1885. Letter signed "L. L.," in Zadce¢, September 22, 1883.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
with an even countenance, " Met een gelijk aengezicht."
The author of Zhe imitation translates this phrase literally : "Ita ut wxa aeguali facte in gratiarum actione
"maneas."
This expression, like the foregoing, cannot be translated into French or Italian except by a paraphrase.
The same idea of not caring about a thing is expressed in Dutch as not falling upon it—"Ik val
"daer niet op."
Now, we find the author of Zhe Imitation adopts this precise phrase in the following barbarous Latin:—'"' Verus amator Christi on cadzt
"super consolationes."
Here, again, his words are untranslatable into French or Italian.
If space permitted, we might fill a volume with similar illustrations of the Teutonic idioms which pervade The [mutation of Christ, but I think it better to offer the above, which are taken from Malou, and to refer to a list of works in which the subject is treated exhaustively.* <A little careful study of them will satisfy any one that the author of the great book thought in Dutch.
In opposition to this philological argument, which bears equally strongly in favour of a Kempis and against Gersen, Signor Veratti enters the lists to show
Scutum Kempense, Authore Eusebio Amort, etc., etc., p. 19, etc. ; Coloniae Agrippinae:
H. Rommerskirchen, 1728.
Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 129, 140; Becker, pp. 74-100.
Spitzen, Les Hollandismes de l'Imitation de Jésus-Christ, etc.
Encore les Néerlandismes du livre de V'Imitation de Jésus-Christ ; Lettre de Monseigneur Lootens au Rév. A. Delvigne.
Bruxelles: Vromant, 1885.
Letter signed "L. L.," in Zadce¢, September 22, 1883.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
that some Italian idioms are also to be found in 7, he Imitation.
This is exactly what we might naturally expect.
It is never difficult to find phrases approaching to Italian in any Latin book.
The close relationship between the two languages prepares us for this, and undoubtedly a faint Italian element shows itself in all & Kempis' writings.
Nevertheless the learned Signor does not essay to account for the prevalent Flemish idioms; and very naturally so, because the only explanation possible is that the language of the author must have been Dutch.
Malou discusses Veratti's contention with great care, and completely disproves it.* When quoting Adrian de But as one of the contemporary witnesses in favour of a Kempis, I alluded to the system of punctuation and rhythm adopted in Dhe Jmitation, which explains the use of the words metrice and JZusica Ecclestastica applied to it. We shall now consider this point at somewhat greater length, and see how strongly it favours the belief that Thomas was the author.
In the year 1879, Elliot Stock, of London, brought out a facsimile edition of Zhe [mitatzon, taken by photography from a Kempis' manuscript of 1441, to which is prefixed an introduction by M. Charles Ruelens, Curator of the Department of Manuscripts in the Royal Library,
Brussels, This accomplished paleographist describes this recently discovered punctuation so lucidly that I think I cannot do better than reproduce his words :—
* Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 150-172.
THOMAS A KEMPIS,
"A critic of great learning and of rare penetration, "Dr. Carl Hirsche, of Hamburg, happened some time
"ago to be engaged in studying the text, for the pur- "pose of publishing a new and critical edition.
While "minutely collating the manuscript, he was struck by "certain paleographical peculiarities.
He discovered "signs of the division of chapters, and a perfectly "original system of punctuation, the existence of "which he afterwards recognized in all the undoubted
"works of Thomas, whether transcribed by himself or "by others, although in none was its application so "complete as in those written by his own hand.
"These marks of punctuation are as follows :—The "full stop followed by a small capital; the full stop
"followed by a large capital; the colon followed by a "small letter; the usual sign of interrogation; and, "lastly, an unusual sign ; the cézvzs, or _flexa, used in the "musical notation of the period, 4.
All these are "used in a systematic manner, and Dr. Hirsche soon "discovered the rules according to which they are " employed.
"He also observed other peculiarities, of which "some few authors appear to have had a faint per- "ception: the rhythmical periods, the cadenced sen- "tences, and the numerous rhymes which run through "the treatise, and which cannot be ascribed to chance.
"He also discovered that Thomas made use of the "sions of punctuation not only to mark the limits of "the sense of his propositions, but also to indicate
"their rhythm.
They serve in his writings the same
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"purpose as do in music the signs which indicate the "modulations of the voice; they mark the pauses "which the reader must observe in order that he may
"recite the sentence in accordance with the intention "of the author, and give it that effect, that cadence,
"that charm which speech requires to make it penetrate "into the hearer's soul.
"The mystical authors belonging to the school of " Johannes Ruysbroeck and Gerard Groot often adopted
"the same means to charm the ears of those to whom "they addressed their lessons; but none among them
"made use of those signs in so characteristic a manner "as did Thomas 4 Kempis.
With him it was a complete "and studied system, which he applied most carefully "to the transcription of all his religious writings.
% # * "If we listen to a Netherlander reading a passage "from Zhe Imitation, pronouncing the Latin according
"to the usage of his country, and following the rhythm "marked by the accentuation, we recognize at once
"the existence of a decided melody, sought after by "the author, and full of charm."
It is right to observe that this element of rhythm and rhyme, indicated by the punctuation so systematically adopted by 4 Kempis both in The Jmitation and in his other works, although strongly corroborative of his common authorship, cannot be looked upon as a conclusive proof, but rather as one out of many indications.
