Part 26
It must still be withal remembered and carried along with us, that these three tribes were near borderers upon Judah; and so, although they had been inhabitants in some of the cities and towns under the king of Israel's dominion, yet, being borderers, they hada fairer and shorter passage to slip into Judah, or any of the cities in these tribes in the possession of Judah.
It was but a day, or day and a half's, journey.
Yea, and that a passage was at this time somewhat open for them so to do, may be argued from this, that Baasha, the present king of Israel, afterwards, upon this very occasion, did attempt to build Ramah to obstruct this passage (as the first verse of the next chapter hath it), which passage for these tribes therefore afore (and so at this time), lay more free for them to pass.
But this was not the present condition of the godly, their brethren in the other ten tribes, who were distant many days' journey, and who, if they would remove, must adventure far greater personal dangers of being taken and intercepted.
Would not (think we) those hundred prophets, whom Obadiah hid in Ahab's reign, have much rather run away unto Judah, unto the good king Jehoshaphat, then reigning there, than to have lain hid in a cave, and live barely on bread and water? 1 Kings xviii. 4.
As the times were harder, so the distance made the difficulty to have escaped far greater.
These in the heart of those dominions, or utmost parts thereof, were more strictly watched, and encompassed, and hedged in, and utterly disenabled to remove whole families.
And the consideration of this difference between these three tribes and those others doth afford a great light unto the case in hand, viz., what hazards we are to venture, and what not.
But that which I urge and insist on in the case of those three tribes (that did remove, and had opportunity, without such dangets to do it), as to the solving any seeming objection that may arise therefrom, is, that supposing the loss of their estates at home (for that we will suppose), yet such a removal was simply and absolutely in itself best for them, and the best choice that possibly could be made by men, considering all those circumstances forementioned, and they needed not to have much debate or hesitance what to do.
The experience of so many former miseries which they and their countrymen had run through, like one wave treading on the neck of another, tho foretelling that the same, or worse, would continue for a long season (as indeed they did), and then the certain prophecies of a final captivity at last, to dispossess them of all, and remove them to heathenish countries, which continueth even unto these our days, were considerations sufficient to make them change their abode, when they saw such changes of princes, usurpers
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VII. over them, made, and like to be made, as the curse of their revolt from the house of David; when they saw so unstable a government, unhinged, and | like a reed in the water, tossed this way and that upon every alteration, so | as they must needs make account to hold nothing that was their own in any certain way, but to tire out a dying life in fears and expectations of they knew not what calamities, nor how soon to come upon them; and when in the mean time they knew this to be certain, that the oppression of their consciences in matters of religion would continue as long as the nation.
These thoughts were enough to make them weary of their dwelling, and it was best for these men, in this case, to quit all, and come intoa settled, stable government, secured by a succession of kings of the seed of David, to which the promises were made for aftertimes, whom God, afore their own eyes, had prospered hitherto unto wonderment, and to whom the promise
] was, that he would continue still to do great things for them.
It was best for these men to remove into a place where a defence was upon all the glory; yea, and they had this farther encouragement, that they had seen two such kings, father and son, one after the other, so truly godly and zealous of God's true worship, and lovers of their brethren, the godly Israelites
; whereof the latter now reigning was holy to an eminency; and farther, they were encouraged to cast themselves upon the brotherly aid and assistance of their brethren of Judah, and Benjamin, &., and upon the bounty of so holy and large-hearted a prince as this Asa was, and who, through the blessing of God, was newly enriched with so great spoils (unto a consecrated part of which they came to join in the sacrifice, ver. 10), and so was abundantly enabled to provide for them out of this abundance that fell to him, besides the other ordinary ways of doing it; who also had lately won cities to put them into (if need were), especially considering that this king and this people had
. invited them to come, and gathered them together upon the sermon of a prophet sent from God to that end, to worship God, and proposed unto them to join in a solemn oath and covenant afore God mutually, and also unto
For, by their access, the kingdom of Judah would be (as it was) greatly strengthened, and grow in reputation and honour thereby.
Yea, and finally, God had by that last prophet promised this king, and those of Judah, that their work should be rewarded, ver. 7, and to unite and gather together, and so to support these strangers, their persecuted brethren, in their sufferings, or to help any others who had afore voluntarily come in to them, was one and a great part of that work the promise was made unto, that it should be rewarded.
Now, upon all these grounds, these persons had reason to judge that this king and this people were in the highest mea- . sure engaged and obliged hereunto.
Since, therefore, they were in these circumstances, and were rationally possessed with these and such like apprehensions, it was most eligible for them to leave their dwellings, &.
Though indeed in itself it was a hard and difficult trial, yet when they were so necessitated on the one hand, and their way on the other side was so promising and sweetened, and on both hands rendered the only way to secure and preserve themselves and their posterity, an appeal might be made unto all men to judge if these alone were not simply motives sufficient to render it every way most eligible ; yea, and to make them so to rejoice in the good providence of God, that had so wisely and so graciously contrived such a junctare, and opportunity, and season of advantage for them.
And indeed their removal is put upon this very thing, as part of the reason of it, in the text: ver. 9, 'They fell to him (viz., Asa) in abundance when they saw that the Lord his God was with him;' so wonderfully with him, as hath been related, so as the outward prosperous condition of him moved them.
Cuar. VIII:] THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST.
Sir Walter Raleigh hath shewn himself as deep-sighted, and apprehensive to spy out of the stories and imperfect narrations of times, what the face or scheme of things in any age was, as any historian whatever that hath undertaken to set forth matters of that nature.
And he gives this judgment of thatjuncture of time during Asa's reign, and puts not only this remark upon it, that it was the eminent sole time of advantage (for he could find no such other during the whole 250 years) for the whole people of Israel to have taken the opportunity to have set themselves free from that idolatry, &., and to have united themselves to this Asa, king of Judah, their natural prince, and the people of Judah, their brethren ; and he spends two whole sections upon the debate thereof, and that chiefly upon politic and prudent considerations.
He begins his fifth section thus: In the reign of Asa, the kingdom of Israel felt great and violent commotions, which might have reduced the ten tribes unto their fofmer allegiance unto the house of David, if the wisdom of God had not otherwise determined.
And the sixth section begins thus: Any man that shall consider the state. of Israel in those times, may justly wonder how
~ it came to pass, either that the whole nation, wearied with the calamities already suffered under these unfortunate princes (from Jeroboam until now), did not retarn to their ancient kings, and reunite themselves with the mighty tribes of Judah and Benjamin.
