Chapter 16 of 23

13. Redemption: Justification and Appropriation of a Divine Pardon

13. Redemption: Justification and Appropriation of a Divine Pardon

REDEMPTION
Justification and Appropriation of a Divine Pardon
INTRODUCTION
We have seen that redemption is a function of divine pardon. As a result of Christ’s atoning death, a divine pardon is procured that blots out our guilt, sets us free, and gives us a new start. In this chapter we want to explore the justification and appropriation of such a pardon. Once again, it can prove insightful to examine first how executive pardons are justified and appropriated in our justice system.
THE JUSTIFICATION OF A PARDON
Like the question of whether a pardon blots out the guilt of the pardoned offender, a question that has seemingly divided our courts is whether pardons are acts of mercy, and if so, what justifies such an act of clemency. H. R. T. Roberts provides a rough working explication of acting mercifully: “In all justice I am entitled to A from x, but it is mine to exact and I choose not to.” Alwynne Smart would add that the choice is made “solely through benevolence” and not, for example, out of constraint, self-interest, or ulterior motives. Morison makes the application to executive pardons:
The institutional expression of mercy through executive clemency means . . . the partial or complete mitigation of justly imposed punishment (including the removal of the collateral consequences attendant upon a felony conviction) by the chief executive on non-retributive grounds, that is to say, for reasons which do not necessarily have anything to do with what a criminal justly deserves as punishment for the commission of a particular offense.
The central question to be answered in this connection is, in Moore’s words, the following: given a retributivist theory of justice and of the role of the state, under what conditions is a pardon justified and under what conditions is it not justified? I hope to show that this question has profound theological significance.
As we have seen, early Supreme Court opinions, following English precedent, considered pardons to be acts of mercy on the part of the executive power. The landmark decision in this respect was United States v. Wilson (1833), in which Chief Justice Marshall wrote:
The constitution gives to the president, in general terms, “the power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States.” As this power had been exercised, from time immemorial, by the executive of that nation whose language is our language, and to whose judicial institutions ours bear a close resemblance; we adopt their principles respecting the operation and effect of a pardon, and look into their books for the rules prescribing the manner in which it is to be used by the person who would avail himself of it.
A pardon is an act of grace, proceeding from the power intrusted with the execution of the laws, which exempts the individual, on whom it is bestowed, from the punishment the law inflicts for a crime he has committed. It is the private, though official, act of the executive magistrate, delivered to the individual for whose benefit it is intended, and not communicated officially to the court.
In this opinion we see clearly the reliance on English precedent, the subsequent characterization of a pardon as an act of grace, and the interesting characterization of a pardon as a private, though official, transaction between the executive and the criminal. We shall have more to say of this last element in the sequel; for now we focus on the description of a pardon as an act of grace.
According to Humbert, “In virtue of the stress which Marshall placed upon the grace and upon the private character of the presidential act, mercy or grace became, in strict legal theory, the reason for a pardon.” In 1927 a case came before the Supreme Court involving President Taft’s commutation of a criminal’s death sentence to life imprisonment, a commutation that the criminal, in a complex legal maneuver, claimed was invalid because he had not accepted it. Chief Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote curtly:
We will not go into history, but we will say a word about the principles of pardons in the law of the United States. A pardon in our days is not a private act of grace from an individual happening to possess power. It is a part of the Constitutional scheme. When granted it is the determination of the ultimate authority that the public welfare will be better served by inflicting less than what the judgment fixed.
In this opinion, Holmes brushes aside English precedent and appears to repudiate in no uncertain terms Marshall’s characterization of a pardon as an act of grace, and his opinion has been so interpreted. In fact, however, appearances are misleading: what the Biddle court rejects is not that a pardon is an act of grace but that it is a private transaction between the person in office and the criminal. It is the privacy of the act of grace to which Holmes objects.
Holmes’ opinion was carefully explicated by the Oregon Supreme Court in 2013 in a case involving a criminal’s rejection of the governor’s reprieve of his death sentence:
To the extent that this court’s cases indicate that acts of clemency are ineffective if rejected, the cases suggest that the recipient has that right of rejection because grants of clemency are acts of grace. A grant of clemency may be an act of grace in some cases, but, as the Court stated in Biddle, under our constitutional scheme, a grant of clemency is not a “private act of grace from an individual happening to possess power.”
The Oregon court emphasizes that while pardons may be acts of grace, they are not, according to Biddle, private acts of grace. The court goes on to recognize that “historically, governors and presidents have granted clemency for a wide range of reasons, including reasons that may be political, personal, or ‘private.’ . . . Nonetheless, . . . the Governor’s clemency power is far from private: It is an important part of the constitutional scheme envisioned by the framers.”
On the basis of the Supreme Court decisions mentioned above, Jeffery Crouch concludes that the presidential clemency power has two equally valid rationales: “the idea that a pardon is an act of grace shown by the president to the offender and the diametrically opposed view that clemency should be granted as part of the constitutional scheme—that is, for the good of the public rather than for the benefit of the individual offender.” Crouch errs in seeing these rationales as opposed rather than complementary. Pardons can be granted for either reason—perhaps even for both. Two unanimous Supreme Court decisions have established these rationales, and Wilson was never overruled. Noting that the former U.S. pardon attorney Roger Adams has referred to pardon decision making as “all a matter of grace,” Crouch concludes that both rationales remain valid law today.