It is well known that in ancient times, earlier than those of the Windesheimers, when books were
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
- +987 scarce and difficult to procure, spiritual writers availed themselves of the aid of musical cadence to fix their teachings on the memory of their hearers, and for this end adopted a somewhat similar method of punctuation. For these reasons we must accept the arguments of Hirsche and Ruelens with a certain amount of reservation.
For a complete exposition of this newly discovered punctuation, met with in the works of a Kempis, I would refer the reader to Dr. Hirsche's Prolegomena
(Band i., ii.) and to the preface to his Cvetical Edition of the Imitation of Christ.* Becker (at page 192) gives an excellent illustration of its application to one of the Sermons to the Novices.
To conclude the internal evidence, we shall now glance at a very striking and potent argument in favour of the general belief that Thomas a Kempis was the author of Zhe Limitation of Christ.
It is well known that he was the most prolific and representative writer of the "Circle of Windesheim," and therefore, assuming that he was the author, we would naturally expect to discover in the book traces of the teaching of that school.
Now, this is precisely what we do find.
I have alluded to the letter of John van Schoonhoven to his nephew Simon, who was Prior of Eymsteyn when the Windesheimers went thither for instruction.
I have also referred to the treatise on the Zz/e and Passton of our Divine Lord, given in Busch's
Chronicle of Windesheim, as well as to the spiritual * Thomae Kempensis De Imitatione Christi Libri quatuor.
Carolus Hirsche.
Berolini: Carolus Habel, 1874.
THOMAS A REMPIS.
maxims of Groot and Radewyn, recorded by Thomas a Kempis.
If we place these works side by side with Zhe Imitation we find that the latter reproduces them abundantly, often sentence for sentence, and word for word.
From this we are driven to the irresistible conclusion, that the author of Zhe Jmztation drew copiously from the writings of the School of Windesheim.
What can be more natural than that he, Thomas 4 Kempis, the leading exponent of that school, should put forth in his great masterpiece the doctrines with which he was so familiar ?
The process of tracing the teaching of Windesheim into Zhe [mztatton was long since commenced, and has been carefully worked out by Amort, Malou, Santini, Spitzen, and others, and more especially by Becker.
For a full exposition of this topic I would refer to the works of the writers named, and particularly to Becker's admirable treatise, part ii., chap. iv.
The limits of this essay allow me to give but a few illustrations.
I shall place sentences from the authors named side by side with quotations from Lhe Lmttation :—
JOHANNES VAN SCHOONHOVEN.
Der IMITATIONE CHRISTI.
In primis ergo scire debes, quod vita nostra in peregrinatione hac non potest esse stne periculo Quamdiu in mundo vivimus sine tribulatione e¢ tentatione esse non possumus.
Unde in Job scriptum est:
Zentatio est vita humana super terram. et dentatione, quia, ut dicit B.
Job, militia est vita hominis super lerram.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Juxta verbum S. Augustini ama nesciri.
Si vis utiliter aliquid scire et discere ama nesciri et pro nihilo reputarl.
Unde poeta:
Crede mihi, bene qui /atuzt bene vixit.* Facilius est domi /atere quam foris se posse sufficienter custodire.
Sed juxta doctrinam Senecae cunctis esto benignus, nemini blandus, paucis familiaris, omnibus aequus.
Caritas habenda est ad omnes sed familiaritas non expedit.
Hieronymus : Zantum virtuTantum proficies, quantum tis tibi adjicies, guantum voluntati propriae detraxeris. tibi ipsi vim intuleris.
Pax est in cella, foris autem non nisi bella.
Jn cella invenies quod deforis saepius amittes..
. Mane cum eo [Jesu] zz cella, quia non invenies alibi tantam pacem.
LVemo secure apparet, nist gui libenter latet. Nemo secure pracest nist gui libenter subest.
Nemo secure loguitur, nist qui libenter LVemo secure apparet, nist gut libenter latet.
Nemo secure loguitur, nist qui libenter tacet.
Nemo secure pracest nist qui libenter subest. tacei.
Qui bene seipsum cognoscit, stbi ipsi vilescit.
Humilitas, ut dicit S. Bernardus, virtus est, in qua quis in sui verissima cognitione séz vilescit.
Principtis obsta: sero medtcina paratur, Principtis obsta, sero medtcina paratur.t
Der. IMITATIONE CHRISTI.
GERARDUS GROOT.
De se ipso nihil tenere, et de Semper debes niti aliquod boni notare et cogitare de alio.
Quanto plus homo scit se distare aliis semper bene et alte sentire: magna sapientia est et alta perfectio. a perfectione tam prope est perfectioni.
* Ovid. Tristia, lib. ili. Elegia iv. 25.
+ Ovid. Remedium Amoris, 91.
THOMAS A KEMEIS.
Nec unquam velis habere nomen scientiae, Item, nullam artem studere, nullum librum facere... ad dilatandum famam meam et xomen
Nunquam ad hoc legas verbum ut doctior aut sapientior possis videri. scientiae meae.
Item, secundum Bernardum, nullum verbum proferas, de quo multum religiosus vel scientificus appareas.
Sunt tamen tentationes homini saepe valde utiles, .
. quia in illis homo humiliatur, et purgaMaxima tentatio est non tentari. tur, et eruditur.
De ImITATIONE CHRISTI.
FLORENTIUS RADEWYN.
