Chapter XXVII
' Ver. 1-14. The voyage to Italy—The shipwreck AND .SAKE I.ANDIJ^G AT MALTA. 1. We should MUll, <SlC.—
'21
Paul Forelelleth much Disaster, ACTS XXVIl. but Encouragelk the Ship's Crew^
from the same cause as before, the westerly current and head-whuls. came to . . . the Fair Havens—an anchorage near the centre of the south coast, and a little east 6f Cape Matala, the southernmost point of the Island, wigli ^hereunto was tlie city Liasea—Identified, but quite re-
bodies by day or by night; so that they could not tell where they were, all hope that wc should be saved was taken away—'Their exertions to subdue the leak had been unavailing; they could not tell wliich way to make for the nearest land, in order to run their sliip ashore, the only resource for a sinlcing ship: but unless they did make the land, they must founder at sea. Their apprehensions, therefore, were not so much caused by the fury of the tempest, as by the state of the ship.' [Smith.] From the inferiority of ancient to modern naval architecture, leaks were sprung much more easily, and the means of repairing them were fewer tlian now. Hence the far greater number of shipwrecks from this
cently, by the Rev. George Brown [Smith's Voyayes and Shipwreck of St. Paul, App. ill., 2d Ed., 1856. To this Invaluable book all recent commentators on this chapter, and these notes, are mostly indebted]. 9, 10. when much time was spent—since leaving Csesarea. But for unforeseen delays they might have reached the Italian
coast before the stormy season, and sailing (the naviga-
tion of the open sea) was now dangerous, because the
fast was now . . . past^that of the day of atonement, answering to the end of September and beginning of Octo-
cause. 21-26. But after long abstinence—See on v. 33.
' The hardships whicli the crew endured during a gale of such continuance, and their exhaustion from labouring
ber, about which time the navigation is pronounced un-
at the pumps and hunger, may be imagined, but are not
safe by writers of authority. Since all hope of completing the voyage during that season was abandoned, the ques-
described.' [Smith.] Paul stood fortli in tlie midst of them, and said. Sirs, ye should liave hearkened to me, &c.—not meaning to reflect on them for the past, but
tion next was, whether they should winter at Fair Havens, or move to Port Phenice, a harbour about forty miles to the westward. St. Paul assisted at the consultation and strongly urged them to winter where they were.
to claim their confidence for what he was now to say . . . there stood by me this night the angel of Ciod (as ch.
16. 9 and 23. 11). wliosc I am (1 Corinthians 6. 19, 20) and whom I serve (in the sense of ti'orship or religious conse-
Sirs, I perceive, that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage, &c.—not by any Divine communica-
cration: see on ch. 13. 2), saying. Fear not, Paul; thon must be brought before Csesar ; and, lo, God hath given thee all . . . that sail with thee—Wliile the crew were toiling at the pumps, Paul was wrestling In prayer, not for himself only and the cause in wliich he was going a prisoner to Rome, but with true magnanimity of soul
tion, but simply in the exercise of a good judgment aided by some experience. The event justified his decision.
11. Nevertheless the centurion believed tlie master and owner . . . more than Paul—He would naturally think them best able to judge, and there was much to say
for their opinion, as the bay at Fair Havens, beingopen to nearly one-half of the compass, could not beagood winter harbour. Phenice ('Phenix,' now called LiUro) which
for all his shipmates; and God heard him, "giving him" (remarkable expression !) all that sailed with him. 'When the cheerless day came he gatliered the sailors (and passengers) around him on tlie deck of the labouring vessel, and raising his voice above the storm' [Hows], reported the Divine communication he had received; adding with a noble simplicity, "for I believe Qod that it
lietli toward tlie sonth-west and north-west—If this mean tliat it was open to the west, It would certainly not be good anchorage. It Is thought therefore to mean that a wind from that quarter would lead into it, or that it lay in an ra.»<e)-?2/ direction from such a Wind. [Smith.] The next verse seems to confirm this. 13. when the south wind blew softly, supposing they had attained' their purpose—With such a wind they had every prospect of reacliing their destination in a few hours. 14, 15. a tempestuous (' typlionlc') wind — i. e., like a typhon or tornado, causing a whirling of the clouds, owing to the meeting of opposite currents of air. called Enroclydon—The true reading appears to \>e Euro-aquilo, or east-north-east, which answers all the eflects here ascribed to it. could not bear np into (or 'face') tlie wind, we let her drift—before the gale. 16, 17. nnder (the lee of) a certain ('small') island . . . Clanda— south-west of Crete, now called Oonzo; about twentythree miles to leeward, we had much work to come by (i. e., to hoist up and secure) the boat—now become necessary. But why was this diflicult? Independently of the gale, raging at the time, the boat had been towed between twenty and thirty miles after the gale sprung up, and could scarcely fail to be filled with water. [Smith.] nndergirding the ship—i. e., passing four or five turns of a cable-laid rope round the hull or frame of the ship, to, enable her to resist the violence of the seas, an operation rarely resorted to in modern seamanship, fearing lest they should fall into the quicksands—
sliall be even as It was told me," and encouraging all on board to "be of good cheer" in the same confidence. What a contrast to this is the speech of C'sesar in similar circumstances to his pilot, bidding him keep up liis spirit because he carried Csesar and Ceesar's fortune! [Plutarch.] The Roman general knew no better name for the Divine Providence, by which he liad been so often preserved, than Ctesar's fortune. [Humphry.] From the explicit particulars—that the ship would be lost, but not one that sailed in it, and that they " must be cast on a certain island"—one would conclude that a visional rep reseiitation of a total wreck, a mass of human beings struggling with the angry elements, and one and all of those whose figures and countenances had daily met Ills eye on deck, standing on some unknown island shore. From what follows, It would seem that Paul from this time was regarded with a deference akin to awe. 27-29. when the fourteenth night was come (fromthe time tliey left Fair Havens), as we were driven (drifting) up and down in Adria—tlie Adriatic, that sea which lies between Greece, Italy, and Africa, about midnight the shipmen deemed (no doubt from the peculiar sound of the breakers) that tliey drew near some country (' tliat some land was approaching them'). This nautical language gives a graphic character to the narrative, they cast four anchors out of the stern—The ordinary way was to cast the anchor, as now, from the bow : but aucient ships, built with both ends alike, were fitted with hawseholes in the stern, so that in case of need they could anchor either way. And when the fear was, as here, that they might fall on the rocks to leeward, and the intention was to run tlie ship ashore as soon as daylight enaL-lod them to fix upon a safe spot, the very best thing they could do was to anchor by the stern. [Smith.] In stormy weather two anchors were used, and we have instances of four being employed, as here, and wished ('anxiously' or 'devoutly wished') for day—the remark this of one present, and with ^11 his shipmates alive to the horrors of their condition. 'The ship might go down ai her anchors, or the coast to leeward might be iron-bound, affording no beach on which they could laud with safety.