Pure retributivists like Kathleen Moore have, however, sharply challenged the validity of pardons issued solely on grounds of mercy. These theorists argue that pardons given for any other reason than furthering justice are of necessity unjust and therefore immoral, even if legal. In particular, pardons given out of mercy violate the principles of (positive) retributive justice because in such cases the guilty do not receive their just desert. On retributive theories of justice it is axiomatic that the guilty deserve punishment. To pardon someone out of mercy is therefore to subvert justice and so to act unjustly. Moreover, if pardons are acts of mercy, they may be given out arbitrarily, subverting the principle of equal treatment under the law.
Moore argues that the major shift from consequentialism to retributivism that has occurred among legal philosophers with respect to the justification of punishment needs to be accompanied by a similar shift with respect to the justification of pardon. In Moore’s view retributivism requires pardons when there is no legal liability to punishment, and it permits pardons when there is liability without moral culpability. With respect to a pardon two questions control: (1) Is the offender legally liable to punishment (a lawbreaker)? If not, then he should be pardoned if convicted. (2) Is the offender morally deserving of punishment (without excuse or justification for his lawbreaking)? If he is, then punishment is obligatory; if not, the offender may be pardoned. So pardons are appropriate on retributive grounds only in cases of innocence, excusable crime, justified crime, and prevention of undeserved suffering.
The claim of the pure retributivists has enormous theological implications for divine pardon. For God is portrayed in the Bible as acting mercifully toward us and His pardoning our sins as an act of grace. “For by grace you have been saved through faith, and this is not your own doing; it is the gift of God—not the result of works, so that no one may boast” (Eph 2:8-9). “So it depends not upon man’s will or exertion, but upon God’s mercy” (Rom 9:16). Although we deserve condemnation and death, having neither excuse nor justification for our breaking of His law (Rom 1:32; 2:1-3; 3:20), God out of His great mercy has pardoned our sins and graciously reckoned us righteous. Thus, a divine pardon is, indeed, in Marshall’s words, “an act of grace.”
At the same time, the Bible portrays God as a positive retributivist with respect to justice (Exod 34:7). As we have seen, God’s judgment is described in the Bible as ultimately eschatological. God, in effect, carries out what Kant deemed to be necessary for a just society about to dissolve: to execute any prisoners condemned to death. In any case, the biblical view is that the wicked deserve punishment—“those who do such things deserve to die” (Rom 1:32; cf. Heb 10:29)—so that retributive justice belongs to God’s character.
Indeed, it is plausible, I think, that retributive justice belongs essentially to God. Brian Leftow observes that “the more central and prominent an attribute is in the Biblical picture of God, the stronger the case for taking it to be necessary to being God, ceteris paribus: this is the only reason philosophers usually treat being omniscient or omnipotent as thus necessary.” It is hard to think of an attribute more central and prominent in the biblical picture of God than His righteousness or justice. “Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?” (Gen 18:25). “Is there injustice (adikia) on God’s part? By no means!” (Rom 9:14). It would have been inconceivable to the biblical authors that God might act unjustly.
But then God faces “the dilemma of the merciful judge”: when a judge tries to treat an offender mercifully, either the offender is given the penalty he deserves (in which case he is being shown justice, not mercy) or the offender is not given the penalty he deserves (in which case the judge acts unjustly). Thus, a judge in his official capacity cannot exercise either pseudo-mercy or real mercy; his choice is between being just or unjust. God in His capacity of Judge acts in conformity with the strict demands of justice, so that we sinners find ourselves condemned before His bar (Rom 3:19-20).
The official remission of punishment can be justified only through pardon by the executive. Since God is both Ruler and Judge, He is as Ruler in the rather odd situation described by Blackstone of undoing His own verdict as Judge. Not that He second-guesses the Judge’s determination of guilt, for He as Judge is infallible in His determination of justice. Justification should not, contrary to careless statements by some NT scholars, be thought to be a verdict of acquittal. The guilty verdict stands. But as Ruler God pardons us, so that whereas we were once guilty, we are now innocent before Him. God as Ruler thus does not contradict what He as Judge has determined.
But now God as Ruler faces a similar dilemma to the one described above: if the pardon is given by the executive to rectify some injustice, then the pardon is not an act of grace given out of mercy but is an expression of justice; but if it is given out of mercy, then the executive violates the principles of retributive justice and so is unjust. Clearly, God cannot give pardons to rectify some injustice, since His judicial condemnation of sinners is perfectly just. If He pardons, it must be out of mercy. But then He would seem to be acting unjustly. But given that retributive justice belongs to God’s character, it is impossible that He so act. He must give people what they deserve, on pain of acting contrary to His own nature.
Critics of the pure retributivists have argued that the demands of retributive justice can be overridden by other considerations, so that the executive who pardons out of sheer mercy is not immoral. In a recent, lengthy review of the question Samuel Morison argues that sometimes leniency is morally justified when satisfying the prima facie demands of retributive justice is immoral or practically impossible. He criticizes Moore’s “moral rigorism,” commenting:
The implications are, to put it mildly, fairly drastic. For if Moore is correct, it would seem to invalidate not only the merciful exercise of the clemency power, but also the relevant portions of the Bill of Rights, which presuppose precisely the opposite moral principle, namely that it is more important to protect the rights and liberties of innocent citizens than it is to punish even those who are likely to be guilty, and that some level of unrequited justice is thus the price worth paying for the promotion of these other, equally important social values.