And therefore give me leave not to wonder if, at such a season,multitudes of particular godly persons of those three bordering tribes, zealous of the true religion, did thus choose to break from that yoke for a time, when withal this course was presented unto them to be the only probable way of safety, and so invited them thereto; and the opportunity lay so fairly open for it, especially when the enjoyment of the ordinances of God was connected with it, and cast into the bargain to their present security.
| 8. There was a third going up of these tribes in Hezekiah's time, but five | years afore the final ruin of that people as a nation, which was occasioned and drawn in by an invitation of Hezekiah (as that of Asa's had also been), upon which it is said that divers of Asher, and Manasseh, and Zebulon
| humbled themselves, and came to Jerusalem, 2 Chron. xxx. 11, when the generality of that people laughed at the message and messengers, ver. 10.
Bat then, withal, let the case and condition of this people at that juncture j of time be considered also, and it will be found the people then had a far
| greater freedom than any formerly had.
| Their condition at that time, in 2 Chron. xxx. (not to insist on that which was before mentioned in the case of that second removal) was this ; that there
{ were many cities of the ten tribes that had continued all along subject to the kings of Jerusalem, from Abijah's and Asa's days, even to Hezekiah's, whom
Hezekiah could command as well as invite to come (read for this 2 Chron. xiii. 10, and xv. 8); yea, and it would seem that the cities of Manasseh, and others of Ephraim, had upon the oommotions and miseries. that had fallen out in Israel, given up themselves unto Hezekiah, or formerly, unto
| some of the kings of Judah; for it is evident Hezekiah had dominion therein, from what is said, 2 Chron. xxxi. 1, that after that passover, the people went and brake down the images in all Judah, in Ephraim also, and Manasseh, which being done by Hezekiah's subjects, and with his authority, these cities also must have been under his dominion.
But that which I principally consider and urge in the cage, and which will carry all afore it, and defend it from objection,.is this, that God, in his gracious providence, had so disposed of this nick and juncture of time, that all of the ten-tribes that would, had liberty to go to Jerusalem to worship by the permission of their king who was over them ; which was a mercyand
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boos VII. privilege never afore vouchsafed for almost two hundred and fifty years.
Hoshea was then their king (and the last king of their own over them) when Hezekiah sent this invitation to the ten tribes, and the power of their kings had been afore (as appears by 2 Kings xv. 19, 29), and was (as it remained in this king's time) much broken ; insomuch that the first nine years of the time from the vacancy of the former king, whereinto this Hoshea succeeded,
' is reckoned by interpreters as a time of confusion and anarchy of the people.
| After those nine years, when he is reckoned to have becomea settled king, it | was by his having been made but as tributary unto Shalmaneser, king of Assyria (as 2 Kings xvii. 8 expressly tells us), and who, as many think, had i set him up king, and by reason of this dependence ona foreign prince, his interest was changed from that of those former kings who bad prohibited the going of people to Jerusalem, out of a fear which they had of their making
& party among them for the kings of Jadah ; and hence, as for other reasons, which the circumstances wherein he was led him into, he, of all the other kings, gave this liberty unto the people to worship as they pleased ; and this that passage (which the Holy Ghost, as on purpose, hath inserted), 2 Kings xvii. 2, seems to signify and pointto us: 'And he did that that was evil in the sight of the Lord, but not as the kings of Israel that were before him.'
| Those latter words, but not as the kings ofIsrael that were before him, do, | notanver, remarkably give a different character of this king from all the fore- ' going kings, and that in respect of that sin which had been common and 'universal to them all afore, and not of some particular personal sins only.
Now, what had that been, but that sin which is noted all along to have been Jeroboam's sin first, who was the father of that abomination, and who led the round to all that succeeded, and which sin is heedfally, all along from Jeroboam downward, affixed to them all, that they made Israel to sin, as Jeroboam had, in worshipping the calves at Bethel, and who withal severely prohibited any of their subjects to go up unto Jerusalem to worship ; for that was the main intent that the calves were set up for.
This was general to them all; whereas heathenish idolatry (which some would have to be the difference) was but the sin of some of them.
Many interpreters, from hence, do plainly collect, and, in terminis, in express terms affirm, that this Hoshea did give liberty to this people, his subjects, to go up to Jerusalem to offer there.
The true reason whereof was, that the proper interest of those former kings was broken, and he, holding of a foreign prince strong enough to uphold him, scrupled not to quit this so long continued a law, viz., that prohibition about going to Jerusalem; and thus Jewish writers themselves have understood it.
Say they, Though Hoshes himself did worship the calves, yet permitted he his subjects that : would to go up to Jerusalem to worship in the temple, which the rest of the kings of Israel had not permitted ; nay, did use to set watchmen and guards at all ways whereby their people should go up to Jerusalem, to stop and hinder them from going to worship.
And there is this farther evidence for that, in 2 Chron. xxx. 6, where that serious and solemn invitation of Hezekiah's is made by letters and posts unto the cities of the ten tribes in these words, ' So the posts went with the letters from the king and his princes throughout all Israel and Jadah, and according to the commandment of the king, saying, Ye children of Isracl, turn again unto the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and he will return to the remnant of you that are escaped out of the hand of the kings of Assyria ;' where you see the king is twice mentioned, and the first mention doth evidently refer unto Hezekiah and his princes, who were the writers and senders of the letters, together with the posts, and who were at the | Cuar. VIII.] THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST.
H charge of it; but the second mention in these words, and according to the commandment of the king, do refer (says Deodati) unto the command or permission of the king of Assyria himself to them, who was the supreme over them, and had assented to give them liberty.
But, I should say, those words refer rather unto this Hoshes himself, who, though a tributary king under the Assyrian, was yet left to rule them as to their religion, &., as he should order, or else suppose him a king made by the people, and independent on any other ; yet still so it fell out, that to gratify all sorts among the people, he had given allowance by an edict, that they who would should go up to worship ; and so it was according to their own king's commandment that this was done, as well as by Hezekiah's invitation and letters.
And truly it cannot be rationally thought that the letters, as written im Hezekiah's name, should run in the style of a commandment from him, as sent unto the ten tribes of Israel (whom what follows there doth particularly concern); for they were no way under his command or jurisdiction, but subjects of another king; and therefore I take the whole of it up thus, that Hezekiah, the king of Judah, indeed wrote and sent the letters, the contents whereof are specified, ' saying, Ye children of Israel,' &.