' be cast ashore' or stranded upon the Syrtis;' the Syrlis Major, a gulf on the African coast, south-west of Crete, the dread of mariners, owing to its dangerous shoals, they strake (struck) sail —This cannot be the meaning, for to strike sail would have driven them directly towards the Syrtis. Tlie meaning must be, 'lowered the gear' (appurtenances of every kind); here, perhaps, referring to the lowering of the heavj' raainyard with the sail attached to it. [Smith.] 18-SiO. cast out with our own hands (passengers and crew togetlier) the tackling of the ship—whatever they could do without that carried weight. This further effort to lighten the sliip seems to show that it was now in a leaking condition, as will presently appear more evident, neither sun nor stars appeared many ('gcvcr.il') days probably most of the fourteen days mentioned t'. 'Z7. This continued thickness of the atmosphere prevented their making the necessary observations of the heavenly
PauCs Warning lo the Centurion. ACTS XXVIII. The Occurrences at Melita,
have a shore; but the meaning is, a practicable shore. In a nautical sense, i. e., one with a smooth beach, in contradistinction to a rocky coast (as v. 41 shows). Into which they were minded, if . . . possible, to thrust the ship—This was their one chance of safety, taken up the anchors, they committed themselves to the sea— The Marg. is here evidently right, 'cut the ancliors (away), they left them in the sea.' loosed the ruclder-ban<l»^ Ancient ships were steered by two large paddles, one on each quarter. When anchored by the stern in a gale, it would be necessary to lift them out of the water and secure them by lashings or rudder-bands, and lo loose these when t he ship was again got under way. [Smith.] hoised up the mainsail—rather, 'the foresail,' the best possible
Hence their anxious longing for day, and the ungenerous but natural attempt, not peculiar to ancient times, of the seamen to save their own lives by taking to the boat.' [Smith.] 30. As tlic slilpmen were about to flee out of the sUlp (under cover of night) wUen tliey l>ad let down tile boat ... as though they would . . . cast anchors out of the foreship ('bow")—rather, 'carry out' anchors, to hold the ship fore as well as aft. 'This could have been of no advantage in the circumstances, and as the pretext could not deceive a seaman, we must infer that the officers of the ship were parties to tlie unworthy attempt, which was perhaps detected by the nautical
skill of St. Luke, and communicated by him to St. Paul.' [Smith.] 31. Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers—the only parties now to be trusted, and whose own eafety was now at stake, except ye abide in tlic ship ye cannot be saved—The soldiers and passengers could not be expected to possess the necessary seamanship in so very critical a case. The flight of the crew, therefore, might well be regarded as certain destruction to all who remained. In full assurance of ultimate safety, in virtue
sail that could be set in the circumstances. How necessary must the crew have been to execute all these movements, and how obvious the foresight which made their stay indispensable to the safety of all on board (see on
V. 31) ! 41. falling into a place where two seas met— Mr. Smith thinks this refers to the channel, not more than 100 yards broad, which separates the small island of Salmone from Malta, forming a communication between the sea inside the bay and that outside, the fore part stuck fast, and remained immovable — ' The rocks of Malta disintegrate into extremely minute particles of sand and clay, which, when acted upon by the curi-enta or surface agitation, form a deposit of tenacious clay ; but, in still waters, where these causes do not act, mud is formed; but it is only in creeks, where there are no currents, and at such a depth as to be undisturbed by the waves, that the mud occurs. A ship, therefore, impelled by the force of a gale, into a creek, with such a bottom, would strike a bottom of mud, graduating into tenacious
of a Divine pledge, to all in the ship, Paul speaks and acts throughout this whole scene in the exercise of a sound judgment as to the indispensable HUMAN conditions of safety; and as there is no trace of any feeling of inconsistency between these two things in his mind, so even the centurion, under whose orders the soldiers acted on Paul's views, seems never to have felt perplexed by the twofold aspect. Divine and human, in which the same thing preBented itself to the mind of Paul. Divine agency and human instrumentality are in all the events of life quite as much as here. The only ditTerence is that the one is
for the most part shrouded from view, while the other
is ever naked and open to the senses. 33. Then the soldiers cut off tlie ropes of tlie boat (already lowered), and let her fall off—let the boat drift away. 33-37. while day was coming on—'until it should be day;'
clay, into which the fore part would fix Itself, and beheld
fast, while the stern was exposed to the force of the waves.' [Smith.] hinder part was broken-The continued action denoted by the tense here is to be noted
' was fast breaking,' going to pieces. 4'i-44. the soldiers' counsel was to kill tlte prisoners, lest any . . . should escape—Roman cruelty, which made the keepers answerable for their prisoners with their own lives, is here re-
i. e., in the interval between the cutting olT of the boat and the approach of day, which all were " anxiously looking for" (f. 29). Paul—now looked up to by all the passengers as the man to direct them—besought them all to take meat ('partake of a meal'), saying, This is the fourteenth d.-»y ye have tarried (' waitedfora breathingtime') . . . liaving eaten nothing (i. e., taken no regular meal). The impossibility of cooking, the occupation of
flected In this cruel proposal, the centurion. &c.—Great must have been the influence of Paul over the ('enturion's mind to produce such an elTect. All followed tht swimmers in committing themselves to the deep, and according to the Divine pledge and Paul's confident assurance given them, every soul got safe to land—yet without mir-
all hands to keep down leakage, &c., sufficiently explain
this, which is indeed a common occurrence in such
cases. I pray you to take some meat, for this is for yourhealtli, for there shall not a hair fall from . . . any ofyou—On tliis beautiful union of confidence in the Divine pledge and ciue for the wliole sliip's health and safety see on V. ^1. wiien Ike had thus spoken he took bread (assuming the lead ;and gave thanks to God in presence of them all—an impressive act in such circumstances, and
acle. (While the graphic minuteness of this narrative of the shipwi-eck puts it beyond doubt that the narrator was himself on board, the great number of nautical phrases, which all critics have noted, along with the unprofessional
air which the whole narrative wears, agrees singularly with all we know and have reason to believe of " the beloved physician :" see on eh. 16. 40.)
fitted to plant a testimony for tlie God he served in the breasts of all. when he had broken it, he began to eat —not understood l)y the Christians in the ship as a love-
CHAPTER XXVIII. ^ Ver. 1-31. The wintering at Malta, and notablb occurrences there-prosecution of the voyage to Italy as far as Puteoli, and land journey^ thencb TO Rome—Summary of the apostle's labours thekb for the two following Y'EARS. 1. knew the island was called Mellta—See on ch. -27. 39. The opinion that
feast, or a celehral ion of the Lord's Supper, as some think, but a meal to recruit exhausted nature, wliicli Paul shows them by his own example how a Christian partakes of. Then were tliey all of good cheer, and they also took some meat—' tooli food ;' tiie lirst full meal since the commencement of llii^ gale. Such courage in desperate circumstances as Paul here showed is wonderfully infoc-
this island w.as not Malta to the south of Sicily, but Meleda in the Gulf of Venice—which till lately h.id respectable support among competent Judges— is now all but exploded ; recent examination of all the places on the spot, and of all writings and principles bearing on the question, by gentlemen of the highest qualifications, particularly Mr. Smith (see on ch.27. 41), having set the question, it may now be afllrmed, at rest. 'i. the barbarous people —so called merely as speaking neither the Grei'k nor the
tloUB. 38-40. when they had eaten enough, &c.—\Vi th fresh strength after tlx; meal, they make a third and last
effort to lighten llie sliip, not only by pumping, as before, but by throwing tlie wliole cargo of wlu^at into the sea
(see on v. G). wl»ei» It was day they knew not flic land —Thl.s has been tliought surprising in sailors accustomed
to that sea. 15ut the scene of the wreck Is remote from the great harbour, and possesses no marked features by which It could be recognized, even by a native if he came unexpectedly upon It (Smith], not to speak of the rain pouring In torrents (ch. 28. 2), which would throw a haze over the con.st even after day broke. Immediately on landing they knew where they were (ch. 28. 1). discovered a creek with a shore—Every creek of course iimst
liatln language. They were originally Phienicinn colo-
nists, showed us no little (' no ordinary') kindness, for they kliiflled a Are, and received us every one, l»e-
caiise of the present rain (' the rain that was on us'—not now first falling, but then falling heavily) and because
o( the cold—welcomed us all, drenched ujid shlvenng, to
21!i
Tlie Miracle of the Viper. ACTS XXVIIl. PauPs Departure for Rome.