What is striking about Morison’s concerns is that they are inapplicable in God’s case, since God’s administration of eschatological justice will in no way infringe upon the rights and liberties of innocent citizens, so that divine justice is never unrequited, even if deferred (Matt 13:24-30; cf. Gen 18:22-33). Morison raises other concerns to show that the prima facie duty to punish retributively may not be an ultima facie duty. It is evident, however, that none of these concerns, such as protecting people against self-incrimination, unreasonable searches and seizures, and so on, is remotely relevant to the case of God’s administration of justice. An omniscient deity need not rely on self-incrimination or searches and seizures to convict the guilty. Morison actually admits that “such protections are merely a concession to the contingent imperfections of human nature” but thinks that “this is not an adequate reply to the foregoing objection, because it implicitly concedes that giving the guilty what they deserve is not, after all, of greater moral worth than avoiding the punishment of the innocent.” The theist, however, is not forced to play off the demands of positive and negative retributive justice against each other in this way; God can be equally committed to both insofar as human beings are concerned, delaying the full satisfaction of positive retributive justice while satisfying the demands of negative retributive justice in the meantime. He can give the guilty what they deserve while protecting the rights of the innocent.
Morison also complains that
Moore’s extravagant claim about the imposition of deserved punishment also betrays a certain air of unreality, which fails to adequately grasp the actual complexity of events encountered by practitioners in the criminal justice system. For in the practical world of “retail” justice, a conscientious prosecutor is routinely confronted by a dizzying array of conflicting and not wholly commensurable moral demands, depending upon the nature of the particular case under consideration and the context in which it arises.
Again, since God does not inhabit the world of retail justice, such worries are irrelevant to His administration of justice.
Noting that it is a ubiquitous feature of the criminal justice system that for both pragmatic and ethical reasons the large majority of persons accused of a crime do not receive the full measure of punishment that they arguably deserve based on retributive considerations alone, Morison warns that
the myopic insistence that it is a mandatory obligation to give each offender the full measure of deserved punishment would render the practice of resolving criminal charges by mutual agreement morally intolerable in most cases, except in the relatively rare instance in which a defendant pleads guilty without any expectation of receiving a reduced sentence.
Since God neither needs nor offers plea bargains, this limitation of divine retributive justice also falls to the wayside.
Turning from practical considerations to normative political theory, Morison contends that “it is also difficult to conceive any rational warrant for believing that it is the proper business of a liberal state to pursue the sort of moral objectives Moore envisions through the practice of punishment.” Obviously, this concern is irrelevant to divine justice. In fact, it is telling when Morison quotes approvingly Jeffrie Murphy’s declamation, “The liberal tradition would thus view it as silly (and perhaps impious) to make God’s ultimate justice the model for the state’s legal justice; and thus any attempt to identify criminal with sinner is to be avoided.” In fact, Morison states plainly, “The pursuit of the legitimate interest in securing social peace via state-sponsored legal punishment (as distinguished from divine retribution) does not entail any prima facie obligation to exact the full measure of morally justified punitive suffering merely because the offender deserves it.” Morison thus recognizes God’s obligation to exact the full measure of morally justified punitive suffering.
Perhaps I have belabored the point unnecessarily; but Morison’s defense of pardons on grounds of mercy is the fullest I have encountered in the literature, and yet it is stunningly irrelevant, as he recognizes, to the case of divine pardon. In the end Morison rejects “the implicit conflation of morality and justice, which assumes that the legitimate exercise of mercy always must be consistent with the demands of justice.” He cites George Rainbolt: “The fact that mercy counsels unjust acts on occasion does not imply that it is a vice. It only reflects the unfortunate fact that mercy and justice can conflict.” But that is precisely the problem for the Christian theist: God’s justice and mercy are both essential to Him and so neither can be sacrificed. We can agree with Morison “that the moral basis for the merciful extension of clemency is thus whatever ‘is right and good as judged against all moral considerations, rather than only those of justice. Any pertinent moral consideration may be taken into account.’” One should not, indeed, simply identify morality with justice. But none of the considerations that Morison has adduced for tempering justice with mercy in the case of the state applies to God. So how can God legitimately exercise mercy if doing so is inconsistent with the demands of His justice? Morison admits that that “there is no tidy conceptual solution to the problem of reconciling justice and mercy in the abstract.” He concludes that “the practice of punishment is informed by a plurality of values that may not be ultimately commensurable.”
If none of the reasons that go to justify pardons based on mercy rather than on justice applies in the case of divine pardon, then it is difficult to see how God can mercifully pardon sins; indeed, it is difficult to see how divine pardon is possible at all, since neither can it be justified on grounds of justice. What seems to be needed is a way of reconciling divine mercy and justice that justifies a pardon without sacrificing the demands of either virtue.
In fact, we seem to have backed into a persuasive argument for the conviction of Anselm and the Reformers that the satisfaction of divine justice is a necessary condition of salvation. Theologians have long debated the question of whether God could have simply pardoned our sin without Christ’s atoning death or, more broadly, the satisfaction of divine justice. Thomas Aquinas followed most of the early Church Fathers in thinking that this is possible, although less suitable for God’s purposes. Following the rise of Socinianism, most Protestant theologians, with the notable exception of Hugo Grotius, followed Anselm’s lead in holding that divine justice had to be satisfied if salvation from sin were to be possible. Our inquiry suggests the following argument in support of the necessitarian perspective:
(1) Necessarily (Retributive justice is essential to God.)
(2) Necessarily (If retributive justice is essential to God, then God justly punishes every sin.)
(3) Necessarily (If God justly punishes every sin, then divine justice is satisfied.)
Therefore,
(4) Necessarily (Divine justice is satisfied.)
Therefore,
(5) Necessarily (If some human beings are saved, divine justice satisfied.)
Let me say a word about each of the premises.