Quam bene vobis est et quam secure statis, quod potestis sic vivere sub obedientia.
Multo ¢ufius est stare in subjectione quam in praelatura.
Ideo unusquisque sollicitus esse deberet circa tentationes Semper sis vigilans circa tentationem et motus passionum. suas, Non veputes te aliquid proEt prae omnibus debet niti ut omnes homines vepudzet sanctiores et meliores se. fecisse nisi omnibus inferiorem te esse sentias.
Omnia fierent homini dulcia Religiosus, qui se intente et devote in sanctissima passione Domini exercet, omnia utilia et necessaria sibi abundanter inveniet. si se bene exerceret in passione Dominica.
De IMITATIONE CHRISTI.
EPISTOLA DE VITA ET PASSIONE
DoMINI NOSTRI JESU CHRISTI.
(Used as a spiritual handbook by the Congregation of Windesheim, at the recommendation of Vos van Huesden.) Ama nescirt et ab aliis contemni opta.
Ama nesciré et pro nihilo reputari.
Ante initium operis propone qualiter te vis habere.
Bonus et devotus homo opera sua prius intus dsfonit quae foris agere debet.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
IQ Qui autem student magis videri subtiles quam esse humiles, et plus quaerunt scire guam bene vivere, cito extolluntur et sunt carnales.
Quia vero plures magis student scire quam bene vivere, ideo saepe errant et pene nullum, vel modicum fructum ferunt.
Qui in tribulatione sunt et angustia, noli negligere eis servire Et cum tentato noli duriter agere, sed consolationem ingere. et consolatorius esse.
Audiam quid loquatur in me Dominus, Audiam quid loquatur in me Dominus Deus.
quamvis haberet et sciret omnem Bibliam, et Scripturam, et Legem unquam positam aut conscriptam, id minime sufSi scives totam Bibliam exterius et omnium philosophorum dicta, quid totum tibi prodesset ? ficeret.
Ad externa officia nullatenus, dilecte frater, aspires, nec aliquam praclaturam affectes.
Multo tutius est stare in subjectione quam in fraelatura.
Humilis corde sis et apparatu, Haec est altissima et utilissima lectio, sui ipsius vera cognitio et despectio, de se ipso nihil fenere. et nimis multum non Zeneas de te ipso.
It is impossible to study these parallelisms (existing between the writings emanating from the " Circle of "Windesheim" and Zhe Limztation of Christ), which I may observe might be multiplied indefinitely, without arriving at the conclusion that the latter is a "rapia- "rium," or handbook, in which the former are collected, digested, and reduced to system.
It may be argued by the adversaries of Thomas a Kempis that the writers named. quoted from a previously existing codex of Zhe Imitation, which Thomas copied subsequently.
This idea defies all human probability, because if Ze Imitation existed previous to the time when van Schoonhoven wrote his letter to his nephew Simon, he would
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
have quoted it dvectly, in place of which we find that he cites St. Augustine, St. Bernard, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, Seneca, and others.
From this it is evident that it is 4 Kempis who quotes from van Schoonhoven, and not the latter from 7he /mztatzon.
This point is demonstrated satisfactorily by Becker in his masterly essay (pages 180-186).
The present appears a suitable time to consider the precise relation, as author, in which 4 Kempis stands to The Imitation of Christ.
It seems evident that he was not the sole or original author in the ordinary sense of the word.
On the other hand, it is equally manifest that he was the skilled arranger and compiler of the doctrines it teaches.
The word "com- "posuit" which Busch uses bears out this view, and still more pointedly the term "compilavit" which Hermann Ryd adopts.
Some old manuscripts exhibit Ryd's phrase—for example, those quoted by Santini in the second part of his work (pages 218 and 241), proving that this interpretation of Thomas' telation to the book was held in ancient times.
We have already seen how largely The imitation partakes of Scriptural inspiration, as well as of the teaching of the "Circle of Windesheim."
These are by no means the only sources from which it draws.
I have been for some years engaged in an endeavour to demonstrate the very extended basis upon which it is founded, and hope at no distant period to lay my researches before the public.
For the present I shall not attempt to develop this subject, as it would swell
THOMAS A KEMPIS
my essay beyond reasonable limits.
However, as an illustration, I give in the appendix * a single chapter, taken at random (book i., chap. i.), in which I show how largely 4 Kempis has availed himself both of the Holy Scriptures and of the works of St. Bernard.
This fragment may be taken as a specimen of the whole.
The abundant use which is made of the works of St. Bernard in The /mitation is a point in reference to its authorship scarcely less significant than its derivation from the writers of the "Circle of Windes- "heim."
We can understand this fully when we remember that the founders and leading authorities of the school of Windesheim were all very conversant with the works of the Great Abbot of Clairvaux.
I have already drawn attention to this fact.
Busch tells us, in his account of the death of Gerard Groot, how that holy man revered St. Bernard.
Vos van Huesden and the brothers John and Thomas
Kempis had made selections from his works, and Florentius Radewyn speaks of him in terms of enthusiastic admiration.t All this prepares us for the marked similarity in thought and feeling which we observe between the works of St. Bernard and The Imitation (which appears to have been the outcome of the teaching of the "Circle of Windesheim "), and constitutes a remarkable indirect argument in favour
Appendix C, { See Chronicle of Windesheim, pp. 23, 408, 432, 433; also, the life of Groot by Thomas 4 Kempis, chap. xvi., and that of the latter by Rosweyd.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
of & Kempis, the leading writer of that school.