of consistency in the narrative, whose sign—or figurehead ; the figure, carved or painted on the bow, which gave name to the vessel. Such figure-heads were anciently as common as now. was Castor and Pollux
theso most seasonable mai-ks of friendship. In this these "barbarians" contrast favourably with many since, bearing the Christian name. Tlie lifelike style of the narrative bere ami in tlie following verses gives it a great charm. 3. whvtv Paul hnd galliered a bundle of sticks
tlie tutelar gods of mariners, to whom all their good fortune was ascribed. St. Anthony is sulxstituted for them in the modern superstitions of Mediterranean (Romanist) sailors. They carry his image in their boats and ships. It is higlily improbable that two ships of Alexandria should have been casually found, of which the owners were able and willing to receive on lioard sucli a number of passengers (ch. 27. 6). We may then reasonably conceive that it was compulsory on the owners to convey soldiers and state travellers. [Webster and Wilkinson.] VZ, 13. landing at Syracuse—the ancient and celebrated capital of Sicily, on its eastern coast, about eighty miles, or a da3''s sail, north from Malta, we tarried there three days—probably from the state of tlie wind. Doubtless Paul would wish to go ashore, to find out and lireak ground amongst the Jews and proselytes whom such a mercan-
('a quamity of dry sticks'-j. Tlie vigorous activitj' of
i'aul's cliaracter is ol)servuble in this comparatively tri-
fling action. [Webstkr ami Wilkinson.] mid InUI tliein on the fire, there came « viprr out of tlic heat—Having
laid itself up among the sUcks on the approach of the cold winter season, it had suddenly reci,>vere<l from its torpor by the heat, and fjtsltiied (its iaiigs)oji hishaikd —Vipers dart at tlieir enemies sometimes several I'eet at a bound. They have now disappeared from Malta, owing
to the change which cultivation has produced. 4-6. No douht this mnj» is a murderer (his chains, which they would see, might strengthen the impression) whom . . . vengeance suflfcreth not to live—Tliey believed in a Supreme, RexisUess. Avenging Ei/e atid Hand, however vague their notions of inhere it resided, shook off the beast and felt no harm — See Mark 16. 18. t!iey looked ('continued looking') when he should have sivollen or fallen doiviidead (familiar wiMi the etFecIs of such bites), and saw no harm come to him, they chan^^ed their minds, and said . . . he was a god—from "a murderer" to "a god," as the Lycaonian greeting of Paul and Silas from "sacrificing to them" to "stoning them" (ch. 14. 13,
tile centre would attract to it; and if this was allowed at the outset of the voyage (ch. 27. 3), much more readily would it be now when he had gained the reverence and confidence of all classes with whom he came in contact. At any rate we cannot wonder that he should be regarded by the Sicilians as the founder of the Church of that island, from thence we fetched a compass i. e., proceeded circuitouslj', or tacked, working to windward proljably, and availing themselves of the sinuosities of the coast, the wind not being favourable. [Smith.] What follows confirms this, and came to Rhegium— now Reggio, a seaport on the south-west point of the Italian coast, opposite the north-east point of Sicily, and at the entrance of the narrow straits of Messina, after one day tlie south wind blew—'a^iouth wind having sprung up;' being now favoured with a fair wind, lor want of which they had been obliged first to stay three days at Syracuse, and then to tack and put in for a day at Rhegium. the next day to Puteoli—now Pozzuoli, situated on the northern part of the magnificent bay of Naples about 180 miles north of Rhegium, a distance which they might make, running before their " south wind," in aliout twenty-six hours. The Alexandrian corn-ships enjoyed a privilege peculiar to themselves, of not being obliged to strike their topsail on landing. By this they were easily recognized as they hove in sight by the crowds that we find gathered on the shore on such occasions [Hows.] 14,15. Where we found brethren—not "the brethren" (see on ch. 21. 4), from which one would conclude they did not expect to find such. [Wp:bster and Wilkinson.] and were desired ('requested') to tarry with them seven days—If this request came from Julius,
19). WHiat has not the Gospel done for tlie uncultivated portion of the human family, while its etTects on the educated and refined, though very different, are not less marvellous ! Verily it is God's chosen restorative for the human spirit, in all the multitudinous forms and gradations of its lapsed state. 7, S. possessions of tl>e chief man ('the first man') of tlie island— He would hardly be so styled in llie lifetime of his father, if his distinction was that of the family. But it is now ascertained that this was the proper official title of tlie Maltese representative of the Roman prwtor of Sicily, to whoso province Malta belonged ; two inscriptions hiiving been discovered in the island, one in Greek, the other in.Latin, containing the same words whicli Ijuke here employs, who received us (of Paul's company, hut doubtless Including the " courteous"' Julius) and lodged us three days courteously — till proper winter-lodgings could be obtained for them, the father of Piiblius lay sick of a fever— ' fevers.' Tlie word was often thus used in the plural number, probably to express recurring at-
tacks, and of a bloody Ilux—
' of dj'sentery.' {The med-
ical accuracy of our historian's style lias been oliserved here.) to wliom PatJ entered In, and prayed (thereby precluding the supposition that any charm resided in himself), and laid his hands on Iiim, and healed him —Thus, as our Lord rewarded Peter for the use of his boat (Luke 5. 3, 4, &c.), so Paul richly repaj-s Publius for his hospitality. Observe the fulfilment here of two things predicted in Mark 16. IS—the " taking up serpents," and "recovering of the sick by laying hands on them." this done, others . . . came and were liealed—
it may have proceeded partly from a wish to receive instructions from Rome and make arrangements for his journey thither, partly from a wish to gratify Paul, as he seems studiously and increasingly to have done to the
last. One ean hardly doubt that he was inflhenced by both considerations. However this may be, the apostle had thus an opportunity of spending a Sabbath with the Christians of the place, fill tlie more refres'ning from his long privation in this respect, and as a seasoning for the unknown future that lay before him at the metropolis. 80 we went toward Rome. And from thence, wlien the brethren (of Ro,me) heard of us—by letter from Puteoli, and probably by the same conveyance which took Julius' announcement of his arrival, tliey came to meet us as far as Appii Forum—a town forty-one miles from Rome, and the Three Taverns—thirty miles from Rome. Thus they came to greet the apostle In two parties, one stopping short at the nearer, the other going on to the moredistant place, whom when Paul saw, he thanked God—for such a welcome. How sensitive he was to such Christian affection all his Epistles show. (Romans 1. 9, &c.) and took courage—his long-cherished purpose to "see Rome" (ch. 1!). 21), there to proclaim the unsearcliable riches of Christ, and the Divine pledge that
' kept coming to [us] and getting healed,' t. e., during our stay, not all at once. [Webster and Wilkik.son.) who also honoured us . . . and when we departed they laded us, Ac—This was not taking hire for the miracles wrought among them (Matthew 10. 8), but such grateful expressions of feeling, particularly in providing what would minister to their comfort during the voyage, .as showed the value they set upon the presence and labours of the apostle among them, and such as it would have hurt their feelings to refuse. Whether any perm.anent etTects of this three months' stay of the greatest of the apostles were
left at Malta, we cannot certainlj' sfiy. r>at tliough little dependence Is to be placed upon tlu; tradil ion that Publius became bishop of Malta and afterwards of Athens, we may well believe the accredited tradition that the beginnings of the (-'hristlan Church at JIalta sprang out of this memorable visit. 11> we departed in a ship of Alexandria (see on cb. 27. 6) which had wintered In the isle—no doubt driven In by the same storm which had wie<dced on its shores the apostle's vessel—an incidental mark 61
in this he should be gratified (ch. 23. 11), being now about
to be auspiciously realized. 16. when iwe came to Roums 219
Paul Preaches to the Jews at Lome; ACTS xxviri. Some Bilieve, while others Dish. Here.