In support of (1) we have seen that the centrality and prominence of divine retributive justice in the biblical scheme supports its being essential to God. Moreover, to mention an ad hominem consideration, neo-Socinian opponents of penal substitution need (1) if they are to argue successfully for the injustice of penal substitution, for otherwise God may determine that it is not unjust to punish a substitute in our place. Given that there is no higher law to which God must conform, He will be bound only by His own nature in determining what is just or unjust.
The support for (2) lies in the absence of any apparent justification for pardons of sheer mercy on God’s part. It is difficult to see what would justify waiving the demands of retributive justice essential to God’s nature. We say “justly punishes” to ensure the truth of (3), since only proportionate punishment of sins committed will satisfy the demands of retributive justice.
From the three premises, (4) follows. Divine justice is satisfied so long as no sin goes unpunished. This will be the case whether there are no human beings and, hence, no sin, or whether there are in fact sinners. (5) in turn follows, since any proposition implies a necessary truth. It also follows that if divine justice is not satisfied, then no human beings are saved; indeed, that it is impossible that any human beings are saved.
If this is right, then God’s pardoning us for our sins demands the satisfaction of God’s justice. This is exactly what the atonement theories of Anselm and the Reformers offer. On the Reformers’ view Christ as our substitute and representative bears the punishment due for every sin, so that the demands of divine retributive justice are fully met. The demands of divine justice thus satisfied, God can in turn pardon us of our sins. God’s pardon is thus predicated on Christ’s satisfying for us the demands of divine retributive justice. Indeed, in a sense, such a divine pardon meets the requirements of even the pure retributivists, for given Christ’s satisfaction of divine retributive justice on our behalf, nothing more is due from us. God’s pardon of us is therefore required by justice. Nonetheless, God’s provision of Christ as our penal substitute is an active expression of God’s mercy and grace, giving us what we did not deserve. The whole scheme is motivated by and justified by God’s grace: “For by grace you have been saved through faith, and this is not your own doing; it is the gift of God—not the result of works, so that no one may boast” (Eph 2:8-9). In this passage the word “this,” being masculine in the Greek, does not take “faith,” which is feminine, as its antecedent; rather the antecedent is the whole salvific arrangement of salvation by grace through faith. This atoning arrangement is a gift of God to us, not based on human merit. In this sense God’s pardon of us, while consistent with divine justice, is a pardon grounded ultimately in mercy.
THE APPROPRIATION OF A PARDON
A final question of theological significance that remains to be addressed is whether a pardon, to be effective, must be accepted by the criminal who is the intended beneficiary. Courts and legal theorists have tended to answer this question based on whether a pardon is considered a private communication of the executive to the criminal or a public proclamation of the executive that is known to the court. Again, United States v. Wilson is the seminal case here. Drawing upon English precedent, Chief Justice Marshall held that a presidential pardon
is the private, though official, act of the executive magistrate, delivered to the individual for whose benefit it is intended, and not communicated officially to the court. It is a constituent part of the judicial system, that the judge sees only with judicial eyes, and knows nothing respecting any particular case, of which he is not informed judicially. A private deed, not communicated to him, whatever may be its character, whether a pardon or release, is totally unknown, and cannot be acted on.
The idea here is that something that is not brought officially before the court must be treated as though it were nonexistent. A pardon is just such an item, since it is not communicated by the executive to the court but to the accused and so remains, in effect, unknown until the accused introduces it into court. By contrast, “The reason why a court must ex officio take notice of pardon by act of parliament, is that it is considered as a public law; having the same effect on the case, as if the general law punishing the offence had been repealed or annulled.” So in the case of United States v. Wilson, “This court is of opinion, that the pardon in the proceedings mentioned, not having been brought judicially before the court, by plea, motion or otherwise, cannot be noticed by the judges.”
But Marshall goes further than this. Wilson had already accepted the pardon; otherwise, he would have been executed. He was simply declining to bring the existence of the pardon to the attention of the court in another trial. But Marshall held not merely that a pardon may be rendered judicially invisible by the pardonee’s refusing to plead it; he held that a pardon may be rendered ineffectual by one’s refusing to accept it. “A pardon is a deed, to the validity of which, delivery is essential, and delivery is not complete without acceptance. It may then be rejected by the person to whom it is tendered; and if it be rejected, we have discovered no power in a court to force it on him.” Marshall cites English precedent for this opinion:
Hawkins says, § 64, “it will be error to allow a man the benefit of such a pardon, unless it be pleaded.” In § 65, he says, “he who pleads such a pardon must produce it sub pede sigilli, though it be a plea in bar, because it is presumed to be in his custody, and the property of it belongs to him.” Comyn, in his Digest, tit. Pardon, H, says, “if a man has a charter of pardon from the king, he ought to plead it, in bar of the indictment; and if he pleads not guilty, he waives his pardon.” The same law is laid down in Bacon’s Abridgment, title Pardon; and is confirmed by the cases these authors quote.
On this view, then, failure to bring one’s pardon to the attention of the court is to waive it; it becomes ineffectual.
Marshall’s opinion was ratified in Burdick v. United States 236 U.S. 79 (1915). In answer to the question “Is the acceptance of a pardon necessary?” the court followed United States v. Wilson to a tee, since “all of the principles upon which its solution depends were there considered.” Citing Marshall’s words, the court declared:
That a pardon by its mere issue has automatic effect resistless by him to whom it is tendered, forcing upon him by mere executive power whatever consequences it may have or however he may regard it . . . was rejected by the court with particularity and emphasis. The decision is unmistakable. A pardon was denominated as the “private” act, the “private deed,” of the executive magistrate, and the denomination was advisedly selected to mark the incompleteness of the act or deed without its acceptance.