But yet withal there had been an edict of granting freedom by their own king promulged, which is termed his command; and whereas that word saying, immediately following the word commandment, seems, according to our translation, to carry the contents that follow, as if commanded by that king, we must know that in the Hebrew this word, being in the place of a gerund, may and doth refer to the letters
Hezekiah sent, and shows what they contained, and not unto the command; for indeed these words, 'according to the command of the king,' are best read by way of parenthesis, as signifying a coincident matter with the letters, as if he had said that these things were done by Hezekiah, not against, but with an edict of their own king himself concurring, and declaring for leave to his people, which Hezekiah took the advantage of.
Indeed, if this Hoshea, their own king, had not thus far aforehand someway declared this, it may well be thought that the entertainment of them that went with the letters into his dominion would not have been a mockage in word by the common people, but would have ended in blows rather, or in their having been intercepted at least, seeing the people were so highly and generally spirited against them for their message (which their mocking shewed), and for their coming into their kingdom under the jurisdiction of another king, and that boldly to invite them unto what in former times had been accounted treason and rebellion.
Certainly, unless king .Hoshea had some way promulged and made publicly known so much as might quiet and hold the hands of this people off from violence unto these single persons, the messengers, they would have fallen upon them.
But in that they only mocked, and went not about so much as to excuse themselves for their refusal, which excuse had been easy and ready, if so be they had been under the old wonted restraint in this king's days, which had been in force, all this pat together would argue that they were indeed really at a liberty to have taken Hezekiah's invitation if they had pleased, but that out of their own innate profaneness of heart they contemned it (having been for along time disused thereto) ; which frame of heart (where it was let thus free to their arbitrament) God suffered to foreran and make way for the filling ap their own and their forefathers' iniquity in this particular sin, and for justifying that fatal, final captivity that followed upon the whole nation specially ; aud to this purpose, further, the Lord guided Hezekiah in his letters to write in this manner to them, vers. 7-9, ' And be not ye like your fathers and like your brethren, which trespassed against the Lord God of their fathers, who THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VI. therefore gave them up to desolation, as ye see.
Now, be ye not stiffnecked, as your fathers were, but yield yourselves unto the Lord, and enter into his sanctuary, which he hath sanctified for ever; and serve the Lord your God, that the fierceness of his wrath may turn away from you.
For if ye turn again unto the Lord, your brethren and your children shall find compassion before them that led them captive, so that they shall come again into this land ; for the Lord your God is gracious and merciful, and will not turn away his face from you, if ye return unto him.'
Wherein he prompted to them that their captivity threatened might hereby be prevented ; and not only so, but that their brethren that had already been led captive might yet come to have that compassion from the kings of Assyria, who had led many of them away, and that God would incline their hearts so, as even they also should come again into their own land.
§o good and gracious is our God, as for the repentance of some part of a nation to be moved to shew mercy unto others of that nation thereupon, which is a very great instance to encourage the people of God in a nation to turn to him, and seek to him for themselves and their brethren.
One thing, by the way, I must here note, that whereas of these present inhabitants (to whom those letters were sent) it is said, ver. 6,
' They were a remnant that had escaped out of the hand of the king of Assyria,' this passage is not to be understood as if the present king of Assyria had not been at this time supreme over them, and they and their king Hoshea tributary unto him, as was noted; but it is only to be understvod that, by God's goodness, this small remnant had escaped from being carried captives as the rest had been by Pal and Tilgath-pilneser, 1 Chron. v. 26, 2 Kings xv. 29; and that these words, ver. 26, are spoken in relation unto captivity, the comparing of ver. 8 and ver. 9 shews.
There is one appearance more of an argument that they had such a freedom granted them by their king Hoshea, in that the passover having been ended, 2 Chron. xxxi. 1, ' All Israel that was present brake down the images,' &c.; and after all was done, ' Then all the children of Israel returned every man to his own possession, into their own cities.'
This being so indigitatively said, all the children of Israel, carries this with it, that those of the ten tribes that had come out of all Israel, returned every man to his own city from whence he had come, and where his own possession lay, which, if they had not liberty from their king Hoshea to have come up, such as in former times had not been granted, they could not peaceably have presumed to have done, or to have again enjoyed their possessions; which also that passage in 2 Chron. xxx.
'And all the congregation of Judah, with the priests and Levites, and all the congregation that came ont of Israel, and the strangers that came out of the land of Israel, and that dwelt in Judah, rejoiced.'
Where we see that the congregation who came out of Israel, are distinguished from the strangers that formerly came out of the land of Israel, and then dwelt in Jerusalem
; so as the most of that congregation that had at that present come, returned to theirown homes. And yet I cannot but think that God did persuade and guide many of their hearts, either at that passover or some of the next, that for five years followed, to | stay at Jerusalem, and so they escaped that lamentable captivity, which, after those years ended, fell upon those fore-mentioned mockers in that nation.
You have seen how many instances the Old Testament holds ont, either for forbearance, or a prudent management of enjoying ordinances, or avoid- ; ing the case of danger.
Obj. There is no objection of moment in the Old Testament to the con- | Cua. VIII.) THE OHURCHES OF CHRIST. trary, that I know of, but that of Daniel, chap. vi. 6, 7, 10, Where 'all the presidents of the kingdom, the governors, and the princes, the counsellors, and the captains, having consulted together to establish a royal statute, and to makea firm decree, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any God or man for thirty days, save of the king, he shall be cast into the den of lions.
Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house ; and his windows being open in his chamber towards Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed, and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.'
And this indeed is a great objection, in appearance, for he neither forebore altogether the practice of the duty, nor used any avoidance, or so much as a concealment.
For if he would have prayed, he might have prayed secretly, and performed the inward worship of prayer, which God regards, or he might have performed the outward privately ; as for time, he might have done it in the night; as for place, he might have done it in another place, in a privater room ; he needed net to have opened his windows ; but yet we see that he chooseth to use an open and an avowed profession: says the 10th verse, 'Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed,' that is, knew fall well the nature of the decree, that it was irreversible; knew his enemies' manner of getting it, and their design in it; knew full well the danger that he should incur, viz., that the instant after he should have done it, death must follow; for he knew the king, though he favoured him, could not pardon him ; yet, he never so much as deliberates at all, whether he should, or he should not, but went immediately into his house, and down upon his knees, with his window open, and, as some read it, did every way do as he had wont.
The argument from hence is this, that when the supreme magistrate forbids any part of worship of God, public or private, every Christian is bound, after Daniel's example, to continue to practise it with boldness, openness, yea, in all circumstances as he had'wont; there being the like reason of all worship else as there is of prayer.
