subjoined, an appendix, containing characteristics of the Rev. Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, as given by several learned contemporaries, 2 vols. new and rev. edn. (Dublin: printed by John Jones, 1805–6).

Worth, Richard, History of Plymouth from the earliest period to the present time, 2nd edn. rev. and augmented (Plymouth: W. Brenden & Sons, 1873).

Index Alleine, Joseph, 73 Cennick, John, 54, 62, 112–13 Alleine, Richard, 73 Charles I, 10–11, 79 Annesley, Samuel, 11 Charles II, 10–11, 18 Annesley, Susanna, 12; see also Wesley, Charterhouse school, 22–3

Susanna Church and State, 9–11, 13–20, 76, Archer, Isaac, 16 79–81, 86, 157–8, 175, 185–6, Asbury, Francis, 207, 212 221–2; see also Church of England; Atlay, John, 200 Methodism (Wesleyan); Atmore, Charles, 199, 218–19, 222–3 Nonconformity

Austen, Margaret, 34 Church of England, 8–10, 15–20, 64–87, Austin, John, 74 140, 154–8, 175–8, 196, 210; Cambridge Platonism, 12, 15–16; Bardsley, Samuel, 185, 207 Evangelicals (non-Methodist), 75,

Barlow, Thomas, 17 158, 163, 192, 197, 201, 211, 228–9; Barnard, Thomas, 83 High Church, 8–10, 13–15, 18–19, Barrow, Hannah, 37 23, 26, 65–71, 79, 82; hymns, 73–5; Batty, William, 58 Latitudinarians, 9, 15–16, 79;

Baxter, Richard, 26 Nonjurors, 10, 15–16, 26, 60, 76, Bell, George, 80–1 79, 85; opposition to Methodism, Bennet, Grace, 106; see also Murray, 35, 44, 51, 59–61, 76, 79–81, 85–7, Grace 110, 114, 193–4; parish puritans, Bennet, John, 36, 98–101, 105–8, 115–17 16–18, 60, 85–6; Pietism, 18–19;

Benson, Joseph, 193, 200, 220–1, 229 Tractarianism, 231–2; see also Berridge, John, 160 Church and State; holy club; Biddulph, Thomas Tregenna, 228 Methodism (Calvinistic); Birch, Thomas, 16–17 Methodism (Wesleyan);

Blackwell, Ebenezer, 107, 135–8, 142, Moravians; religious societies; 145, 150, 152, 157, 190, 192 Sacraments Böhler, Peter, 45, 47–8 Clarke, Adam, 178, 200, 209–11

Boone, Charles, 207 Clayton, John, 26, 79 Bradburn, Samuel, 217 Coke, Thomas, 95, 189, 193–5, 197–9, Bray, John, 47, 49, 121 201–3, 207, 209, 211, 215, 218, Bridgerule, 229 221–2, 235 Briggs, William, 138 Cownley, Joseph, 122, 148, 151, 154,

Bristol, 32, 34, 53–4, 66, 80, 144, 153, 156, 222 179, 190, 201, 209–11, 215, 223 Crosby, Sarah, 223, 232 Bristol, New Room, 33, 50, 117, 132, Cudworth, William, 167–8 162, 202–4, 217 Bristol, St Werburgh's, 228 Darney, William, 61, 115–16, 118

Bristol, Tabernacle, 145 Dartmouth, earl of; see Legge, William Buchanan, Molly, 89 Davis, Mark, 183–4, 186–7 Buller, James, 79 Degge, Mary, 144 Index 255 Derby, 227 Hastings, Selina, Countess of Devonport, 209–11 Huntingdon, 33, 59, 122–3, 125,

Dissent, see Nonconformity 137, 144–5, 151, 235 Dobinson Mrs, 227 Haworth, 169, 171–4 Doddridge, Phillip, 73 Hey, William, 184, 225

Dornford, Josiah, 228 holy club, 25–7, 30, 43, 46, 50, 58, 65, Dover, 176 67, 121 Durbin, Henry, 184, 201–4, 206–9, Hopper, Christopher, 99, 148, 179, 238

225 Horneck, Anthony, 18 Horsley, Samuel, 174 Eastchurch, 174 Horton, John, 163, 184, 186–8, 192, Edwards, Jonathan, 43 227 Eggington, Edward, 59 Huntingdon, Countess of, see Hastings,