Here a pardon is called private to signal “its functional deficiency if not accepted by him to whom it is tendered.”
Like the Wilson opinion, the Burdick opinion considers a pardon to be an act of grace. But the court takes a realistic view:
The grace of a pardon, though good its intention, may be only in pretense or seeming; in pretense, as having purpose not moving from the individual to whom it is offered; in seeming, as involving consequences of even greater disgrace than those from which it purports to relieve. Circumstances may be made to bring innocence under the penalties of the law. If so brought, escape by confession of guilt implied in the acceptance of a pardon may be rejected,—preferring to be the victim of the law rather than its acknowledged transgressor—preferring death even to such certain infamy.
The pardon in Burdick’s case was really intended to wrest testimony from him, not to benefit him personally, and so might be thought of as a pretense; and in accepting the pardon Burdick would be implicitly admitting his guilt, so that his pardon, in bringing this shame upon him, might only seem to relieve his predicament. As the court notes, an innocent man might well reject the pardon and suffer the consequences rather than implicitly confess to being guilty of a crime he did not commit. All this goes to undergird the right of the accused to refuse a pardon proffered him.
In 1927, the Supreme Court considered the case of a convicted criminal who, to claim wrongful imprisonment, disputed the commutation of his death sentence to life imprisonment. As we have seen, Chief Justice Holmes curtly declared, “A pardon in our days is not a private act of grace from an individual happening to possess power. It is a part of the Constitutional scheme. When granted it is the determination of the ultimate authority that the public welfare will be better served by inflicting less than what the judgment fixed.” Marshall would, of course, have agreed with Holmes that a pardon is part of our constitutional scheme. So wherein lies their disagreement?
Holmes seems to think that pardons are granted solely out of consideration for the public welfare. He repeatedly returns to this theme in the opinion:
Just as the original punishment would be imposed without regard to the prisoner’s consent and in the teeth of his will, whether he liked it or not, the public welfare, not his consent determines what shall be done.
The opposite answer . . . would deprive him [the president] of the power in the most important cases and require him to permit an execution which he had decided ought not to take place unless the change is agreed to by one who on no sound principle ought to have any voice in what the law should do for the welfare of the whole.
The idea that pardons are granted always for the public welfare is, however, patently false. While some pardons are granted for the sake of the public welfare, such as President Ford’s pardon of Richard Nixon, other pardons have notoriously been granted for considerations wholly apart from the public good. Moreover, as a number of legal theorists have remarked, the fact that a pardon has been granted for the public welfare is irrelevant to whether it requires acceptance in order to be efficacious.
Holmes does give some additional argument for why a commutation of sentence ought not to be refusable by the convicted criminal:
No one doubts that a reduction of the term of an imprisonment or the amount of a fine would limit the sentence effectively on the one side and on the other would leave the reduced term or fine valid and to be enforced, and that the convict’s cansent [sic] is not required.
When we come to the commutation of death to imprisonment for life it is hard to see how consent has any more to do with it than it has in the cases first put.
The claim here is that if the original sentence was justified and enforced without the criminal’s consent, then the reduced sentence is automatically implicit in it and therefore requires no consent from the criminal. This argument, however persuasive it might be for commutations and reprieves, does not apply pari passu to pardons. From the fact that a man deserves imprisonment of, say, thirty years, it does not follow that he deserves no imprisonment. On the contrary, from the fact that he deserves an imprisonment of thirty years, it follows that he deserves some imprisonment. Therefore, pardons are not implicit in sentences issued. Moreover, pardons may be issued prior to conviction and sentencing (not to mention after sentence has been served) and in such cases are independent of criminal sentences. It is noteworthy that the court in Biddle did not overturn Burdick but concluded merely that the reasoning of Burdick “is not to be extended to the present case.”
The key phrase in Holmes’ opinion seems to be “the determination of the ultimate authority.” Holmes sees a pardon as a unilateral determination of the sovereign authority that cannot be gainsaid. Similarly, the Oregon Supreme Court said,
We recognize that, historically, governors and presidents have granted clemency for a wide range of reasons, including reasons that may be political, personal, or “private,” and that many such decisions—such as Governor Kitzhaber’s decision here—may be animated by both public and private concerns. Nonetheless, the executive power to grant clemency flows from the constitution and is one of the Governor’s only checks on another branch of government. As part of the system of checks and balances, the Governor’s clemency power is far from private: It is an important part of the constitutional scheme envisioned by the framers.
Here the concern with public welfare recedes; rather, the concern is with the executive’s power in checking the courts. This concern is again not always relevant to pardons, however, since pardons may be and have been issued prior to conviction and sentencing. Moreover, in this scenario the person on whom a pardon is bestowed tends to get run over by the government. The worries raised in Burdick are just ignored. A potential pardonee who believes himself innocent may want his day in court, rather than to be summarily pardoned, whether or not accepting a pardon is thought to imply guilt.
In any case, the courts remain unclear on whether a pardon requires acceptance in order to be efficacious. Fortunately, or perhaps unfortunately, this question is unlikely to come before the Supreme Court today, since pardons are virtually always given in response to applicants to the Office of Pardon Attorney asking for a pardon and not bestowed upon unwitting criminals. People who receive pardons are those who want them.