Ans. 1. This is perfectly contradictory to all the former instances, and in a special manner unto that last: Ezra iv. 28, 24,
' They made them cease by force and power, then ceased the work of building the temple.'
Ans, 2. That this example of Daniel should extend unto all duties of religious worship when prohibited by the magistrate, whatever the case be, cannot be; for neither were all these former instances sinfully acted, nor was Daniel the only valiant man in the Old Testament, whose example should reprove all the rest.
The Scriptures, as our Saviour Christ says, cannot be broken, and therefore of necessity there must be fonnd out a reconciliation.
And those that are of that opinion of an absolute obligation in case of such prohibitions in any part of public worship, without any relaxation, ought not to run away with one part, as yet men use to do, but are obliged soberly to seek to reconcile these things, as well as we of this other opinion, and to do otherwise is a great contempt unto Scripture; and this reconciliation is no way done but by finding out the clear ground of the difference from the nature of the duties and the eases.
Our Nonconformists, in the case of the oath ex officio, in which a man was put upon it to accuse himself in matter of fact, had Christ's instance urged upon them, that Caiaphas the high priest by an oath did adjure him : 'I adjure thee by the living God, that thou toll us whether thou be Christ the Son of God; Jesus said unto him, Thon hast said.'
And it was inferred from thence, that therefore every man was bound to answer by oath unto what he should, by the ecclesiastical power, be put upon.
The non-consequence of this did easily appear from a contrary practice of our Lord, as that when false witnesses came and THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VII. said in the words afore, ' This man eaid, I am able to destroy the temple of God and to build it in three days ' (which yet in the substance of it, was what he himself had indeed spoken in relationto the temple of his body), yet unto this 'he answers nothing.' Was it that he had an oath put upon him in the one case, which put the difference ? No; he might have chosen whether he would have accepted of that oath or no; yet he thought himself bound to answer to the one, but not to the other.
There was, therefore, in this case this ground of difference suggested by | thase good men between the one case and the other, that the subject matter
| whereabout he was asked was differing; the one was matter of fact, but \ the other was matter of confession; a point of absolute necessity to declare
| himself the Son of God, which was necessary at that time, or else for ever his testimony ceased, for his enemies were resolved to put him to death; it was necessary, especially for the matter of it, it being that great point, both of his concernment and our faith, that he was the Son of God.
And the difference of these two doth give a rational ground why he answered to the one and not to the other.
The like may be observed when they asked him concerning his doctrine, he refuses to answer, John xviii. 20, because it was matter of fact in what he had preached, of which afterward.
Things that are thus like in all appearance, have yet, in the. foundation of | them, a vast difference, and go will this case of Daniel's be found to have, from the former instances, 1. There have been some who have denied that it was well done of him, but that he was simple and fooligh in it, and needlessly exposed himself to death; for he might have prayed, say they, 1, inwardly, and so have performed his duty, at least; 2, if he would pray with bodily worship, he might have done it privately, or at night, and in another place.
But this opinion is confated, not only because the Holy Ghost hath recorded this great act of his, and also that it is witnessed unto by so great a deliverance from God, which shewed God's acceptance ; and also that Darius. a heathen, did witness upon it to Daniel's integrity, in those words: 'Thy
God, whom thon servest continually, he will deliver thee,' ver. 16 ; but also because Daniel himself, ver. 22, puts it upon this reason:
' Forasmuch as ' before God innocency was found in me ;' and, ver. 28, 'No manner of hurt | was found upon him, because he believed in his God.'
2. Others say it was an heroic, extraordinary act, that is not to be drawn : into ordinary example.
But we have no warrant to think so, and I shall not have recourse to extraordinaries whereby to difference it from the former instances.
8. It yet must be acknowledged to be a special act in a special case, whereof perhaps, such another instance is not, in all points, to be again found in the Qld Testament.
4. I will tell you what the good old Nonconformists' principles were in this case.
Their practice ia known, that when they were silenced from preaching by the magistrate or bishops, they forbare preaching all their days; and afterwards, when the way of going to New England had been started, some that were but in danger of the High Commission, removed unto New
England, and so avoided the storm, as Mr Cotton did, leaving the bulk of his church here, and when this instance of Daniel was urged, Mr Cotton gave this account of it ;— He used to produce that example of Ezra's ceasing the building of the temple, constrained by force, for justification of the Nonconformists' forbearance, and suffering themselves to be silenced and then being silent; s0 in answer to this place of Daniel, and reconciliation of both, and for the clearing
Crap. VIII.) THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST. of either, he put this substantial difference between the one and the other, that Daniel's came under an immediate duty of the first commandment, which was personal prayer unto God, as also under a duty of confession to be made of the true God, in which case there is no room for mercy or preservation of a man's self; but he is called to lay down his life in that case.
But that other instance in Ezra and the like, was the forbearance of an outward, instituted worship, and such an one temple worship was, sacrifice and the like, parallel to our ordinances of preaching by ministers, and to our churches, sacraments, &.; and that of these latter, with difference from the other,
Christ's rale holds true, ' I will have mercy rather than sacrifice' (which was the temple worship), sacrifice being the highest instance of instituted worship.
I shall enlarge this notion, and prosecute it farther.
I shall, 1, consider the nature of this fact of Daniel's in the substance of it; and, .
2, Insist on the differences of other cases.
8, I shall remove objections that may be made from his retaining of outward circumstances, kneeling openly and toward Jerusalem, as he had wont every day to do.
1. The substance of the act is a complex of many things which, when stated and first considered apart, and then put again together, will afford a clear difference from the case of other outward ordinances.
Calvin insists on two things, as I observe ant of hia comment, as Mr Cotton also hath done.
That the object of the prohibition was that none should pray to God for a month together, and then he further adds that it came under the nature of the case of a confession of God.
Now I will not lay all the stress of the whole weight upon each of these part singly (though each would bear a rational ground of difference from the former instances), but on the whole complexion of all together.
(1.) The object of the edict was that none should pray at all unto God; for it rans thus : ' To establish a royal statute and to make a firm decree, that whosoever shall ask a petitionof any god or man for thirty days, save of thee,
O King, he shall be east into the den of lions.'
Calvin first makes a great matter of this, that prayer should be thus forbidden,* because that in the worship of God, prayer is the top and the chief worship, and the highest sacrificeof all other ; and it is at large urged by him that it is that we owe simply to God in all conditions, a duty whereby we are to witness God to be the author of all good to us, to acknowledge our dependence upon him for all benefits, either to come, which we obtain by prayer, or past and present, and therefore in Daniel's practice here, ver, 10, as he prayed, so he-gave thanks before his God.