Epworth, 2–20 Selina Este, Thomas, 27 Hutton, James, 53, 90 hymns, 73–5, 88, 96, 121, 143, 159, 213, Fenwick, Michael, 117–18, 148–9 215 Fletcher, John, 111, 183, 193, 201, 228, 241 Ingham, Benjamin, 26, 43, 45, 58 Fletcher, Mary, 223, 228, 232, 241 Ireland, 83–4, 229–30

Flower, Joseph, 204 Ireland, James, 227 Folgham, John, 186, 192 French Prophets, 48–50 Jaco, Peter, 189 James II, 10, 15 Gambold, John, 26, 28, 45 Johnson, John, 177–8, 193

Garden, Alexander, 57 Jones, Griﬃth, 43 George II, 14, 131 Jones, John, 148, 169 Georgia, 29–31, 46–7, 51, 74, 92 Gilbert, Francis, 177 Keach, Benjamin, 73 Gilbert, Nathaniel, 181 Keith, Jeanie, 99, 104

Gillespie, Robert, 117–18 Kemp, Richard, 186, 192 Green, Thomas, 173–4 Kingswood, 37, 69, 96, 142 Greenwood, Paul, 164, 169, 172 Grimshaw, William, 111, 126, 166–7, Law, William, 16, 26

170–4, 183, 238 Leeds, 101, 103, 126–7, 129, 197, 223 Gwynne, Marmaduke, 90, 145 Legge, William, earl of Dartmouth, Gwynne, Sarah, 89–92, 94–8, 102–3; see 163 also Wesley, Sarah Leominster, 82–3 Lloyd, Samuel, 144, 163 Halfpenny, Elizabeth, 69 London, 81, 124, 152, 162–3, 170, 181,

Hall, John, 17 215 Hall, Martha, 40, 139 London, City Road, 175, 186, 188–92, Hampson, John, 6, 40–1, 130, 199, 236 194, 205–6, 216–17, 227–8

Hanby, Thomas, 223 London, Fetter Lane, 32, 45, 47–9, 77 Hardwick, Thomas, 143 London, Foundry, 33, 50, 96, 163, 184, Harley, Brilliana, 12 186 Harley, Edward, 12 London, Spitalﬁelds, 69, 165–6, 169

Harris, Howell, 43, 77, 179 London, West Street, 124, 163, 217 256 Index Macclesﬁeld, 228 Moravians, 19, 36, 44–50, 58–9, 72, 74,

Madeley, 228 241 Manchester, 130, 156, 222, 229 Morgan, William, 27, 30 Mansﬁeld, earl of, and Lord Chief Justice Mortimer, Harvey Walklate, 227, 229

Mansﬁeld; see Murray, William Murlin, John, 164–5, 169 Margate, 146 Murray, Grace, 94, 98–103, 109; see also Marriott, Thomas, 153 Bennet, Grace Marriott, William, 163, 184 Murray, William, earl of Mansﬁeld and Mary II, 9–10 Lord Chief Justice, 196, 206

Mather, Alexander, 187–8, 208 Methodism (Calvinistic), 44–5, 54–8, Nelson, John, 58, 127, 178 144–5, 167–8; see also Methodism Newcastle, 100–1, 225 (Wesleyan); Whiteﬁeld, George Newcastle, Orphan House, 98, 222

Methodism (Wesleyan); birth of, 31–5; Newton, John, 75, 155 Church Methodism, 121, 144, Newton, Samuel, 58 163–4, 170, 184–8, 192, 195, 201–4, Nitschmann, David, 46 206–9, 212, 219–25, 227–33, 238–9; Nonconformity, 10–13, 58, 64, 73–5,

Conference, 36, 112–13, 120–2, 167, 171–2, 186, 207, 221; see also 125–8, 130–1, 165–6, 178–80, Puritanism and Quakers 195–8, 215–16, 220–4; Deed of North America, 43, 57, 164, 181; see also Declaration, 180, 193–6, 199, 206; Georgia; United States denominational scholarship, 160, Norwich, 58, 114–15, 164–70, 177–9,

166, 191, 205–6, 214, 219, 225–7, 235 231–3, 236, 240–1; female ministry, Norwich, Tabernacle, 167–8 82–3, 223, 228; Finance, 75, 95–6, Nottingham, 185 123, 138–42, 144, 149, 184–5, 188, 192; opposition to, 35, 44–5, 59–61, Olivers, Thomas, 187–8