—the renowned capital of the ancient world. situMti d on the Til)ei'. tlie ceiitiiriOTi dcUvfreil tl»e prisoners to tlie
to hear of thee what thou thinkest—what are thy sentiments, views, iSc. Theapparent fieedom from prejudice here expressed ma.v have arisen from a prudent des e to avoid enilangering arepetilion of Ihosedi.v.stnsions a joul Christianity to wliich, probably. SuF.TONir.s alludes, and whicli had led to the expulsion of the Jews under Claudius. [Hujil'llKY.] See on ch. IS. '2. 'iS, 24. titei-e came many {' considerable luinibers'j into his lodging —Tlie word denotes one's place of stay iis a guest ^piiilomon 2'2i, not "his own hired house," mentioned i'. 30. Some Christian friends—possibly Aqnila and Priscilla, who had returned to Rome (Romans 16. 3)—would be glad to receive him, though he would soon find himself more at liberty iu a house of his own. to wlioiii lie expounded and testified tlie kingdom of Go<I—openhig up the great spiritual principles of that kingdom in opposition to the contracted and secular views of it entertained by the .Tews, pers^iading tlicm concerning Jesus—as the ordained and predicted Head of that kingdom, out of the law and tli^ propliets—th awing his materials and arguments from a source mutually acknowledged. fron» moniing till evening— ' Who would not wish to liave been present?' exclaims Benoei^; but virtuall.v we are present while listening to those EpistleS which lie dictated from his prison at Rome, and to his other epistolary expositions of Christian truth against the .lews, and some believed . . . some not—What simplicity and candour are in this record of n result repeated from age to age where the Gospel is presented to a promiscuous asseml)lageof sincere and earnest infjuirers after truth, Irivolons worldlings, and prejudiced bigots! itj-19. wl»en tliey (the Jews) agreed not among themselves—the discussion having passed into one between the two parlies into which the visitors were now divided, respecting the arguments and conclusions of the apostle, they depart eil —Ihe material of discussion being led by both parties to be exhausted, after Paul had spoken one word—one solemn parting testimony, from those Scriptures regarded by both alike as "the Holy Ghost speaking" to Israel. Hearing ye shall hear, etc.—See on Matthew 13. '3-15; and .lohn 12. 3S-tO. With what pain would this stern saying be wrung from liim wliose " heart's desire and pra.ver to God for Israel was that the.v miglit be saved," and who "had greatheaviness and continual sorrow in his heart" on their account (Romans 10. 1; i). 2;! the salvation of God is sent to tlie Gentiles, and they will hear—See on ch. 13. 4t-lS. 'Tills "departure to tlie Gentiles" he had Intimated to the perverse Jews at Antiocti (ch. 13. 46), and at C>:>rinl!i (ch. 18. fi); now at Rome: tlius in Asia, Greece, and Hat)/.' [Rexoei..] f lie .Tews departed, and liad great ('much') reasoning among tliemselves—'This verse I3 wanting iii many MSS. [and omitted by several recent editors], but certainl.v without reason. Probabl,v the words were regarded as superfluous, as they seem to tell us wliat we were told before, that Paul "departed " (see v.
captiiiii of the ^iiard—the I'rcvtoria n Prefer/, to wliose custody, iis commander of the Prsetorian guard, the high-
est military autliority in the city, were eoinmiltcd all who were to come before the emperor for tiial. Ordin-
arily there were two such prefects; but from A. n, 51 to
62, one distinguished general Biirrits A/rcnnus, wlio had been Nero's tutor—held tliat office; atid as our historian speaks of "the captain," as if there were but one, it is thonsjht that tliis lixes the apostle's arrival at Rome to be not later tlian the year 6'i. [WiES.] But even though there had been two when Paul arrived, he would be committed onljto one of them, who would be "the captain'' •who got charge of him. (At most, tlierefore, this can liirnish no more than confirmation to the chronolosiical evidence othervt'ise obtained.) l>nt Paul -was sufferfd to atvell by himself avU1» a ('the') soldier that Uepl ('guarded') Uiiii—(See on cli. 12. 6.) Tliis privilege was allowed in (he case of the better class of prisoners, not accused of any flagrant offence, on finding securit.v which in Paul's case would not be difficult among tlie Christians. The extension of this privilege to the apostle may have been due to the terms in which Festus wrote about him; but far more probably it was owing to the nigh terms in which Julius spoke of him, and his exyiress Intercession in his behalf. It was overruled, however, forgiving the fullest scope to the labours of the apostle compatible with confinement at all. As the soldiers who kept him were relieved periodically, he wouM thus make the personal acquaintanf-e of a great number of the Prsetorian guard; and if he had to appear bclore the Prefect from time to time, the truth might thus pene-
trate to those who surrounded the emperor, as we learn, from Philippians 1. 12, 13, that it did. 17-20. Pawl called the chief of the Jews together— Though banished from the capital by Claudius, the Jews enjoyed the full
benefit of the toleration which distinguished the first period of Nero's reign, and were at this time in considerable numbers,, wealth, and influence settled at Rome.. We have seen that long before this a flourishing Christian Church existed at Rome, to which Paul wrote
his Epistle (see on ch. 20. 3), and the first members of which were probably Jewish convertsand proselj'tes. (See Introduction to Epistle to Romans.) yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into tine liands of tlie Romans (the Roman authorities, Felix and Festus) . . . I was constrained to appeal . . . not that I had aught to accuse my nation of—7. d., I am here not as their accuser, but as my own defender, and this not of choice but
necessity. Ills object in alluding thus gently to the treatment he had received from the Jews was plainly to avoid whatever might irritate his visitors at the first; especially as he was not aware whether any or what informa-
tion against him had reached their community. For this cause . . . have I called for you . . . because . . . tor tlie liope of Israel (see on '26. 6, 7) I am bound witli JtMa chain—17. d., 'This cause is not so much mine as yours; it is the nation's cause; all that is dear to the heart and hope of Israel is bound up with this case of
'25). But in i'. '25 it is the breaking otT of tlie discourse that
is meant, here the final departure from the house.' [O1.S-
II AVSEN.] 39. in his own liired liouse—(see on v. 2.'!), yet
Still in custo<ly, for he oul.v "received all that came to him ;" and It is not said that he went to the synagogue or an.ywhere else, witli all confldence, no man forbidding him—enjoying, in the uninterrupted exercise of his minist ry, all the liberty of a guarded man.
Jfnlne.' From the touching allusions which the apostle jnakes to his chains, before Agrippa first, and here before
the leading members of the Jewish community at Rome, at his first interview with them, one would gather that hie great soul felt keenly his being in such a condition
Thus closes this most precious monument of the beginnings of the Christian Church in its nuirch from east to west, among th<' Jews first, whose centre was Jerusaletn
; and It is to this keenness of feeling, under thecontrol of Christian principle, that we owe the noble use which ho made of it in these two cases. 21, 3'-i. We neither received letters out of J«idea concerning thee, Ac-We need not suppose (with Thot.itck and others] that there was any dishonest concealment here. The distinction made between himself, against whom the.v heard noth-
next among the Gentiles, with Anlioch for its lieadquar-
ters; finally, its banner is seen waving over impiMlal Rome, foretokening its universal triumphs. That distinguished aposlle whose con version, labours, and sufierings
for "the faith which once he destro.vcd" occupy mora than half of this Hlstor.v, itleaves a prisoner, unlieard, so
ing, and his "sect," as "everywliere spoken against,"
far as api)cars, for two .years. His accusers, whoso presence was lndisi)enKal)le, would have to await the return of spring before starting for the capital, and might not reach It for man.v months; nor, even when there, would they be so sanguine of success—after Felix Festun, and
Is a presumption in favour of their sincerity ; and there
Is ground to think that as the case took an unexpected turn by Paul's appealing to C.Tsar, so no infornuition on the subject would travel from Jerusalem to Rome in advance of I be apostle nimsclf. sif.e.desire (' deem it proper ')
Chronological Table of the Pnncipal Events ACTS XXVIIl. connected with the Life of the AposUe Pant,
Agrlppa had all pronounced him innocent—as to be im-
the Gentiles, li.id been led to inculcate with fresh zeal tlieir own narrower Gospel, even this had done much good by extending the truth common to both (see on Philippians 1. 12-18; 4.22); (2) That as in addition to all his other labours, " the care of all the Churches pressed upon him from day to day" (2 Corinthians 11.28), so with these churches he kept up an active correspondence by means ot letters and messages, and on such errands he wanted not faithful and beloved brethren enough ready to be employed — Luke; Timotheus; Tychicus; (iohn) Mark ; Dcmas ; Arislarchuui : Epapliras ; Onesimus; Jesus, called Justus;' and, for a short time, Epaphroditus. (See on Colossians 4.7,
patii^nt of delay. And il witnesses were required to prove
the cliarge advanced by Tertullus, tliat lie vviis "a iiiovi r
of sedition among all the Jews tliiougliout the (Roman) world" (ch. 2-1. 5), they must have seen that unless considerable tinle was allowed them the case would cer-
tainly break down. If lo this be added the capricious de-
lays which theeniperor himself might interpose, apd the practice of Nero to hear but one charge at a t'nie, it will not seem strange that the historian should have no proceedings in the case to record for two years. Regun, prob-
ably, before the apostle's arrival, Its pro;;iess at Rome undei his own eye would furnish exalted employment, and beguile many a tedious hour of his two years' imprisonment. Had the case come on for hearing during this period, much more if it had been disposed of, it is hardly conceivable that the Historj' should have clo.sed as it does. But if, at the end of this period, the Narrative only wanted the decision of the case, while hope deferred was making the heart sick (Proverbs 13.