It is by prayer that we offer up our desires and vows unto God, and cast all our cares upon him, which, if we forbear, we shew we can be without God, without his help, his aid; whereas if he withdraw, we perish every moment; and this we are to do every day. Now to make a, decree that whatsoever a man's distress be, if he be sick he must not pray, if under lusts, if he were near unto death (as a man might think), he must not pray or call upon his God for a moment together, would be to make an odiet against all religion.t And others also urge it unto such a * Cum in sdosatione et cultu Dei primas obtineat tio—ne quisquam oraret erat manifesta et crassa nimis i repatie istatien andweain that it dinepracipuum sacrifictum, hence says Calvin, Cum Rex vetaret usque ad totum mensem uilamm, precationem concipere, hoc erat exigere a singulis ut Deum abnegarent.
¢ Edictum Darii pugnat cum jure nature.
Quod enim quemque docet et convincit esse Deum ac proinde colendum.—Polanus.
Again he says, Infringeret Daniel jus omnibus hominibus innatum.
Also, Willet on Daniel, cap. vi. quest. 16.
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boor VII. purpose as this. We further put it, it was against nature, the law of nature (as the Dutch Annotations say), for the heathen mariners in Jonah's ship, when in danger of death, called every man upon his god.
1. Hence then there is this difference between Daniel's case and that of instituted worship ; that in this case ofDaniel, prayer in the general universal nature of it was prohibited, not family worship or assembly worship, but all ; and prayer thus taken, is immediately natural, andneeded no superadded institution, but it is essentially worship; it is cultus essentialis and not medium cultis, as to pray in a congregation and the like are; and so it doth differ wholly from instituted prayers in achurch, and as put up by one man as the mouth of the rest.
Such were temple sacrifices, synagogue prayers, and preaching, which are parallel to ours.
2. Add unto this, that it was not only commanded that thus prayer in the general nature of it, and then simply considered, should be forborne (though that had been an horrible impiety against the immediate law of nature, the highest law of nature that is for the worship of God) ; but farther, this act of Daniel's, in the circumstances he stood in, rose up to be a confession and profession of the true God as God, which he must have renounced if he had forborne ; and Calvin makes'that a second ground of this act of Daniel's.*
Some interpreters put it upon that, though they extend that profession unto too greata latitude, and leave the reader at an uncertainty about it.
Calvint himself makes a distinction of two sorts of profession, excluding the one as not binding us, and in the other he speaks limitedly and uncertainly in saying quantum. necesse est in cultu Dei, as much as is necessary; he doth not say what is absolutely necessary, but that in the worship of God we should not give any sign of a perverse and perfidious dissembling, as if we cast off godliness, which I would say too.
To explain this head, I shall distinguish thus: confession is taken indeed, 1. Largely, for the manifestation or holding out of any particular practice or duty, point or truth of religion, of any or every command of God whatsoevor ; for in holding forth of these there is a profession (as we call it) runs along with all these.
Now there is no man will say that a man is bound to hold forth every truth he believes, although he is prohibited to speak it.
' Hast thou faith ?' (says the apostle) ' have it for thyself,' which is also the thing that Calvin asserts, that as there are many truths which a man may forbear to speak, as not being bound to do so, so many practices in which it is meet to forbear; and yet in all these there is a profession rans along, for in these cases their not professing is not a denying such a trath or practice, but a concealing it, and forbearing to hold it forth at such and such a time, which at other times and in other cases we would do and were bound todo.
'Therefore the prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time,' Amos, v. 18; and this holding forth of duties, or truths, or practices in this general nature is rather profession than confession: and here there must be found a right joint or rational ground of difference to judge what we be bound to profess and what not, and at what times and seasons.
2. There is confession strictly and properly taken, which is not at large a profession only, but an absolute confession of God, wherein we must deny
* Quod ad professionem spectat necesse fuit, &.—Calvin.
Externum jus cultas tam fuit loco confessionis veri Dei.—Polanus.
+ Duplex est professio; neque enim dico (says he), quicquid sentimus passim vulgandum esse, ita ut statim rapiamur ab hostibus, ad mortem.
And secondly, Quantum necesse est;and thereupon he speaks uncertainly, limitedly, Sic nos contineamus in culta Dei, ut nequod signum perverse et perfide simulationis demus, acai abjiceremus
Caap. VIII.) THE CHUROHES OF CHRIST.
God if we don't affirm him, if we conceal ourselves and our faith.
And | confession so taken is a transcendent thing, and comes up into the first commandment, and is all one as to avouch God to be a man's God, and to love
This is called in Scripture confession, with this additament, and a not denying of him, John i. 10.
When the Jews sent priests and Levites from Jerusalem to ask John the Baptist, Who art thou? as supposing he might be the Christ, itis said, 'He confessed and denied not, but confessed, I am not the Christ,' and (says he, ver. 27) 'He it is, who coming after me, is preferred before me,' whom afterwards he pointed unto.
This must not be extended to every forbearance of truth or of an ordinance, though prohibited by a magistrate's command.
When therefore the point of absolute confession is urged as absolutely necessary, the question still must be, and consideration must be had, of the nature of the duty, and of the truth, which in such and such cases to forbear or conceal, would be truly, and plainly, and really a declining it.
It is not barely, and hand over head, that every man is bound, by the law of confession, presently to perform any or every practice, or any or every truth that the magistrate shall interdict for the present; for concerning things of such a degree, there may be some other rule from God, who may warrant me to the contrary, as that which hath been instanced in, of mercy and not sacrifice.
Our Saviour Christ would not tell the Jews by what authority he did these things ; but he made a positive answer, when he came and was put to it, whether he was the Son of God, or no, by Caiaphas, the high priest (and as it is said), by all the assembly: Luke xxii. 70, ' Art thou then the Son of God? And he said unto him, Ye say that I am. And they said, What need we-any farther witnesses ; for we ourselves have heard it out of his own month.' When they asked him of his doctrine, as preached by him, he would not directly answer: John xviii. 19-21, ' The high priest asked Jesus of his disciples, and of his doctrine.
Jesus answered him, I spake openly to the world; I ever taught in the synagogues, and temple, whither the Jews resort: and in secret have I said nothing. Why askest thou me? ask them
: which heard me, what I said unto them: behold, they know what I said.'
If any honest, godly preacher were qnestioned, by an adversary that had power, what he had preached-at such a time, and should refuse to give in a copy of his sermon, and the like, they would he aptto cry out upon him, and upon others also perhaps who are godly, Aro you ashamed of what you have preached ? Do you go from your doctrine? which, if you don't confess openly, or forbear to tell it, you do, would they say.