To © conclude this point, let me observe here that a Kempis is the ov/y candidate in whose favour we can discover one particle of internal evidence, excepting alone St. Bernard, who, as we already know, could not have been the writer.
It seems to me that I have already adduced sufficient evidence in support of the claims of the holy
Canon of Agnetenberg to justify my belief, and even moral certainty, that he was the author of Zhe Jmitation of Christ; so we may proceed to consider the arguments which have been raised by those who undertake to put forward the other two candidates— namely, John Charlier de Gerson, and the so-called
Abbot Gersen of Vercelli.
If, for a few hours, we imagine ourselves transported back amidst the turbulent scenes which convulsed central Europe in the early part of the fifteenth century, it will not be difficult to understand how John
Charlier de Gerson, the mighty Chancellor of the University of Paris, came to be looked upon as a possible author of Zhe [mztation of Christ.
He lived near the time when the book appeared; he was a prominent figure in the great religious upheaval of that dark epoch ; he was greatly revered—ay, venerated— despite some errors of judgment ; and, in addition, he was a versatile and copious writer on spiritual subjects.
While the saintly Canon of Agnetenberg was scarcely known beyond the limits of his own Congre-
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
gation, the world rang with the praise and renown of the "Doctor Christianissimus," who was, in turn, the favourite and the persecuted of princes; the dauntless enemy of heresy and corruption ; the guiding spirit of Councils—nay, even the deposer of the very Pope himself.
Withal, the more deeply we search into his character, history, and writings, the more evident it becomes that Zhe [imitation never emanated from his gifted and prolific pen.
This great man's life is too well known to need reproduction here—at all events, in any extended form.
A page or two will suffice to recapitulate the main features of his magnificent, though sad and troubled, career.* John Charlier, otherwise known as John Charlier de Gerson, Johannes Gersonus, Gersone, Jarson, Jarsone, Gersem, or Gersen, was born on the 14th of December, 1363, at the village of Gerson, near Rheims, from whence he takes his surname.
His parents, Arnulph Charlier and Elizabeth de la Chardenieére, belonged to a humble class, were eminently pious, and had the consolation of seeing seven of their twelve children devoting themselves to the service of God in religious life.
John, the eldest of the family, was sent to Paris when about fourteen years old.
After five years' study in the historic College of Navarre, he * The reader will find ample details of the life of John Charlier de Gerson in the British Encyclopedia, and in the Biographie
Universelle, par F. X. Feller (Paris : Gaume Freres, 1847).
Also in De Grégory's Histoire, etc., vol. i, pp. 261-310 ; and in Thomassy's Jean Gerson et le grand schisme d'occident (Paris : Périsse Freres,
1852),
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
obtained the degree of Licentiate in Arts, and then began his theological studies under the direction of Giles des Champs and Peter D'Ailly, then Chancellor of the University of Paris, and afterwards Bishop of Puy, Archbishop of Cambrai, and Cardinal.
Gerson seems at a very early period to have attracted the notice of the authorities of the University.
In 1383 he was elected Procurator, and re-elected the following year.
In 17384 he took his degree as Bachelor, and in 1392 as Doctor of Theology.
In 1395, when Peter' D'Ailly was appointed Bishop of Puy, Gerson, at the early age of thirty-two, was elected
Chancellor of the University of Paris and made Canon of Notre Dame.
This famous University was then in the zenith of its glory, and its Chancellor was of necessity one of the foremost men in Europe, bearing in his hands the destinies of the vast crowd of students from all parts of the world who flocked to its halls and sought its distinctions. -.Gerson's writings feelingly portray his deep sense of the responsibilities, anxieties, and troubles of his exalted position.
Oftentimes he seems to have been weary of the burden.
It involved him in perpetual strife, and, being a purely honorary post, in monetary difficulties, and forced him into public life, while he yearned for leisure to pursue his studies.
Accordingly, we find him, in 1400, accepting from the Duke of Burgundy, to whom he was almoner, and whose friendship and protection he then enjoyed, the Deanery of the Cathedral of Bruges.
This position,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
with its prospects of comparative independence, does not appear to have suited his aspirations, and within a couple of years he returned to Paris and the Chancellorship of the University.
From the time when Gerson left Bruges we find him continuously occupied in strife and contention, endeavouring to promote reformation amongst the clergy and laity, to remodel the course of studies in the University, and absorbed in the struggle to terminate the appalling scandal of his time—the papal schism—the great schism of the West.
He appears as the delegate to popes and antipopes, the leader amongst leaders at Pisa and Constance, swaying the destinies of councils, pontiffs, and of the Church itself.
At last we come to his downfall, wherein his true nobility shines forth.
When John Petit essayed to defend the murder of the Duke of Orleans, of which foul deed the reckless Duke of Burgundy, " Jean sans
"Peur," was avowedly guilty, Gerson, with all the grandeur of his lofty character, sacrificed the favour of his patron, and denounced the false plea set forth to shield him.
Again at Constance he returned to the charge, and proved the indefensibility of the murder.
From that hour, through terror of his former potent ally, he became an exile from France, and, donning a pilgrim's habit and grasping a staff, he wandered through Lower Germany and Austria, until the tragic death of the Duke of Burgundy permitted his return home.