9-12,14; Philemon 23, 24 ; and Introduction to Ephesians, Philippians and Philemon.) That the apostle sulfered martyrdom under Nero at Rome has never been doubted. But that the appeal which brought him to Rome issued in his liberation, that he was at large for some years there-
alter and took some wide missionary circuits, and tha,t he was again arrested, carried to Rome, and then executed — was the undisputed belief of the early Church, as expressed by Chkysostom, Jekome and Eu.sebiu.s, iu t)io fourth century, up to Clement of Rome, the "fellow-labourer" of the apostle himself (Philippians 4. 3), in the first century. The strongest possible confirmation of this is found in the Pastoral Epistles, which bear marks througliout of a more advanced state of the Church, and more matured forms of error, than can well have existed at any period before the appeal whicli brought the apostle to Rome; which refer to movements of himself and Timothy that cannot without some straining (as we think) be made
12), and if, under the guidance of that Spirit whose seal was on It all, it seemed of more consequence to put the Church at once in possession of this History tlian to keep it back indefinitely for the sake of wliut might come to be otherwise known, we cannot wonder tliat
it should be wound up as it is in its two concluding verses. All that we know of the apostle's proceedings and history beyond this must be gathered from the Epistles of the Imprisonment— Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and Pliilenion — written during this period, and the Pastoral Epistles—to Timothy and Titus, which, in our judgment, areof subsequent date. From the former class of Epistles we learn the following particulars: (1) That the trying restraint laid upon the apostle's labours by his imprisonment had only turned his influence into a new channel; the Gospel having in consequence penetrated even into the palace, and pervaded the city, while the preachers of Christ were emboldened ; and though the Judaizing portion of them, observing his success among
to tit into any prior period; and which are couched in a manifestly riper style than any of his other EpisMes. (See Introduction to Timothy and Titus, and notes.) All
this has been called in question by modern critics ol great research and acuteness [Petavius, Lardnek, De Wette. WiESELEH, Davidson, &c.]. But those who maintain the ancient view are of equal authority and more numerous, while the weightof argument appears to us to be decidedly on their side.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE LIFE OF THE
APOSTLE PAUL.
Certainty in these dates is not to be had, the notes of time in the Acts being few and vague. It is only by connecting tho.se events of secular history which it records, and the dates of which are otherwise tolerably known to us—such as the famine under Claudius Ceesar (ch. 11. 28), the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by the same emperor (ch. IS. 2), and the entrance of Porcius Festus upon his procuratorship (ch.24. 27), with the intervals specified between some occurrences in theapostle's life and others(such as ch. 20. 31; 24.27 ; 28.30; and Galatians 1. and 2.)—that we can thread our way through the difHculties that surround the chronology of the apostle's lite, and approximate to certainty. Immense research ha.s been brought to bear upon the subject, but, as might be expected, the learned are greatly divided. Every year has been fixed upon as the probable date of the apostle's conversion from a. d. 31 [Bengel] to A. D. 42 [EuSEBius]. But the weight of authority is in favour of dates ranging between 3.5 and 40, a di (Terence of not more than
five years; and the largest number of authorities is iu favour of the year .37 or 38. Taking the former of these, to which opinion largely inclines, the following Table will be useful to the student of apostolic history: »
A.D. 37 Paul's Conver.sion " 40 i<'(rs< Visit to Jerusalem " 42-44 ^Vrit residence at Anliocli " 44 &conrf Visit to Jerusalem " 45-47 FlR.'iT MiS.SrONAKY JOURNEY.. " 47-51 » Seco«rf residence at Antioch....
Acts 9. 1.
" 9. 26; Gal. 1.18. " 11.25-30. " 11. 30; 12. 25. " 13. 2; 14. 26. " 14. 28. " 15.2-.30;Gal.2. 1-10. (on which see Noteji.J " 15. 30,40; 18. 22. " 18.21,22. " 18. 2-2, 25. " 18.23; 21.15.
nUrd Visit to Jerusalem
51, 53, or 54 Second Missionary Journey
53 or 54 Pourt/i Visit to Jerusalem Third residence at Antioch
51-58 Third Missionary Journey
t'iflh Visit to Jerusahjm, \ \rrest and Imprisonment at C(B<area./ .60(Aut.)— I
" 21. 15; 23.35.
58,
61 (Spring / Voyage to and Arrival in Rome
" 27. 1 ; 28. 16
63 Release from Imprisonment At Crete, Colosse, Macedonia, Corinth, Nicopolis, Dalmatia, Troaa. 63-*5,or66,orpo8-
" 28.30.
1 <& 2Tiin. and Tit.
si hly so late as
flO-08 Martyrdom at Rome.
I itro'iiirion. E0MA2v'S.
ImroduLlion.
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE
ROMANS.
The OENTjiNEjfESS of the Epistle to the Romans has never been questioned. It has the unbrofcen testimony of all antiquity, up to Clement, the apostle's " fellow-labourer in the Gospel, whose name was in the Book of Life" (Philippians 4. 3), and who quotes from it in his undoubted Epistle to the Corinthians, written befoi-e the close of the first century. The most searching investigations of modern criticism have left it untouched. When and where this Epistle was written we have the means of determining with great precision, from the Epistle itself compared with the Acts of the Apostles. Up to the date of it the apostle had never been at Rome (ch.
1. 11, 13, 15). He was then on the eve of visiting Jerusalem with a pecuniary contribvition for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to pay a visit to Rome on his way to Spain (ch.
15.23-28). Now this contribution we know that he carried with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20.2,3; 24.17). On this occasion there accompanied him from Corinth certain persons whose names are given by the historian of the Acts (Acts 20. 4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in our Epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it-—Timotlieus, Sosipater, Gains, and Erastus (ch. Ifi. 21,
23). Of these four, the third, Gaius, was an inhabitant of Corinth (1 Corinthians 1. 14), and the fourth, Erastus, was "chamberlain of the cUy" (ch. 16. 23), which can hardly be supposed to be other than Corinth. Finally, Phoebe, the
bearer, as appears, of this Epistle, was a deaconess of the Church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinih (ch. 16. 1). Putting these facts together, it is impossible to resist the conviction, in which all critics agree, that Corinth was the place from which the Epistle was written, and that it was despatched about the close of the visit above mentioned, probably in the early spring of the year 58.