Yet, but take it as it had been preached, and then it is matter of fact, and he is not bound to confess it.
Onur Saviour Christ's example warrants it, referring them unto witnesses; but when they asked our Saviour Christ, whether he was the Son of God or no, and what his faith and conscience in that point was, he answers roundly, and without hesitation, though he knew his life lay upon it
; and this is that good confession which he witnessed, that Paul speaks of to Timothy (1 Tim. vi. 18), which, whether it include not also that confession of his to Pilate himself, that he was a king, and that for this end he came into the world, may be a question, for the words will bear either sense, that he witnessed before Pontius Pilate, or under Pontius Pilate as governor.
I come now to the point of Daniel's act of his praying in these circumstances, and in this manner, and to consider it, as it was a point of the highest sort of confession, strictly and properly taken, so that if he had not so confessed, he must have denied God, and if he had forborne, he must have renounced religion.
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VII.
1. The command (as was said) was to suspend all prayer to any God for a whole month's space, which was to bring in total atheism for so longa time, and to take away all worship that Daniel had left him, or was capable of performing ; for there is no worship can be performed without invocation of God.
Prayer was by their synecdoche signally all worship; yea, and it was 80 according to their own principles that procured this law, for themselves wor- | shipped some god or other, which they did under the common notion and acknowledgment of a deity and a godhead; and therefore, to suspend prayer to him for that time, was to make a law that there should be no acknowledgment of God in the world during that time, according to their own principles; and therefore I see most interpreters do state it upon the whole of religion, that forbearance of prayer would have been the abnegation of it, and therefore Daniel, by such a total and visible forbearance (having
| been accustomed to such a confession), must thereby have given, by a visible withdrawing and concealment, a visible profession that there was no God extant to be worshipped.
And his opening of the window towards Jerusalem, in this case, became a visible profession that the Gad that he * _worshipped was the God that dwelt at Jerusalem, and had seated himself there between the cherubims formerly, and kept the same place still.
| And, 2. In this decree not only God and all his worship is taken away, but a king, and a mortal man, was set directly up in the room of God, and unto the denial of this God, for so the decree runs, not to ask a petition of any god or man for thirty days, save of the king.
This king was exalted above all that was called God, the true God, and all gods else (in opinion such), by this injunction to pray to.none other god bat unto him.
For this was to ordain that during that time he should have all the respect, and homage, and reverence to be brought in to him instead of worship to God; and so, though such petitions put up to the king in the mean time, were but in civil things for the matter of them, and such usually were presented at other times, and so the petitioning was in itself hut a civil act, as petitioning to a king is; yet in this case, that all petitions to any god or man must be forborne, and none put up but unto the king, this was interpretatively a worship of that man, becanse he was addressed unto, in lieu and instead of all addresses, or worshipping of God, and because it was to be to him, with exclusion of God, as thereby acknowledging no other god but him all that while.
In this case, therefore, further, for Danielto have concealed himself, invisibly worshipping the true God, had been a manifest denial of God, and in a visible manner.
| These corollaries may be drawn from the former examples.
1. We may admire the good and gracious providence of God, that in tho times wherein his wrath was so high and great upon the generality of the ten tribes, during two hundred and fifty-four years, and in the times of such great distresses as these were upon. their consciences; he should yet work out a liberty for any of them through a special providence at such several seasons ; yea, and the advantage which God did cast into the second, as also the third season of liberty, upon their removals for the ordinances, is very remarkable in the event and success thereof.
1, As for the second company that removed, in Asa's time, they first came to live under the prosperous reign of Asa, who reigned after this their falling in to him many years, and Jehoshaphat, his son, a godly man, succeeded him, and reigned many years ; so a8 these, in the event and success by coming into Judah, enjoyed an age of rest and prosperity, and a fulness of ordinances with it.
Then, 2. They escaped very great miseries, which the ten tribes fell into, | Cuar. VIH.) THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST. as Benhadad's invasion, and the change of government and governors, Zimri, and Omri, and Tibni (Sir Walter Raleigh reckons seven of their kings in Asa's time); and, besides that, they escaped the heathenish tyranny in Ahab's time, which was the worst time the ten tribes had.
Then for the third company, who removed in Hoshea's time, if it fell out that they removed their stations altogether (as some think they did, because of that, 2 Chron. xxx. 25, where it is said, ' All the strangers that came out of Israel, and the strangers that came out of the land of Israel, and that dwelt in Judah, rejoiced.
So there was great joy in Jerusalem: for since the time of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel, there was not the like in Jerusalem'); or if any of these strangers were of those that came up unto the passover, upon Hezekiah's invitation, in the former part of the chapter, and placed their dwellings in Judah, then God in his providence did graciously guide them unto a great preservation of themselves and their posteTity; for, five years after, Sennacherib came and carried the generality of the nation away captive; and the escape of this calamity was the good which they got by removing for ordinances, according to Ahijah's prophecy given in Jeroboam's time ; and beside that these strangers are twice said to be those that came out of the land of Israel, which argues that they were of the ten tribes.
Further, if you compare the style that is given the former second company that came out in Asa's time, 2 Chron. xv. 9, you will find, that they are said to be the strangers out of Ephraim, and Manasseh, and Simeon, so as God owned and highly rewarded this their practice of a removal for the enjoyment of the ordinances of God in a continuance.
2. These things were written for our example, that we thereby might have light to guide us ; and all these instances shew, that as for any absolute obligation to instituted ordinances (that fall back, fall edge, we should be bound to them), that assertion (whoever would maintain it) will come to nothing afore these examples.
1. They fall short, and no ways rise up to any such proof, for, (1.) All these three instances shew that those godly Israelites came up to .
Jerusalem upon opportunities and advantages afforded them in the providence of God, and not simply upon the absolute obligation unto these ordinances; for you read of no more such coming up in the interims, but only these three times, which how they were circumstantiated you have seen.
And (2.) thousands of others out of other tribes, as godly as they, did not remove when these did, and yet are blameless, and this because of the difference of the case, as hath been explained. I will allude to what James says:
Go take ye all the prophets of those tribes for an ensample (the enumeration of whom that were during those two hundred and fifty years doth arise to a great number) ; take also the seven thousand that had not bowed to Baal, and the one hundred prophets hid in the caves ; take also Obadiah and his case, who is said to fear the Lord greatly, who, being governor of Ahab's house, could not be supposed to have removed to Jerusalem for ordinances in those times, though no man had more opportunities to get away than he, if he could have removed once for all, for he had the liberty to go through one part of the land by Ahab's appointment, 1 Kings xviii. 6, and at other times could, by the authority he had at court, have taken the liberty to have gone out at any time, but being in a great calling of trust to Ahab, and doing service to the people of God in hiding so many prophets, &c., he forbare.