The theological analogue to this question is whether a divine pardon must be accepted in order to be efficacious. Taking divine pardons to be acts of grace does not serve to resolve this question, since theologians have differed on whether grace is intrinsically efficacious and so irresistible by him upon whom it is bestowed or whether grace is extrinsically efficacious and so requires the free consent of the creaturely will in order to produce its effect. The concern with checks and balances is hardly appropriate to the divine government, since God is both Supreme Judge and Executive. Divine pardons are never bestowed to rectify judicial injustices but must be acts of grace motivated by mercy and love. Given God’s love for those whom He pardons, God’s pardons are intensely personal and in this sense private. Though official acts, they are motivated out of concern for the individual and not just for the general welfare. Whether a divine pardon requires acceptance by the person to whom it is granted is going to depend more on theological considerations such as freedom of the will and the nature of divine grace than upon the nature of a pardon.
In any case, what we have not mentioned thus far is that pardons may be conditional, in which case they undisputedly depend for their effect upon the pardonee’s agreeing to the conditions of the proffered pardon. While the president may not demand just any condition for a pardon—for example, that the pardonee vote forever after only for the president’s political party—nevertheless the conditions that the president may lay down for a pardon are endless. In fact, no federal court has ever held any condition invalid. A divine pardon, then, can be granted on the conditions of repentance and faith. If God desires people to come freely into His Kingdom, then He may offer His pardon to everyone who will freely accept it. Anyone who refuses a divine pardon therefore remains guilty before God’s bar and so liable to punishment.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
We have seen that redemption is accomplished legally via a divine pardon, which frees us from the prison house of sin. The Church Fathers’ instincts were thus correct when they insisted that we ought to think of redemption as accomplished in accord with justice rather than by raw power alone. Moreover, contra Socinus, given God’s roles in the government of the world as Judge and Ruler, divine forgiveness is much more akin to a legal pardon of a condemned criminal than to the remission of a debt or the forgiveness of an offense.
But can God pardon us of our sins if Christ has satisfied divine justice by being vicariously punished for those sins? Absolutely; it is precisely on the basis of Christ’s vicariously meeting the demands of divine justice that a perfectly just God can in His mercy pardon us. Pardons granted on grounds of innocence and wrongful conviction already show that a pardon is wholly compatible with justice’s demands’ being satisfied. Pardons to achieve remedial justice do not imply the guilt of the person involved or his failure to satisfy the demands of justice. Indeed, quite the opposite is the case. Moreover, the vast majority of pardons are granted after the criminal’s sentence has been fully served. The U.S. Office of Pardon Attorney will not even permit applications for a presidential pardon until at least five years have elapsed since the sentence of the criminal has been fully satisfied. A pardon in such a case does not imply that the pardonee has failed to satisfy justice’s demands. Even though the convicted person is no longer liable to punishment, a pardon serves to restore to him all his civil rights voided by his conviction. Similarly, a divine pardon serves to bestow upon us the full rights and privileges of a child of God, such as adoption into God’s family (Eph 1:5), an inheritance in heaven (1 Pet 1:4), citizenship in God’s Kingdom (Phil 3:20), access to the Father (Rom 5:2), and so on (all, interestingly, legal notions).
Because Christ has borne the punishment for our sins, God can be both just and the justifier of him who has faith in Jesus (Rom 3:26). Because God’s justice has been fully satisfied, God can pardon us on the basis of Christ’s sacrifice without prejudice to His justice. Paul says, “When you were dead in trespasses . . . , God made you alive together with him, when he forgave us all our trespasses, erasing the record that stood against us with its legal demands. He set this aside, nailing it to the cross” (Col 2:13-14). Forgiveness in this legal sense is based on the fact that the penalty has been fully paid and therefore we may be pardoned.
A divine pardon is rooted in God’s grace, for it is by His mercy that God determines to supply a satisfaction of His justice that we might in turn be pardoned. Because it is Christ and not we who has discharged the sentence for our sins, our redemption is not accomplished unless and until we receive God’s pardon. In contrast to the criminal who has fulfilled his sentence, we remain in our state of judicial condemnation until we accept the pardon offered us by God. If anyone refuses the pardon offered by God, then Christ’s sacrifice avails him nothing, for he has rejected the satisfaction of God’s justice wrought by Christ. The necessity of accepting God’s pardon is especially evident if it is conditional on repentance and faith, for apart from fulfillment of its conditions, the pardon is ineffectual. Thus, “those who receive the abundance of grace and the free gift of righteousness will reign in life through the one man Jesus Christ” (Rom 5:17).
H. R. T. Roberts, “Mercy,” Philosophy 46, no. 178 (1971): 353.
Alwynne Smart, “Mercy,” Philosophy 43, no. 166 (1968): 359.
Samuel T. Morison, “The Politics of Grace: On the Moral Justification of Executive Clemency,” Buffalo Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2005): 18–19.
Kathleen Dean Moore, Pardons: Justice, Mercy, and the Public Interest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 9.
United States v. Wilson, 32 U.S. 150, 160–61 (1833).
W. H. Humbert, The Pardoning Power of the President (Washington, D.C.: American Council on Public Affairs, 1941), 22.
Biddle v. Perovich, 274 U.S. 480, 486 (1927).
For example, Humbert asserts that in Biddle v. Perovich the Supreme Court “rejected the elements of grace and of the private character of the act of pardon” (Humbert, Pardoning Power of the President, 22). In fact, only the second element was rejected.
Haugen v. Kitzhaber, 353 Or. 715, 736 (2013) (emphases added).
Haugen v. Kitzhaber, 742.
Crouch, Presidential Pardon Power, 28–29.