The FOTJNDEB of this celebrated Church is unknown. That it owed its origin to the apostle Peter, and that he was
Its first bishop, though an ancient tradition and taught in the Church of Rome as a fact not to be doubted, is refuted by the clearest evidence, and is given up even by candid Romanists. On that supposition, how are we to account for Ro important a circumstance being passed by in silence by the historian of the Acts, not only in the narrative of Peter's labours, but in that of Paul's approach to the metropolis, of the deputations of Roman "brethren" that camo as far as Appii Forum and the Three Taverns to meet him, and of his two years' labours there? And how, consistently with his declared principle—not to build on anotlier man's foundation (ch. 15. 20)—could he express his anxious desire to come to them that he might have some fruit among them also, even as among other Gentiles (ch. 1. 13), if all the while he knew that they had the apostle of the circumcision for their spiritual father? And how, if so, is there no salutation to Peter among the manj" in this Epistle? or, if it may be thought that he was known to be elsewhere at that particular time, how does there occur in all the Epistles which our apostle afterwards wrote from Rome not one allusion to sucli an origin of the Roman Church ? The same considerations would seem to prove that this Church owed its origin to no prominent Christian labourer; and this brings us to tlie much-litigated question,
For WHAT CLASS of Christians was this Epistle principally designed—Jewish or Gentile? That a large number of Jews and Jewish pro.selytes resided at this time at Rome is known to all who are familiar with the classical and Jewish writers of that and the immediately subsequent periods ; and that those of them who were at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2. 10), and formed probably part of the three thousand converts of that day, would on their return to Rome carry the glad tidings witli them, there can be no doubt. Nor are indications wanting that some of
tliose embraced in the salutations of this Epistle were Cliristinns already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Cliristian faith. Others of tliem who had made the apostle's acquaintance elsewhere, and who, if not indebted to him for their first knowledge of Christ, probably owed much to his ministrations, seemed to have charged themselves with the duty of clieris'ning and consolidating the work of the Lord in the capital. And thus It is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle's arrival the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon subordinate agency for the increase of its numbers, aided by occasional visits of stated preachers from the provinces; and perhaps it may be gatliered from the salutations of the last chapter that it was up to that time irt a less organized, though far from less flourishing state, than some other churches to whom the apostle had already addressed Epistles. Certain it is, that the apostle writes to them expressly as a Gentile Church (cli. 1. 13, 15; 15. 15, 16); and though It is plain that there were Jewish Christians among them, and the whole argument presupposes an intimate acquaintance on the part of his readers with tlie leading principles of tlie Old Testament, this will be sufficiently explained by supposing that the bulk of tliem, having before tliey knew the Lord been Gentile proselytes to the Jewish faith, had entered the pale of the Christian Churcli through the gate of the ancient economy.
It remains only to speak briefly of the plan and ciiakaoter of this Epistle. Of all the undoubted Epistles of our apostle, this is the most elaborate, and at the same time tlie most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as is consistent with the freedom and warmth of a real letter. Referring to the headings which we have prefixed to its successive sections, as best exhibiting the progress of the argument and the connection of lis points, we here merely note that Its first great topic is wliat may be termed the legal relation of man to Ood as a violater of His lioly law, whether as merely written on the heart, as in the case of the Heathen, or, as in the case of the
(.'liosen People, as further known by external revelation ; that it next treats of that legal relation as wholly reversed through believing connection with tlie Lord Jesus Christ ; and that its third and last great topic is the new life which acGonipanles this change of relation, embracing at once a blessedness and a consecration to God which, rudlinentally complete already, will open, in the future world, into the bliss t)f immediate and stainless fellowship with God. The bearing of these wonderful truths upon the condition and destiny of the Chosen People, to which the apostle next comes, tliough it seem but the practical application of tliem to his kinsmen according to the flesh. Is In some respects the deepest and most difficult part of tlie wlioh? E()istle, carrying us directlj' to the eternal springs of Grace to the guilty In tlie sovereign love and Inscrutable purposes of God ; after whicli, however, we are Ijrought back to the his-
torical pliitforni of the visible Cliuicli, in tlie calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Israelltish remnant
Paul Commendelh Ids Calling, EOMAKS I, . and his Desire to Viotl Eomc
amidst the general unbelief and fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, -with th«
(^entiles in the latter day, one catholic Church of God upon earth. The. remainder of the Epistle is devoted to sundry
Dtictical topics, winding up with salutations and outpourings of heart delightfully suggestive.
the meaning. It was not expressed more simply. But if the apostle had said 'He was declared to be the Son of God according to the Holy Spirit,' the reader%ould ha\'e thought he meant 'the Holy Ghost;' and it seems to have been just to avoid this misapprehension that he used the rare expression, "the Spirit of holiness." 5. Bywhom (as the ordained channel) we have received grace (the whole "grace that bringeth salvation") and apostleshlji —for the publication of tliat "grace," and the organization of as many as receive it into churches of visible di.seipleship. (We prefer thus taking them as two distinct
CHAPTEE I.
Ver. 1-17. Introduction. 1. Pawl (see on Acts 13. 9), a •ervaut of Jesus Christ—The word here rendered "servant" means 'bond-servant,' or one subject to the will and wholly at the disposal of another. In this sense it is applied to the disciples of Christ at large (1 Corinthians 7.
21-23), as in the Old Testament to all the people of God
(Isaiah l>6. 14). But as, in addition to this, the prophets and kings of Israel were officially "the servants of tlie Lord" (Joshua 1. 1; Psalm 18., title), the apostles .call themselves, in the same official sense, " tlie servants of
tilings, and not, with some good interpreters, as one 'the grace of apostleship.') for obedience to the faith (rather, 'for the obedience of faith')—t. e., in order to men's yielding themselves to the belief of God's saving message, which is the highest of all obedience, for his name—that He might be glorified. 6. Among whom are ye also i. e., along with others; lor the apostle ascribes nothing special to the Church of Rome (cf. 1 Corinthians 14. 30). [Bengel.] tlie called (see on oh. 8. ,39) of C'lirist Jesus i. e., either called 'by Him' (John 5. 2.5), or the called 'belonging to Him ;' ' Christ's called ones.' Perhaps this latter sense is best supported, but one hardly knows whicli to prefer. 7. belovetl of God—(Cf. Deuteronomy 33. 12; Colossians 3. 12.) Grace . . . (see on Jonn
Christ" (as here, and Philippians 1. 1; James 1. 1 ; 2 Peter
1. 1-, Jude 1), expressing such absolute sulyectiou and devotion to the Lord Jesus as they would never have yielded
to a mere creature. (See on v. 7; and on John 5. 22, 23.) called to be an apostle—when first he "saw tlie Lord;"
the indispensable qualification for apostleship. See on Acts 9.5; 22. It; 1 Corinthians 9. 1. separated iiiito tlic (preaching of the) gospel—neillier so late as when "tlie Holy Ghost said. Separate me Barnabas and Saul ' (Acts
13. 2), nor so early as wlien " scx>araled from liis motlier's womb" (see on Galatians 1. 15). He was called at one and the same time to the faitli and the apostlesliip of Christ (Acts 2t). lt)-18). of God i. e., the gospel of wliich God is the glorious Author. So ch. 15. 16; 1 Tliessalonians 2. 2, 8,
1. 14, p. 70, 2d column) and peace—the peace whicli Christ made through the blood of His cross (Colossians 1.20), and which reflects into the believing bosom the peace of God which p.isseth all uncierstaiiding (Philippians 4.7). from God our FatJicr, and the Lord Jesus Clirist—'Nothing speaks more decisively for the divinity of Christ than these juxtapositions of Christ witli the eternal God, wlilcli run through the whole language of Scripture, and tlie derivation of purely Divine influences from Him al.so. The name of no num can be placed b,y the side of the Almighty. He only, in whom the Word of the Father who is Himself God became flesh, may be named beside Him; for men are commanded to honour Him even as tliey honour the Father, John 5. 23.' . [Olshausen.] 8. your faith is spoken of tlirougiiout tlie wbole world—This was quite practicable through the frequent visits paid to the capital from all the provinces: and the apostle, having an eye to the influence tliey would exercise upon others, as well as their own blessedness, gives thanks for such faith to "his God tlirough Jesus Christ," as being the
9; 1 Peter 4. 17. 3. WliicU lie had promised afore . . . In the holy Scriptures—Though the Roman Cluirch was Gentile by nation (see on v. 13), yet as it consisted mostly of proselytes to the Jewisli faith (see Inlrodaclion to this
Epistle), they are here reminded that in embracing Christ they liad not cast off, but only the more protoundiy yielded themselves to, Moses and the propliets (Acts 13.