And Elijah that met him reproves him not at all for it, yea, he hath the commendation of the Holy Ghost himeelf, that he 'feared God greatly.'
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VII. for Elijah himself, the Lord commands him expressly to hide himself, and names a safe place, 1 Kings xvii. 23.
(8.) We read not of any in the interims of these three times and seasons that did remove, which is to be put upon this supposition, that the oppressions of the times hindered them, as it did the former, and that there should be but these three times mentioned only, anda silence in all times else for so many years, argues that they ceased in the interims between.
(4.) The rule and measure given at first, ' I will have mercy and not sacrifice,' was the ground of all this, and cuts off any alleged absolute obligation ; for if they were bound at all times, and in all cases, then they were not to forbear at any time for mercy's sake, for then there were no room at all for it;
: the equity of which rule was then extant, as it had been in all ages, and must be to the end of the world; and one of the prophets of these ten tribes of those times did first utter it, Hos. vi.
6, and Jesus Christ applies it unto the breaking of the Sabbath, in case of mercy, by plucking the ears of corn, as also in the case of eating the show-bread, which David did, and then of the priests' toiling as much as men in any calling do, which Christ calls a . profaning the Sabbath, and yet says that they are blameless, Mat. xii.
(5.) Nay, the omitting of an instituted ordinance for mercy's sake is far less than the breaking of it, and this is but a forbearance for merey's sake of which we speak.
Obj. But you will say that mercy to our souls is to be considered, and it is mercy to our souls to enjoy ordinances, and they are to be preferred to all things else.
Ans. 1. I answer, It is true; this will go a great way, and weigh against many difficulties;but yet we are to consider this, that mercy to our souls by ordinances depends upon our edification by them, and what that will prove to be, and that edification depends upon God, as he will make them to be profiting; and so now, if God comes in between and says, I will have mercy, he can make such means as we have (in the want of these other means) edifying to us, when as thus he calls us to shew mercy to ourselves.
And he that hath given us this rule out of his mercy and grace, will be sure to : perform the other part, of edifying us, when he thus calls us out of the same
Ans, 2. Instituted ordinances, though they have power of obligation over us for our edification, yet not when it is. to apparent destruction, as the apostles themselves had power for edification, but not for destruction.
Ans. 8, There is some mercy to be shewed to the magistrate, that we ought not daringly to meet in so open a'way as we know beforehand will provoke and irritate them to persecute us.
Ans. 4. The ordinances in the performance of them require quietnees and rest, in men's spirits at least.
We cannot pray when we are alone without distraction, much less can we worship God when we are rationally under certain fears: Deut. xii. 9-11, 'Ye are not yet come to the rest and to the inheritance which the Lord your God giveth you.
But when ye go over Jordan, and dwell in the land which the Lord your God giveth you to inherit, and when he giveth you rest from all your enemies round about, so that ye dwell in safety; then there shall be a place which the Lord your God shall choose to cause his name to dwell there: thither shall you bring all that I command you; your burnt-offerings, and your sdcrifices, your tithes, and the heave-offering of your hand, and all your choice vows which ye vow unto the Lord.'
And they forbare many ordinances in the mean time,as in ver. 8, ' Ye shall not do after all the things Cuap. VIII.) THE CHUROHES OF CHRIST. which we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in own eyes,'
1 the equity of which may be drawn from the apostle's example. Paul, though he had an open door, yet, having no rest in his spirit, left Troas.
And it will in a great measure hold, that men should not meet in the midst of fears and terrors, when they are full of fears within and terrors without; it being also a dishonour to the ordinance when the assemblies are by force broken up, and the like; therefore men should so meet, both as to time and place, as it is rationally probable that their present meeting may be in some safety through secrecy and privacy.
And God did, by his special promise, secure his people under the Old Testament when they went up to appear before the Lord thrice in the year, that no man should desire their land at those times, Exod. xxxiv. 24, which he hath not done to us in the like case.
Obj. 2. But. you will say, Yea, but the glory of God is interested in our use of these ordinances.
Ans. I answer, That if God will be so gracious to us as to quit that consideration of his own glory for mercy to ourselves, as we have cause to he thankful to him for it, so to conform ourselves unto this exception which himself hath made.
2. Men yet are to put themselves to much loss, inconvenience, and difficulties, to enioy the ordinances, as this people of the ten tribes did.
1. In the best times it was a weariness to the people of the ten tribes so. remote to go up to Jerusalem three times a year, though to the next tribes it was not much labour; and Jeroboam used this as an argument, upon the experience which the people had had, as what he thought would move them the more readily to forbear.
'It is too much for you (says be) to go up to Jerusalem,' 1 Kings xii. 28.
It was an argument ad populwm ; he spake to their hearts, and that which was like to take their hearts, and as what had been a burden to carnal spirits among them.
And truly do you measure it now, you that have country houses; how do you excuse yourselves from coming up to ordinances!
And if you had been put to it so much as they were to travel so far, you would grudge at it much more.
It was also grievous to suffer great reproaches, to be made gazing-stocks (which those that went in the first three years of Jeroboam must needs be supposed exposed unto from the generality of the people), and to be accounted next door to traitors in going unto the quarters of a prince whose yoke they had cast off.
But more expressly it is said in that third remove in Hoshea's time, that the messengers and message of invitation by Hezekiah was mocked at, and laughed to scorn by those tribes sent to: 2 Chron. xxx. 10, 11, 'The posts passed from city to city, through the country of Ephraim and Manasseh, even unto Zebulon: but they laughed them to scorn, and mocked them.
Nevertheless divers of Asher, and Manasseh, and Zebulon, bumbled themselves, and came to Jerusalem.'
Of these it must needs be judged that they were mocked and laughed to scorn to purpose as they went out, or went along, and the word nevertheless imports that they went, maugre those reproaches, and despised the shame, despisings, and scorns,
Then, 2, the priests, in that first of Jeroboam's times, removed unto their great loss as toRreir outward estate, for the revenues and perquisites of the temple, which the priests lived much upon, were (as Walter Raleigh says*)
The ty of the tribes of Levi must needs have been exceeding great at this time,all their lands and possessions in the ten tribes being utterly lost, and the oblations and other perquisites from those ten tribes by which they lived being now cut off. e
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Booz VII. very smali.