79–81, 85–7, 114, 193–4; Oxford Methodists, see holy club ordinations, 70, 125–6, 180, Oxford University, 3, 24–30, 86, 136; see

196–202, 205–12, 215, 222–3, 230, also holy club 237–8; organisation and worship, 36–8, 44, 48, 66–85, 111, 175–6; Pawson, John, 153–4, 189–90, 194, 197, preachers, 65, 76–83, 111–19, 200, 204–6, 215, 217–21, 237–8

122–33, 147–51, 155–7, 163–71, Perrin, Sarah, 82–3, 117, 123, 155 177–9, 183–4, 187–92, 196–201, Perronet, Charles, 116, 124, 127–8

205–6, 218–24; Sacraments, 67–70, Perronet, Edward, 90, 116, 127, 138 124–8, 164–9, 171–2, 175–7, 192, Perronet, Vincent, 92–3, 99, 104, 118,

210–11, 220–4, 229; separation 122, 135 from the Church of England, 70, Pine, William, 202–4, 206, 209 110, 120–33, 154–8, 163–82, Plymouth, 209–10 194–202, 206–12, 219–25, 237–40; Plymouth Dock, 209–11 see also Methodism (Calvinistic); politics, see Church and State

Methodist New Connexion; preachers, see Methodism (Wesleyan) Primitive Methodist Wesleyan Primitive Methodist Wesleyan Connexion; Wesleyan Methodist Connexion, 230 Church Puritanism, 10–12, 16–18, 71–3, 79, 85;

Mitchell, Thomas, 164, 172 see also Church of England; Moore, Henry, 206 Nonconformity Moore, William, 209 Pusey, Edward, 231–2

Index 257 Quakers, 83, 172 Wake, William, 84–5 Walker, Samuel, 128, 163 Ramsay, Mary, 51–2 Walsh, Thomas, 124, 128 Rankin, Thomas, 189 Watson, James, 118, 200 Reading, 124 Watts, Isaac, 73–4 religious societies, 18–19, 33, 36, 46–8, Wednesbury, 59–60

61–2, 71–2, 85 Wells, Edmund, 117 Richardson, John, 189, 194 Wesley, Bartholomew, 10–11 Rotherham, 129 Wesley, Charles (1707–88); biographers, Rowland, Daniel, 43 vi–x, 64, 88, 92–3, 147–8, 154, 161,

Ryle, John, 228 214, 219–20, 225–7, 234, 236; Church of England, 14, 20, 29, Sacraments, 9, 14, 16–19, 25, 50, 67–71, 64–87; conversion, 31, 47, 65, 103;

121, 124–8, 130, 164–9, 171–2, courtship and marriage, 89–98, 174–8, 192, 196, 210–11, 215, 229, 102–3, 109, 132; death, 94, 160,

232 208, 213–19; family life, 141–6, schools, see Charterhouse; Westminster 153, 159–62, 181; female ministry, Scotland, 198, 208, 214 82–3; ﬁnance, 3, 24, 91–3, 95–6, Sellon, Walter, 125–6, 201 136–42, 149; Georgia, 25, 29–31,

Seward, William, 54–5 46–7; health, 91, 123–4, 146, Shaw, John, 48 159–60; High Church inﬂuence Shent, William, 104, 127 over, 1, 9, 13–15, 18, 20, 23, 26, Skelton, Charles, 116, 122 65–70, 82, 116; holy club, 25–7, 43,

South Petherton, 193–4 65, 67; hymns, vi, 21, 74–5, 88, 96, Stebbing, Henry, 80 143, 159, 213, 215; itinerant Steele, Anne, 73 ministry, 32–5, 37, 66, 86, 89, 96, Stonehouse, George, 50 113–14, 117, 119, 129–31, 145–6,

Sutcliﬀe, Joseph, 189, 191, 200–1 152, 156, 158–63, 173, 180, 213, 218; Moravian inﬂuence over, Tandey, William, 228 46–50; obituary, 216, 218, 236;

Tennant, Thomas, 69 ordinations, 125, 180, 196–7, Thomason, Thomas Truebody, 228 201–2, 205–9, 212, 215, 238; Tillotson, John, 16–17, 84 Oxford University, 24–31, 66, 85–6, Tooth, Mary, 227–8 160; personality, 1, 3, 15, 23–4,