32, 33). 3, 4. Concemiug l»is .Son .Tesus Clirlst oxir Iiord-the grand burden of tliis "gospel of God." made of the seed of David—as, according to "tli; holy Scrip-
tures," He behooved to be. (See on Matthew 1. 1.) according to the flesh—i. e., in His human nature (cf. cli. 9. 5, and John 1. 14); Implying, of course, that He had anulher na-
ture, of which the apostle immediatelj' proceeds to speali. A.ud <Ieclared—Zi;., 'marked off,' 'defined,' 'determined,'
i. e., 'shown,' or 'proved.' to be the Son of God—Observe how studiously the language changes here. He "was MADE (says the apostle) of the .seed of David, according to
the flesh;" but He was not made, He was only "declared
(or proved) to be the Son of God." So Jolin 1. 1, 14, "In the beginning was the Word . . and the Word Mmmade flesh;" and Isaiah 9. 6, "Unto us a Child is born, unto us a 6'on t« GIVEN." Thus the Son.ship of Christ is in no proper sense a 6orn relationsliip to the Fatlier, as some, otherwise sound divines, conceive of it. By His birth in the flesh, that Sonship, which was essential an<l uncre-
sourtie, according to his theology of faith, as of all grace in men. 9. For God . . . wliom I serve (the word denotes religious service) witli my spirit (from my inmost soul) in the gospel of his Son (to which Paul's whole religious life and official activity were consecrated) is my witness, that without ceasing I make mention of you always in my prayers—So for the Ephesians (Ephesians 1. 15, 15); so for the Philippians (Philippians
ated, merely effloresced into palpable riianifestation. (See on Luke 1. 35; Acts 13.32,33.) \»'ith power—This may either be connected witli "declared," and tlien tlie meaning will be 'powerfully declared' [Luther, Beza, Bengel, B'kitzschb, Alford, &c.]; or (as. in our version, and as we think rightly) witli " tlie Son of'God,"and then
1.3,4); so for the Colossians (Colossians 1.3,4); so for the Tliessalonians (1 Thessalonians 1. 2, 3). What catholic love, what all-absorbing spirituality, what impassioned devotion to the glory of Clirist among nien ! 10. AIaI<ing request, if by any menus now at length I may have a prosperous joui-ney by tlie will of Go<l, to come to you— Though long anxious to visit llio capital, he met with a number of jirovideutial hindrances
tlie sense is, 'declared to be the Sou of God in possession of that "power" which belon;;ed to Him aw the only-begotten of the Father, no longer slirouded as in the days of his flcsli, but "by His resurrection from the dead" gloriously displayed and henceforth to be for ever exerted in this nature of ours.' [V'ui.gate, Cai>vin, Hodge, PuiLIPl'l, MeiirinG, &c.] accoiding to tlie spirit of holiness—If "according to the flesh" mean here,'' in His tiuman nature,' this uncommon expression must mean
(v. 13; ch. 15.22; and see on Acts iU. 21 ; 2;:l.il, 28.15); insomuch that near„y a quarter of a century elapsed, alter his conversion, ere his desire was accomplished, and that only as "a prisoner of Jesus Christ." Tlius taught tliat his whole future was in the hands of God, he makes it his continual prayer that at length the obstacles to a happy and prosperous meeting might be removed. 11, i'Z. Vor
' in Ilirt o</ter nature,' which we liave seen to be tiiat"of the Son of God"—an eternr.l, uncreated nature. Tliis is nere styled ftie "Hpirit," an an impalpable and immaterial nature (Jolin 4. 21), and " tlie .Spirit of holiiu:i«," probably
I long to see you, that 1 may impart to you some spli -
ituni gift—not any supernatural K>ft. as the ne,\t elauso shows, and cf. 1 Corinthians 1.7. to llie end that ye may be establislied ! Tliat is, that I may be comforted together with you by the mutual faith both of you and
iTi absolute contrast with ihat " likeness of sinful rtiisli"
u-hlcli He assumed. One is apt to wonder Ihal if this be
The Gospel far the Justijicntim of all Men. KOWAKS I. GocP« Wrath Overhangs the Heathm World,
me—'Xot wishing to "lord it over their faith," but rather to be a "lielper of their joy," the apostle corrects his former expressions : uiy desire is to instruct you and do you good, tliat is, for us to instruct and do one anoflier good: in jji ving I sliall also receive.' [Jowett.] 'Nor is he insincere in so speaking, for theie is none so poor in
message from heaven, yet not absolutely new, but on the contrary, only the fulfilment of Old Testament promise, that not only is Christ the great theme of it, but Chri.st in the very nature of God as His own Son, and in the nature of men as partaker of their flesh—The Son of God now in resurrection-power and invested with authority to dispi'nse all grace to men, and all gifts for the establishment and edification of the Church, Christ the righteousness provided of God for the justificatiou of all that believe in His name; and tLat in this glorious Gospel, when preached as such, there resides the very power of God to save Jew and Gentile alike who embrace it. (3.) While
til" C'liurcli of Christ wlio inaynot impart tons sometliing
pf value: is only our malignity and pride that hinder us from gathering such fruit from every quarter.' [Calvin.] Hovy ' widely different is the apostolic style from
tliat of the court of Papal Rome!' [Bbn'OI5L.1 oftentimes 1 pitrposeiX to tome unto Jon, but leJ lliin-
deri'd) Uitliei-to—chiefly by his desire to go first to places wU.^re Christ was not known (ch. 15. 20-M). tSmt I might Iiave some fruit (of my ministry) among you niso. even OS among otJier Geiktiles—The Gentilh origin of 'the Roman Church is here so explicitly stated, that those wlio conclude, merely from the Jewish strain of the a i gunient, that they must have been mostly Israelites, decide in oppositiozi to the apostle himself. (But see Introduction to this Epistle.) 14r, 15. I am <lel>tor both to the (cultivated) Greeks and to the (rude) Barbarians. . .'. So, as initeh as in me is, I am rea«ly to preaeh the gospel to yon that are at Koine also—He feels himsell under an all-subduing obligation to carry the gospel to all classes of mankind, as adapted to and ordained equally for all (1 I'orinthians 9. 16). 16. For I am not asliamed of the gospel—(The words, " of Christ," which follow here, are wanting in the oldest and best MSS.) This language implies that it required some courage to bring to 'the mis-
(.'hrist is to l)e regarded as the ordained Channel of all grace from God to men (r. 8), let none imagine that His proper divinity is in aii.v respect compromised by this arrangement, since He is here expressly associated with "God the Father," in prayer for "grace and peace" (including all spiritual blessings) to rest upon this Church
(v. 7). (-f.) While this Epistle teaches, in conformity with the teaching of our Lord Himself, that all salvation is suspended upon faitli, this is but half a truth, and will certainly minister to self-righteousness, if dissociated from another feature of the same truth, here explicitly taught, that this faith is God's own gift—for which accordingly in the case of the Roman believers, he "thanks his God through Jesus Christ" (u. 8). (5.) Christian fellowship, as indeed all real fellowship, is a mutual benefit; aud aa
it is not possible for the most eminent saints and servants of Christ to impart any refreshment and profit to the meanest of their brethren without experiencing a rich return into their bosoms, so just in proportion to their humility and love will they feel their need of it and rejoice in it.