THOMAS A KEMPIS,
Disgusted with public life, and unwilling to re-enter its arena, Gerson sought an asylum with his brother, who was then Prior of the Celestinians at Lyons.
There, in peaceful retirement, he spent the remaining years of his life, praying, writing, and teaching little children, asking only from his pupils "a prayer for "poor Gerson."
He died in 1429, and was buried in the Church of St. Laurence, at Lyons.
On his tomb were inscribed the words, " Poenztemtni et credite " Evangelio." * Such in a few sentences was the history of the mighty Chancellor Gerson, who, despite his errors of judgment, and the terrible vicissitudes of his chequered career, was undoubtedly one of the grandest characters of the Middle Ages.
I am aware that many judge him more unfavourably than I can, but the circumstances in which he was placed must be remembered, and due allowance made.
It is needless, however, to observe how utterly incompatible the life I have sketched, spent in ceaseless political and polemical warfare, is with the authorship of such a book as The Lmittation, which throughout exhibits tranquillity, contemplation, and absorption in God—attributes only possible for the work of one who had passed many years in the cloister in meditation and prayer.
The bare idea seems absurd, but still it is beyond question that Gerson has been
* Jean de Gerson, par Henri Jadart.
Rheims: Deligne et Renart, 1881. t Appendices & la Brochure publiée par Thomas Brunton, pp.
22-24.
Paris: Charles Maréchal, 1874.
LEAVERV UR DH HANGES
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
accredited with its paternity, and has found advocates of learning and earnestness.
How came this to pass?
We know that Ze Imitation appeared anonymously in the first third of the fifteenth century.
Immediately before that period Gerson was one of the most prominent figures in Europe, and his spiritual writings were spread broadcast and highly appreciated.
It so happened, moreover, that in more than one instance his essay, De Meditatione Cordis, was bound up in the same volume with the Jmztatio Christc.* Herein seems to lie the whole explanation.
The obscurity of Thomas a Kempis, the prominence of Gerson, and the ignorance of transcribers, led to 7%e
Imittation, whose author was unknown, being attributed to the Chancellor whose MJedztatio Cordis was familiar to many.
The error, once promulgated, grew apace as manuscripts were reproduced, and doubtless the exalted reputation of the supposed author caused the book to be read and valued more, and consequently a better investment for the labour of copyists, and, later on, of printers and publishers. We shall now examine
Gerson's claims, show how baseless they are, and con- * To quote two out of many instances, I would refer to the Codex de Advocatis, of which we shall see more later ; and also the Codex
Lechassier, which is described at p. liv. of the preface to Gence's Latin edition of The Imitation of Christ (Paris: Treuttel et Wiirtz,
1826).
Iam indebted to my friend, Dr. T. More Madden, for this latter valuable work, which he generously gave me in memory of his lamented father, Dr. R. R. Madden, one of the most erudite scholars of our time, who had amassed a rare collection of books. treating upon the literature of this subject.
Levin
WIROV NEVES S
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
trast them with those of 4 Kempis.
It will be most convenient to discuss them in the order in which we have studied those of the holy Canon of Mount St.
Agnes.
1.—Contemporary Witnesses.
I have quoted thirteen, out of more than twenty, who bear testimony in favour of a Kempis.
For Gerson there is mot a single one.
Nay, more, the reader will recollect that Mauburn, Schott, Simus, Lambert, and Danhausser, while testifying in favour of Thomas, state positively that Gerson was not the author of The [mutation of Christ.
More crushing even than their statements is the negative evidence of Gerson's brother, and of Jacques de Ciresio, the Chancellors secretary and intimate friend.
John Gerson, the brother and namesake of the Chancellor, with whom the latter spent the closing years of his life, was Prior of the Celestinians at Lyons.
In 1423, six years before the death of his illustrious guest, he was requested by a member of his Order,
Brother Anselm, to draw up a correct list of Gerson's works.
He did so with the utmost precision, but in that catalogue we do not find " The Imitation" mentioned.
Later on, in 1429, about the time of the Chancellor's death, Ciresio added a note to the catalogue, pointing out the treatises which he admired most, with other details, but of " Zhe Imitation" he says not one word.* * Malou, pp. 365-370.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
It is not within the range of possibility that these two men, one the brother, and the other the secretary and devoted friend of the Chancellor, both of whom were responsible for the list of his works, would have omitted to mention Ze /mztatcon if he were its author.
Lhewr silence ws, beyond evasion, a crushing blow to Gerson''s pretensions.
It may be argued in explanation that two contemporaries of Thomas 4 Kempis, while uttering his praises, omit to mention that he was the author of Zhe [mitateon.
These are the continuator of the Chronicle of Mount St. Agnes, whom we have already quoted, and the author of a very brief anonymous memorandum which we find at page 388 of Malou's work. A little careful examination shows that there is no parallelism between the cases.
Gerson's brother and Ciresio were responsible for a correct list of the Chancellor's works; the others merely alluded to a Kempis in a very passing way.
The continuator does not name one of his works, but speaks of them collectively in terms which certainly are applicable to Zhe mztatzon -—" Insuper composuit
"varios tractatulos ad aedificationem juvenum in plano "et simplici stylo, sed praegrandes in sententia et operis
"efficacia."
The author of the memorandum given by Malou mentions only one of Thomas' works, the treatise De Dzsciplina Claustralium, to which it would seem he was specially directing attention, because his words are as follows :—" Anno Domini MccccxLilt1.