Crouch, Presidential Pardon Power, 28–29. The president’s pardoning power is administered by the Office of Pardon attorney. Samuel Morison, who works in that office, observes, “The court itself evidently does not see any inconsistency between Holmes’s dictum and the traditional view of clemency as an act of mercy, because cases decided after Biddle continue to describe clemency in precisely those terms.” Citing a number of examples, Morison concludes, “Consequently, there is no authority for the proposition that the Supreme Court has formally rejected the conception of clemency as an act of mercy” (“Politics of Grace,” 113).
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” provides this useful bibliography: Dan Markel, “Against Mercy,” Minnesota Law Review 88 (2004): 1421; Emilios A. Christodoulis, “The Irrationality of Merciful Legal Judgment,” Law & Philosophy 18 (1999): 215; Daniel Statman, “Doing without Mercy,” Southern Journal of Philosophy 32 (1994): 331; Ross Harrison, “The Equality of Mercy,” in Jurisprudence: Cambridge Essays, ed. Hyman Gross and Ross Harrison (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), 107–25; Daniel T. Kobil, “The Quality of Mercy Strained: Wresting the Pardon Power from the King,” Texas Law Review 69 (1991): 569; Kathleen Dean Moore, Pardons: Justice, Mercy, and the Public Interest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); Jeffrie G. Murphy, “Mercy and Legal Justice,” in Forgiveness and Mercy, ed. Jean Hampton and Jeffrie Murphy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 162–86; H. R. T. Roberts, “Mercy,” Philosophy 46 (1971): 352–53.
Moore, Pardons, 125. She also permits adjustment to sentences to prevent undeserved suffering (e.g., legal disabilities and shame, which are not properly punishments) or to prevent an unwarranted, cruel punishment. Moore’s conception of legal liability seems excessively narrow, for if a person has justification or excuse for his lawbreaking, then he is counted not guilty in our justice system and so not legally liable to punishment. In that case, pardons are required just in case a person has been mistakenly found by some court to be legally liable, that is to say, they are required to rectify injustices.
See Morison’s poignant observation:
The theoretical controversy surrounding the exercise of executive clemency really only arises when . . . the president acts for reasons unrelated to the offender’s just deserts. The interesting philosophical question is whether this sort of leniency constitutes a serious injustice of some kind. Understood in this way, the practice of executive clemency for reasons unrelated to the offender’s just deserts does seem to give rise to a real dilemma, because it apparently permits a departure from the demands of justice, which, according to some theorists, renders the dispensation of mercy in a legal context inherently immoral. But this result is at least puzzling, since mercy has occupied a central place in the philosophical tradition, not merely as chief among the human virtues, but indeed as an attribute of divine perfection. (“Politics of Grace,” 27 [emphasis original])
For a theological version of the argument of the pure retributivists, see David Londey, “Can God Forgive Us Our Trespasses?” Sophia 25, no. 1 (1986): 4–10; along with responses by Andrew Brien, “Can God Forgive Us Our Trespasses?” Sophia 28, no. 2 (1989): 35–42; Dean Geuras, “In Defense of Divine Forgiveness: A Response to David Londey,” Sophia 31, no. 1–2 (1992): 65–77.
Immanuel Kant, Metaphysical Elements of Justice, 2nd ed., trans. John Ladd (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1999), 140.
Brian Leftow, God and Necessity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 412.
See John Owen, A Dissertation on Divine Justice; Or, The Claims of Vindicatory Justice Asserted (Latin version 1653) (London: L. J. Higham, n.d.).
Moore, Pardons, 192; cf. Murphy, “Mercy and Legal Justice,” 167–69; Roberts, “Mercy,” 352–53; Smart, “Mercy,” 349–53.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 77–78. Cf. Leo Zaibert’s denunciation of Michael Moore’s “legal moralism,” which would require the state to punish every moral wrong, an impossible task that would drive one crazy (Leo Zaibert, Punishment and Retribution [Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2006], 183–85). Of course, such a task is only humanly impossible.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 78.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 80.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 82.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 83.
Jeffrie G. Murphy, “Retributivism, Moral Education, and the Liberal State,” Criminal Justice Ethics 4, no. 1 (1985): 6, cited by Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 84. Morison adds, “Murphy is surely correct that we are never in a position to play God.”
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 86.
Cf. Daniel Kobil’s reservations about the view of the pure retributivists:
Retributive concerns alone, however, do not sufficiently describe the goals of punishment. The . . . problem with the strict approach to clemency that Moore and other Kantian philosophers advocate is its presumption that retributive principles are the only justification for punishment and must be the sole guideposts in clemency decisions. The better view . . . is that deserts provide only a starting point, with utilitarian and other societal concerns establishing secondary limits on the remission of punishment generally, and in individual cases. Once a determination as to deserts has been made, other considerations such as general or specific deterrence of crime may limit both the imposition and remission of punishment. (“Quality of Mercy Strained,” 581–82)
Such concerns arise only on a human level, so that they do not serve to qualify the prima facie demands of divine retributive justice.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 100.
George W. Rainbolt, “Mercy: An Independent, Imperfect Virtue,” American Philosophical Quarterly 27, no. 2 (1990): 192, cited by Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 101.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 104, citing Andrew Brien, “Mercy within Legal Justice,” Social Theory & Practice 24 (1998): 91 (emphasis added).
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 102.
Morison, “Politics of Grace,” 102.
Background: Having been convicted of robbing the mail and endangering the carrier’s life, George Wilson was pardoned by President Jackson. Facing further charges, Wilson was asked by the court whether he wished to avail himself of the pardon to avoid sentencing in the particular case. Wilson answered that he did not wish to avail himself of the pardon referred to.