And as for the people, those of them that came up and lost their inheritances of lands, must needs suffer much more loss, as hath been argued, and enjoy a mean livelihood in comparison to what they had in their own country.
Yet we see in what cases they did remove for ordinances; much, therefore, is to be allowed of loss this way to enjoy the means for our souls, yet so as to look as nature is the foundation of grace and the exercises of it; and if that should fail, the exercises of religion would fail also, as we see in sickness, &c.; so it is here, that there must be a subsistence laid as a foundation for the enjoyment of ordinances, which, when there is, though it be with much loss and abatement, we are to rejoice in that as in a great portion: Isa. xxx. 20, ' The people shall dwell at Zionin Jerusalem.'
To dwell in Zion at Jerusalem is to enjoy the ordinances at Jerusalem; for Zion was the seat of them, and unto such it is said, ver. 20,
'Though the Lord give you the bread of adversity, and the water of affliction, yet shall not thy teachers be removed.'
Bread and cheese, and the gospel, was said (in time of old) tobe good fare.
The consideration of the circumstances these stood in, both those that went up to Jerusalem, and those that forbore, may instruct us, and give us light into our duty and practice.
(1.) It instructs us what proportion of mercyto our outward condition is to be weighed with ordinances, upon which we are to forbear, or not to forbear.
(2.) It directs us that, upon the rational foresight of the satne or like ex- . tremities, we should know how to guide ourselves in our adventures to enjoy ordinances where the like hazards are ran, and the like vigilances to hinder them are used, and soberly and conscientiously to consider of every opportunity we adventure to take, how probably secure it is, and not rashly, hand over head, rush upon and adventare upon all or any dangers, come what will.
4, As for the case of the removal altogether to enjoy them elsewhero, if it be said that this we ought to do as they did, go take the same state and circumstances, and so it ought to be, I answer,
(1.) When it is to the ruin of families we are not obliged, as these were not, that could not remove themeelves and families without ruin.
(2.) Parallel, put our case with theirs in those times, and it will appear far different, as will appear especially in the second instance, when many of them removed for altogether:
1, They removed out of a land over which the wrath of God hung, and was denounced against it, unto a land where they saw that God was with them, and that is made one ground of their remove, 2 Chron. xv. 9; 2, they removed to strengthen the cause of God, which needed them in the land they removed to; and, 8, they were invited by a potent and able prince and his people, who thereby were obliged to provide for them; 4, there was a final captivity threatened in the end, by God, unto that land from which they removed.
And, in this case, for men to remove for ordinances, was as if protestant borderers upon any popish . country where the inquisition reigns, which country they also knew was designed to ruin, should remove, being invited unto a neighbouring nation where the canse of God is, and all the advantages mentioned.
But_to remove, 1, Froma nation where there is a bulk and body of saints that need the strengthening of their brethren, which is made one argument in the case of them that went in Jeroboam's time, that they strengthened Rehoboam ;—
2, Where there is hope of a resurrection of a good cause, which was no way their case, but the contrary ;— And, 8, to remove from ordinances to a place where the wrath of God is more impendent, or at least, no less ;— Cuap. VIII] THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST.
And, 4, where they cau promise themselves no provision for their families, but must put themselves out of their calling and serve God with distraction, and are like to starve with their families
; in that case they are not obliged to a remove elsewhere, merely for the ordinances' sake, but to a forbearance rather, and waiting upon God.
T shall now give instances out of the New Testament; and here, first, let the prudence which our Saviour Christ used in case of appearance of danger be considered.
Bofore I give you the particular instances, I premise these few things.
1. Our Lord was wholly free of any the least tincture of sinful fears, therefore what he did is to be resolved into prudence, applying itself to the providence of God ; and he, being God as. well as man, could have preserved himself until his hour came, without any hidings or withdrawings, therefore his example herein mast needs be for our instruction, to guide us in the like cases.
2. When his hour to suffer was come, as himself speaks (which had been by a set compact and agreement between the Father and him, made known to the Son; for, John xviii. 4, it is said, he knew all things he should suffer, and elsewhere, that so it was appointed), then he avoided not.
These things premised, F come unto the particular instances of his avoiding danger, and the occasions of them, which we shall find to have been but pradential fore-seeings and warinesses to preserve himself till indeed' the hour appointed by his Father, and consented to by himeelf, should come:
" Go tell that fox,' said he, 'I do cures to-day and to-morrow, and the third day I shall be perfected.'
But before that time he was managed by the ordinary providence ofGod, as to what would befall him, and accordingly applied himself thereto.
And hence he becomes an example unto us in two things.
1. How we are to manage ourselves under the ordinary providence of God, which we are always under, not knowing what will be the event of things.
But, 2, when we are called to suffer, then we should, after his example, not withdraw, as in ease we are necessitated to suffer by providence, we should then arm ourselves with the same mind as.he did.
Obj. An objection is and hath been made by some, that the reason of his avoiding was, that he was to go and preach over all the cities of Judah, and therefore it was all one to him when and whither he did withdraw, since he still was not out of his way, which is not the case of ordinary ministers, that are bound to a certain place.
Ans. 1. The answer is, 1, that be it so, that whither ever he went he still had an employment to wait upon him; yet still it is evident that the cause of his remove from that place where he was afore, was matter of prudence and avoidance, and that instances will shew; and therefore that remains still as an example for us.
Ans. 2. Ministers who are by the like providences (as Christ was) taken off, may wait, that in some other places unto which they may remove, they may have such employments as the providence of God shall call them to for the exercise of their ministry; as the disciples that were scattered by perseeution in Acts viii. went up and down preaching, chap. xi.
Ans. 8. That was not the ground why Christ did remove, who had not yet gone over the cities of Judah ; for we read it expressly said, that he went again to the same place that he was at afore.
1. The first instance that we have of Christ's avoiding danger is in Mat. iv. 12, 18, 'Now when Jesus had heard that John was cast into prison, he
THE GOVERNMENT OF [Boox VII. departed into Galilee.
And leaving Nazareth, he came and and dwelt in Capernaum, which is upon the sea-eoast, in the borders of Zebulon and Maphtali.'
That Galilee thathe went into was not that part of Galilee which Herod had, who was of a perseeuting nature, but which Philip had (as Grotius* out of Josephus shews) ; and the occasion of his avoiding was but only when Jesus heard that John was cast into prison, namely, by Herod ; and so it was time for him to look to himself, and thereupon he secured himself.