'"adhuc vixit auctor hawjus tractatus (De Dausciplina ~" Claustralium), frater Thomas Canonicus Regularis,"
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
etc.
A few lines further on he adds the following remark, which certainly is very applicable if intended to refer to The [mztation :—' In loquendo vel scribendo
"magis curabat affectum inflammare quam acuere "intellectum."
In fine, the more closely we examine this point the more evident it becomes that it was equally natural for these contemporaries of 4 Kempis to omit in their cursory observations any special allusion to Ze Lmztation, and impossible for the Celestinian Prior and Ciresio to do so if Gerson was the author.
So far as I can discover, not a single edition of Gerson's works, ancient or modern, contains 7he Jmitation,; on the other hand, we find it in nearly all the editions of a Kempis' works which pretend to give his compositions in full.
It is absent from the Utrecht edition of 1473, which, however, only gives the author's "Opera Varia."
Withal, as I have stated, Gerson has found from time to time, principally amongst his compatriots, learned and brilliant advocates.
The most important are Camus, Dupin, Gence, Tourlet, Onésime Leroy, Corneille, Monfalcon, Carton, Thomassy, Vert, and Darche.
Of all, Gence is the most erudite and philosophical, and yet the perusal of his remarkable essay * leaves the reader under the conviction that this learned writer pleads for an impossible theory.
The most recent champions of the great Chancellor * Nouvelles Considérations Historiques et Critiques sur ? Auteur et le Livre de l'Imitation de Jésus-Christ, par J. B. M. Gence.
Paris : Treuttel et Wiirtz, 1832.
THOMAS A KEMPIS,
are Vert * and Darche.t Doubtless they have availed themselves to the utmost of the researches of their predecessors, so we need not travel beyond their writings.
If deficient in solid argument they certainly are not wanting in vivacity of imagination or boldness of assertion.
As a specimen of M. Vert's method of reasoning, let us see what he says of " contemporary
"witnesses" for the claims of Gerson.
He tells us (Etudes, etc., chap. vi.) that numbers are forthcoming— "rien qu'a se guider sur les indices contemporains,
"les témoins se lévent nombreux."
As a matter of fact, what do his "contemporary witnesses" amount to ?
First.
Louis Gonzales (who lived about a century and a half after the death of Gerson) says that St.
Ignatius of Loyola always carried with him his "Gerson," or Liztatzon of Christ.
Secondly.
A Memoir, edited by the Jesuits about 1570 (one hundred and forty years after Gerson's death), points out as a work greatly prized by the Society of Jesus, Zhe Imitation of Christ, attributing it to Gerson.
Thirdly.
He quotes Luca Pinelli, an Italian Jesuit, whose works appeared about the year 1600—that is, one hundred and seventy years after Gerson's death— who also attributes Zhe /mztatzon to Gerson.
Such are Vert's xumerous contemporary witnesses !
fitudes Historiques et Critiques sur ]'Imitation de Jésus-Christ, par G. Ch. M. Vert.
Toulouse:
Privat, 1856.
This is the principal among a series of works upon the subject by the same author.
de l'Imitation de Jésus-Christ, par Jean Darche. © Paris:
E. Thorin, 1875.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
I think it would scarcely repay the reader were I to carry him in detail through the mazes of M. Vert's arguments, the cogency of which may be fairly gauged by the foregoing specimen.
Respecting M. Darche's strange essay, I find it difficult to offer an opinion.
It appears to be the rhapsody of an enthusiast, and his contentions, reduced to a point, amount to this, that Gerson was a great and good man, an eminent spiritual writer, and therefore must have been the author of Zhe Jmztatzon.
Of the good faith of the Gersonists, as represented by Vert and Darche, I entertain no doubt, but I am equally certain that no reasoning being could accept their views.
Il.— External Evidence of Manuscripts.
The earliest dated manuscript of Zhe Lmztation which attributes it to Gerson is the Sangermanensis.
It is signed 1460, thirty-one years after the death of the supposed author.* The Florentine manuscripts of 1464 and 1466 give his name as John Gersez,
Parisian Chancellor.t| So also do the Verona} and the Wolfenbuttel.§ The Padolironensis codex also gives his name as Gersem, and his epitaph.||
This fact should be carefully borne in mind, as we shall see its importance later on—viz., that the name of the Parisian Chancellor is frequently written Gersez.
* Santini, 2" parte, p. 266.
Ibid, p. 245.
{ Ibid., p, 2731.
§ Ibid., p. 250.
Ibid., 1* parte, p. 99.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
As to the undated manuscripts bearing Gerson's name (howsoever spelt), there is not one which shows evidence of being written earlier than the fifteenth century, and not the earliest portion of it.
I need not dilate upon this topic.
We have already discussed the value of the undated manuscripts.
Adding together the various codices which give the name of Gerson, Gersem, Gersen, Gers, etc.—all of which evidently point to the Chancellor of Paris—we find that they amount to about thirty. os When we call to mind these facts, we are in a position to estimate the preponderating external evidence of manuscripts in favour of & Kempis and against Gerson.
While the great Chancellor was one of the most prominent characters of his day, and a well-known and prolific spiritual writer, we find some thirty manuscripts giving his name, but not one during his life or for many years after his death.