tress of the world' what "to the Jews was a stumblingblock and to the Greeks foolishness." But its inherent glory, as God's life-giving message to a dying world, so
18. Why this bivinely-provided Righteousness
filled his soul, that, like his blessed Master, he "despised the shame." for it is the power of G(Sd unto salvaTtox TO EVERY ONE THAT BELIEVETH—Here and In the next verse the apostle announces the great theme of his ensuing argument; Salvation, tlie one overwhelming necessity of perishing men; this revealed in the gospel message; and that message so owned and honoured of God as to carry, in the proclamation of it, God's own power TO SAVE EVERY SOUL THAT EMBRACES IT, Greek and Bar-
IS NEEDED BY ALL MEN. For the wrath of God (His holy displeasure and righteous vengeance against sin) ia revealed from heaven—in the consciences of men, and attested b.v innumerable outward evidences of a moral government, ag.-xinst all ungodliness i. e., their whole
irreligiouxness, or their living without any conscious reference to God, and proper feelings towards Him. and unrighteousness of men i.e., their whole deviations from moral rectitude in heart, speech, and behaviour. (So these terms must be distinguished wlien used together, though, when standing alone, eitherof them includes the other.)
Ijarian, wise and unwise alike. 17. For therein Is the righteousness of God revealed—that is (as the whole argument of the Epistle shows), God's justifying right-
EOUSN^S.s. from faith to faith—a difficult clause. Most interpreters (judging from the sense ofsuch phrases elsewhere) talie it to mean, ' from one degree of faith to another.' But this agrees ill with the apostle's design, wliich has nothing todo.with the progj'essive stages of
18-32. This Wrath op God, revealed ag.\inst ALL Iniquity, overhangs the whole Heathen World. 18. who hold (rather, 'hold down,' 'hiniler,'
.or 'keep back') the truth In unrighteousness — The apostle, though he began this verse with a comprehensive proposition regarding men in general, takes up in the end of it only one of the two great divisions of mankind, to whom he meant to apply it; tluis gently sliding into his argument. But before enutnerating their actual iniquities, he goes back to the origin of ,them all, their stifling the light which still remained to them. As darkness overspreads the mind, so impotence takes possession of the heart, when the "still small voice" of con« science is first disregarded, next thwarted, and then sys* tematically deadeiu'd. Thus "the truth" which God left with and in men, instead of having free scope and developing itself, as it otherwise would, was obstructed (cf. Matthew 6. '22, 2;); Ephesians 4. 17, 18). 19. Because that which may be (ratlier, 'which is") known of God Is manifest In them ; for God hath showed It unto them —The sense of this pregnant statement the apostle jn'oceeds to unfold in the next verse, ao. For the Invisible things of him from (or 'since') the creation of the world are clearly seen (the mind brightl.v beholding what the eye cannot discern), being understood by the things 'that are made—Thus, the outward creation is not the parent iml the iiiffrprctcr o{ our faith in God. That faith has its primary sources wilhin our own breast
faith, but solely witli fa'th itself as the appointed way of receiving God's "righteousness." We prefer, therefore,
to understand it thus: 'The righteousness of God is in the gospel message, revealed (to be) from (or 'b.v') faith to (or ' for') faith,' that is, ' in order to be by faith received.' (So suljstaiitially, Melvit.le, Meyer, Stuart, Bloomfield, &c.) as it Is written (nal)akkuk 2. 4), The just shall live by faith—This golden maxim of the Old T(>stament is thrice quoted in the New Testament—here ; Gahttians 'i. 11 ; Hebrews in. 38—showing that the gospel way
of 'LIFE by faith,' SO far from disturbing, only continued and developed tlie ancient method—On the foregoing verses, noti' (1.) What manner of persons ought the
niiiiister.s of Christ to be, according to the pattern here set up: absolutely subject and officially dedicated to the Lord Jesus; separated unto the gospel of God, which conl.-mplates the subjugation of all nations to the faith of
Clii'ist; del)tors to j>.U classes, the refined and the rud(\ to bring the gospel to thorn all alike, all shame in the presence of the one, ,ns well as pride before the other, sinking before the glory 9i hich they feel to be in their message; yearning over all "ailhfi l churches, not lording it over them, but rejoicing in tlitir prosperity, a.nd fln<ling refreshment and strength in their fellowship ! (2.) Th(> jiecu-
(D. 10); but it becomes an intelligible and artinilate convio
tiim only through what we observe around%s ("by the things whi<^h are niade," t). 20). And thus are the inner and the outer revelation of (}od the complement of eacb other, making up between them one uuiveiisal and lua-
liar features of the gospel here h'rought prominently forward should be the devout study of all wlio ]u-eacli it, and guiile the views and tlie taste of all who are privileged statedly to hear it: that It is " the gospel of God,
' as a 224
GW 8 (Vrath Overhangs the Heathen World. ROMANS I. What were the Sins of the Genlilet.
movable conviction tlirit Ood is. (With this striking
shameless than the other sex, but lives hcncefoi th only to drag tlie other sex down to its level, did eliange, itc— Tlie practices iiere releired to, though too aluunhi nlly at-
aijoslolic statement agree tlie latest couolusions of the
mtist profound speculative students of Tlieism.) even liia eternal jiovver and GoilUeaxl—botli tliat tliere is an Klernal Power, and tlial this is not a mere blind force, or pan-
te.'sted liy classic authors, cannot be further illustrated, without trencliing on tilings which "uugljt not to be named among us as become the saints." But observe how vice is here seen consuni'iig and exiiausting itselC AV'heii the passions, scourgeii by violent and continued indulgence in vices, became imjioteiit to yield the craved enjoyment; resort was had to artificial stimulants
theistic 'spirit of nature,' but tlie power of a living Godhead, so that tUey are witliont excuse—all tlieir degeneracy being a voluntary departure from trutli tJius brightly revealed to tlie unsophisticated spirit. ^1. Ue-
causie that, wlieu tliey knew God (that is, ^vhile slill retaining some real knowledge of Hlni, and'ere they sank down into the state next to be described), they glorified Itliu not as God, neither were tlianlct'ul— ueitUer yielded the adoi a/iuii due to Himsell, nor rendered the gnUitudc which liis benetii ence demanded—but became vain (cf. Jeremiah 2. 5; in their imaginations (thoughts, notions, speculations, regarding tiod : cf. Jlatthew 15. 19; Luku 2. 35; 1 Corinthians 3. 2U, Oreek)—auA theirfooli8h ('senseless,' 'stupid') heart;i. e., their wliole inner man) was darltened— liow instructively is the downward progress of the hunxan soul here traced!
by tlie practice of unnatural and monstrous vices. How early these were in full career, in the history of the world, the case of Sodom afi'ectingly shows; and because of such abominations, centuries after that, the land of Canaan "spued out" its old inhabitants. Long before this chapter was penned, the Lesbians and others throughout refined Greece had been luxuriating in such debasements; and as Ibr the ilomans, Tacitiis, spuakins^^of the emperor Tiberius, tells us that new words had then to be coined to express the nevvly-inveiued stiniulants to jaded passion. No wonder that, thus siek and dying us was this poor humanity of ours under tiie highest eartliiy culture,
'ZZ, ^3. Professing themselves ^' boasting,' or 'pretending to be') wise, ti»ey became fools—
its many-voiced cry for the balm in Gilead, and the Physician tliere, "Come over and help us," piewed
' It is the invariable property of error in morals and religion, that men take credit to themselves for it and extol ii as wisdom. So the heathen,' 1 Corinthians 1. 21. [Tholuck.] and changcfl