Toplady, Augustus, 75 30–1, 35, 38, 44, 49, 55–7, 62–3, Trathen, David, 118 89–90, 100–9, 119, 132–4, 138, 143, Treswell, 176 146–7, 152–3, 160–1, 178–9, 212, Tucker, Joseph, 130, 156 236; preaching ministry of, 31–5,

50, 52, 54–5, 69, 76–9, 81–3, 86, United States, 180–1, 196–7, 199, 201, 121, 127, 129, 150, 160, 215, 234; 207, 211–12, 214; see also Georgia; relationship with George North America Whiteﬁeld, 50–7, 107–8, 144–5; universities, see Oxford relationship with John Wesley, 15,

21–2, 27–42, 64, 88–9, 91–110, Valton, John, 217, 234 117–18, 122–41, 144–7, 150–1, Vasey, Thomas, 197 160–1, 165–6, 207–9, 214–17, Vazeille, Mary, 40, 98, 101, 108–9, 234–8; relationship with other

134–8 Methodists, 33–4, 64, 106–7, Vigor, Elizabeth, 92–3 111–19, 122–9, 143–4, 147–54, 163, 258 Index Wesley, Charles (cont.) relationship with the social elite, 170, 188–91, 194–5, 206–8, 217–19, 143–4, 184–5, 188, 202–4;

234–5; separation from the Church separation from the Church of of England, 64, 70, 88, 95, 120–33, England, 70, 95, 120–1, 124–33,

165–6, 169–70, 174–5, 178–80, 182, 158, 165–7, 174–5, 179–82, 188, 187–8, 192, 196–7, 201–2, 206–9, 196–9, 209, 211–12, 215, 220, 239;

211–12, 215, 237–40; upbringing, upbringing, 5–8, 13, 22–3, 40; see 2, 5–8, 13, 19–20, 22–3, 30, 40; see also Church of England; also Church of England; Methodism (Wesleyan)

Methodism (Wesleyan) Wesley, Mary, see Vazeille, Mary Wesley, Charles (1794–1859), 229 Wesley, Martha, see Hall, Martha Wesley, Emily, 4–5 Wesley, Martha Maria, 138 Wesley, John (1636–70), 10–11 Wesley, Samuel (1662–1735), 2–5, 8–16,

Wesley, John (1703–91); conversion, 31, 19, 22–3, 30, 66–7, 74, 81, 84, 204 47, 103; courtship and marriage, Wesley, Samuel (1690–1739), 9,

93–4, 97–103, 108–9, 132, 134–6; 20, 22–3, 27–9, 79, 81, 120–1, death, 204, 220; ﬁnance, 3, 94–6, 147 136–42; Georgia, 25, 29–31, 46–7, Wesley, Sarah (1726–1822), 21, 136–41,

74; High Church inﬂuence over, 13, 143–7, 153, 159; see also Gwynne, 15, 18, 20, 26, 66–71, 116; holy Sarah club, 25–7, 121; hymns, 74, 121; Wesley, Sarah (1759–1826), 160

Moravian inﬂuence over, 46–50, Wesley, Susanna, 2, 5–15, 22, 29–30, 32, 72, 74; ordinations, 125, 180, 67, 78, 85, 120; see also Annesley,

196–201, 205–9, 211, 213, 222, Susanna 237–8; Oxford University, 24–31, Wesleyan Methodist Church, 164, 176, 66, 85–6, 136, 160; personality, 3, 192, 220–33 15, 30–1, 38–42, 44, 56–8, 62–3, 98, West Indies, 164, 208

102–4, 120, 141–3, 146–7, 153–4, Westminster school, 8, 22–3, 28, 30 160, 166, 187–8, 203–4, 211–12, Wheatley, James, 114–15, 117–18, 167

216–17, 235–6; relationship with Whiteﬁeld, George, 26, 32, 34, 37, 43, Charles Wesley 15, 21–2, 27–42, 64, 45, 50–8, 61, 86, 98, 101, 107–8,

88–9, 91–110, 117–18, 122–41, 144, 151, 157, 173, 241; see also 144–7, 150–1, 160–1, 165–6, 207–9, Methodism (Calvinistic)

214–17, 234–8; relationship with William III, 9–10 George Whiteﬁeld, 50–4, 56–7; relationship with other Methodists, Zinzendorf, Nicholas Ludwig von,

112–19, 151, 153–4, 168, 201–4; 45–6