On the other hand, in favour of the obscure Monk of Agnetenberg, who was unknown beyond his Congregation, we find a greater number of manuscripts pointing to him, a considerable proportion written during his life, and one in his own handwriting (dated 1441) placed at the head of a series of spiritual treatises which we have no reason to doubt were of his own composition.
Before leaving the subject of the manuscripts advanced in favour of Gerson, I must allude to the theory raised by the Abbé Dufresnoy, and defended by Onésime Leroy, and later by Vert.
There exists in the library of Valenciennes a
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
manuscript, in French, containing some works of Gerson, to which his name is appended, and also the three first books of 7he Imztation of Christ under the title of Z'Znternelle Consolation, to which no name is attached.
Some partisans of Gerson, including several of those named above, argue that the book of L' /uéernelle Consolation is by Gerson, and that he wrote it in French.
Their contention does not bear examination.
The Valenciennes manuscript is dated 1462, and is almost identical with another manuscript existing in the library of Amiens, dated 1447, which the transcriber avows to be a translation from Latin ito French.
There is good evidence, moreover, to show that both manuscripts are attributable to the same individual—namely, David Aubert, a native of Hesdin.
Now, as the earliest of these manuscripts dates eighteen years subsequent to the death of Gerson, and the other no less than thirty-three years after that event, it seems futile to contend that they assist his candidature.
Monseigneur Malou discusses this subject with great care, and demonstrates satisfactorily that the manuscripts in question are a very clumsy
French translation of Zhe Imztatzon, which, as we know, was extant in Latin twenty years before the date of the earliest of them.* I1].—Jnternal Evidence.
When we examine Zhe Imitation of Christ and the works of John Gerson, with a view to discovering
* Malou, pp. 306-325.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
eee eee es eee a similarity between the two, we find instead a diametrical opposition.
We have already seen the remarkable parallelism which exists between Zhe Imitation and the works of Thomas & Kempis—in style, peculiarities of language, including unusual words, idioms, unique punctuation, derivation from the writers of Windesheim, and so forth.
When, on the other hand, we study the works of the great Chancellor, we are struck by the manifest contrast in every particular.
In vain do we seek for the peculiarities of language and train of thought which characterize 7he [imitation and a Kempis' other compositions.
They are nowhere to be found.
Gerson is decidedly scholastic— Lhe Imitation is the very reverse.
Gerson is diffuse, verbose, involved— Zhe Imitation is terse, epigrammatic, and transparently clear. Gerson is grandiloquent, didactic, arid, and but rarely devotional— The [mztation is homely, sympathetic, and full of unction at every page.
Gerson deals mostly with theory and reason—7z%e Imitation is always practical, and appeals to the heart.
If we take the Weadztatio Cordis as a specimen of Gerson's spiritual teaching, and read it side by side with Zhe Jmztatzon, it becomes evident that the two never emanated from the same source.
I quote this particular essay because its subject is somewhat congenial, and thus it affords a fair ground for comparison.
This striking diversity of style constitutes an argument against the great Chancellor which is per se conclusive and unanswerable.
Authors vary in the power and merit of their compositions, but style is an
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
individuality and unalterable.
Gerson's style asserts itself throughout his works as consistently as a Kempis' pervades Zhe Jmitation and his other writings, and no wider contrast could be imagined than what we find between the productions of these two great teachers.
It would seem to me as reasonable to attribute Zhe Pilgrim's Progress to Gibbon, or the Dialogues of Lucian to Xenophon, as to affirm that Zhe Imitation was the work of the Chancellor of Paris.
Cardinal Newman touches this subject with his well-known perspicuity and force.
Speaking of the individuality with which every man of genius expresses his ideas and feelings in language, he says: ". .. he
"gives utterance to them all,—in a corresponding "language, which is as multiform as this inward mental
"action itself and analogous to it, the faithful expres- 'sion of his intense personality, attending on his own
"inward world of thought as its very shadow; so that "we might as well say that one man's shadow was
"another's, as that the style of a really gifted mind can "belong to any but himself.
It follows him about as "a shadow.
His thought and feeling are personal, "and so his language is personal.
"Thought and speech are inseparable from each "other.
Matter and expression are parts of one:
"style is a thinking out into language." * * Lectures and Essays on University Subjects, by Cardinal
Newman, p. 41.
London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1859.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Besides the foregoing irreconcilable differences between Lhe Imitation and the works of Gerson, there is still another of overwhelming importance.
The author of Zhe Lmitation wrote for the instruction of those in religious life.
For & Kempis this was natural, but Gerson could not have ventured upon such ground, because from first to last he was only a secular priest, involved throughout his life in turbulent scenes of political and polemical strife.
Let us review a few passages in Zhe Jmttation which clearly define the author's design :—
"Thou must learn to break thine own will in many "things, if thou wilt keep peace and concord with "others.
"Tt is no small matter to dwell in monasteries or "in a congregation, and to live therein without reproof,
"and to persevere faithful till death.
" Blessed is he who has lived well in that same "place, and made a happy end.
% # * "The habit and the tonsure contribute little; it is "a change of manners and an entire mortification of "the passions that make a true religious." *
"Oh, how great was the fervour of all religious in "the beginning of their holy institution!
"Oh, how great their devotion in prayer!
How " oreat their zeal for virtue !
* Book i, chap. xvii.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"What great discipline was in force amongst "them!
What great reverence and obedience in all "flourished under the rule of a superior!" *
"The life of a good religious ought to be eminent "in all virtues, so that he may be such inwardly as he
'appears to men outwardly.