United States v. Wilson, 32 U.S. at 161.
United States v. Wilson at 163.
United States v. Wilson at 163.
See Mark Strasser, “The Limits of the Clemency Power on Pardons, Retributivists, and the United States Constitution,” Brandeis Law Journal 41 (2002): 110–11.
United States v. Wilson at 161. When is a pardon delivered? Humbert relates that in In re DePuy, Fed. Case No. 3,814, 7 Fed. Cas. 506 (1869), the president granted a pardon to one Moses DePuy but then rescinded it before the marshal could deliver it to the prison warden. Depuy obtained a writ of habeas corpus and demanded release. But the federal court held that the prisoner should not be discharged because the pardon had not been delivered. In order to be considered delivered, the pardon had to be placed in the hands of the warden (Humbert, Pardoning Power of the President, 67–68; cf. p. 72).
United States v. Wilson at 162.
Background: In 1913 George Burdick, the city editor of the New York Tribune, refused to testify before a grand jury concerning his sources of information for certain stories in the Tribune on alleged custom frauds, on the grounds that his answers might tend to incriminate him. To secure Burdick’s testimony, President Wilson issued “a full and unconditional pardon for all offenses against the United States” that Burdick may have committed in the matter, “thereby absolving him from the consequences of every such criminal act” (Burdick v. United States, 236 U.S. 79, 86 [1915]). Burdick remained adamant and refused to accept the pardon, so that a New York district court found him to be in contempt. When Burdick’s case was brought before the Supreme Court the following year, the solicitor general argued that acceptance of a pardon is not a necessary condition of its efficacy.
Burdick v. United States at 88.
Burdick v. United States at 90.
Burdick v. United States at 90.
Burdick v. United States at 90–91.
Biddle, 274 U.S. at 486.
Biddle at 486, 487.
Crouch draws attention to President Clinton’s notorious pardons of members of the Puerto Rican nationalist group FALN to curry favor with Puerto Rican voters in New York City for his wife’s Senate campaign and of Marc Rich, whose ex-wife had donated a half million dollars to Clinton’s presidential library (Crouch, Presidential Pardon Power, 3–4). Crouch says that since Watergate presidents have been more willing to use their pardoning power not merely as an act of grace or for the public welfare, as the framers of the Constitution intended, but also as a political weapon to close investigations of their allies or to reward political contributors. See also Kobil, “Quality of Mercy Strained,” 610, for many other examples.
See, e.g., Strasser, “Limits of the Clemency Power,” 110, who comments on the Wilson opinion:
Although the Court’s analysis of when a pardon becomes effective was offered in a context in which the pardon was viewed as an act of grace, the same analysis might have been offered had the Court instead suggested that pardons are to promote the public good—the Court might still have maintained that the pardonee would have to bring the pardon to the attention of the court in order for it to be effective.
By the same token, even if a pardon is an act of grace, “there is nothing inherent in the concept of private grace which suggests that the individual benefited must voluntarily accept that grace in order for it to be effective.”
Biddle at 486–87.
To illustrate: From the fact that there are seven apples on the table, it follows that there are three apples on the table. But it does not follow that there are no apples on the table; quite the opposite, in fact. Since a pardon involves no punishment, it cannot be implied in any punishment to be meted out.
Caplow comments on the Burdick opinion, “Noting that a retrospective pardon might eradicate guilt, the Court recognized that a pardon accepted without any adjudication may effectively constitute a confession of guilt and thus no one could be forced to accept one” (Caplow, “Governors! Seize the Law,” 303n40).
Biddle at 488. Humbert comments, “The decision . . . does not overrule the decision in the Burdick case to the effect that a full pardon must be accepted, but the later decision limits the doctrine of the earlier case by holding that commutations do not require acceptance” (Pardoning Power of the President, 69). Similarly, in Haugen v. Kitzhaber the Oregon Supreme Court limited its opinion to reprieves, stating, “We need not—and do not—decide whether a pardon must be accepted to be valid. We note only that none of the definitions of ‘reprieve’ contains a similar notion of acceptance” (Haugen v. Kitzhaber, 353 Or. at 724 [emphasis original]).
Haugen v. Kitzhaber at 742.
It is interesting that prior to his pardon of Richard Nixon, President Ford, cognizant of Burdick’s ruling, sent a secret emissary to Nixon to ensure that he was willing to accept both the pardon and the guilt implied by it. Nixon said that he was so willing.
The situation remains the same as when Humbert concluded that the president “cannot under existing law make a full pardon effective without the consent of the prisoner. The latter must be willing to receive and accept a full pardon before it can be put into effect” (Pardoning Power of the President, 135).
Ex parte Wells, 59 U.S. 307, 314 (1855). See comment by Humbert, Pardoning Power of the President, 72: “Before conditional pardons or conditional commutations go into effect, physical delivery takes place and actual acceptance has been and is required by providing for the signature of the prisoner and by obtaining it on a form of acceptance which is embodied in the warrant of clemency.” Cf. 23–24.
Schoenburg, “Clemency, War Powers, and Guantánamo,” 928.
Humbert, Pardoning Power of the President, 74–75, explains that in a conditional pardon the conditions can be either precedent or subsequent. If the conditions are precedent, the pardon becomes operative when the recipient has fulfilled the conditions, but not until then. If the conditions are subsequent, the pardon takes effect upon delivery and acceptance but becomes void upon the violation of the specified conditions. Both precedent and subsequent conditions have theological analogues with respect to justification and perseverance.
See discussion by Weihofen, “Effect of a Pardon,” 178–79.

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