And with good reason ought he to be much more "within than he appears without; because he who "beholds us is God, of whom we ought exceedingly to "stand in awe wherever we are, and to walk pure as "angels in his sight.
"We ought every day to renew our resolution, and "to rouse ourselves to fervour, as if it were the first
'day Ol Our CONVErsiONn, — 1. at "No man rules safely but he who is willingly ruled.
"No man safely commands but he who has learnt "well to obey.
% # %# # % * "Thou wilt find in thy cell what thou wilt often "lose abroad.
"Thy cell, if thou continue in it, grows sweet; but, "if thou keep not to it, it becomes wearisome.
"If in the beginning of thy conversion thou didst "well inhabit and keep thy cell, it will be to thee ever
"after a dear friend and a most welcome solace." f " Be vigilant and diligent in the service of God,
* Book i, chap. xviii.
+ Ibid., chap. xix. t Ibid., chap. xx.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"and often think for what end thou camest hither, and "why thou hast left the world.
Was it not that thou "mightest live to God and become a spiritual man ?
% % # * " How do so many other religious, who live under "strict monastic discipline ?
"They seldom go abroad, they live retired, their "diet is very poor, their habit coarse, they labour
"much, they speak little, they watch long, they rise "early, they spend much time in prayer, they read
"often, and keep themselves in all discipline.
"Consider the Carthusians, the Cistercians, and "the monks and nuns of divers Orders; how every
"night they rise to sing psalms to the Lord.
"Tt would therefore be a shame for thee to be "sluggish in so holy an exercise, when such a multi- "tude of religious begin to cry aloud to God." *
"Turn thyself with thy whole heart to the Lord "and forsake this miserable world, and thy soul shall
"find rest."
"Thou hast shown mercy beyond all hope to thy "servant, and beyond all my desert bestowed thy grace
"and friendship on me.
"What return shall I make to thee for this grace ?
"for it is not granted to all to forsake all things, to "renounce the world and take on them the monastic iter 7] * Booki.,, chap. xxv.
+ Book ii., chap. i.
} Book iii., chap. x
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"T have received the cross, I have received it from "thy hand; I will bear it; and bear it unto death, as "thou hast laid it upon me.
" Verily, the life of a good monk is a cross, but it "leads him to paradise." * "Be neither too long nor too hasty in celebrating,
"but observe the good common way of those with " whom thou livest.
"Thou oughtest not to cause inconvenience or "weariness to others, but to keep the common way
"according to the appointment of superiors ; and rather "to consult the profit of others, than thine own devo- "tion or inclination." t It seems needless to dilate further on the proofs that Gerson was not the author of Zhe /mitation of Christ.
However, before leaving the subject I would refer all interested in it to the remarkably clear and solid refutation of the great Chancellor's claims which we find in the essays of two recent French writers— namely, M. Arthur Loth { and Monseigneur Puyol.§
The third candidate for the authorship of The Imitation of Christ, whose pretensions we must discuss, is John Gersen, the supposed Benedictine Abbot
* Book iii, chap. lvi.
+ Book iv., chap. x.
{ Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. xiii, pp. 580-616.
Paris: 1873.
La Doctrine du Livre De Imitatione Christi, par M. PAbbé Puyol, pp. 418-439.
Paris: Bray et Retaux, 1881.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
of Vercelli, who is stated to have written the book in the first half of the thirteenth century.
Hitherto we have dealt with individuals about whose existence there can be no doubt.
Thomas 4 Kempis and John Charlier de Gerson were realities beyond question, and whatever may have been their relation to The [mztation of Christ, no one can deny at all events that they lived and did great work in the field of spiritual literature.
This much cannot be averred of John Gersen.
His first appearance before the world dates from the beginning of the seventeenth century (some four hundred years subsequent to his asserted existence), and came to pass after this fashion.
In the year 1604, in a House of the Jesuits at Arona, on the Lago Maggiore, Father Bernard Rossignoli, S.J., found an undated manuscript of Zhe /mztation of Christ.
This was the famous Arona Codex.* At the end of the fourth book is written, " Explicit liber
"quartus et ultimus Abbatis Johannis Gersen de sacra- "mento altaris."
In other portions of the manuscript the author is named Gessen or Geshen once (the name being here very difficult to decipher), and Gessen thrice.
As this House of the Jesuits had formerly been a monastery of the Benedictines, Father Rossignoli imagined that the book belonged to their library, and leaped to the conclusion that it originated with that great Order.
Very precipitately, as subsequent events proved, he put forward the Codex as such, and thus gave origin to a most extraordinary fable.
De Grégory, Histoire, etc., vol. ii., chap. vill.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
In the year 1617, Father Majoli, another Jesuit who had made his noviceship at Arona, hearing the story, came forward and made a declaration, to the effect that it was he who had brought the Codex to Arona from his paternal home in Genoa!* Thus Father Rossignoli's idea was proved to be a delusion.
However, Majoli's avowal came too late to prevent a vexatious controversy.
The manuscript had fallen into the hands of Constantine Cajetan, an enthusiastic
Benedictine, who, in his anxiety to add to the abundant laurels of his Order the paternity of the great treasure, actually published it in Rome in 1616, asserting that it was the work of "the Venerable John Gessen, a " Benedictine Abbot."
In a second edition, brought out in 1618, he rebaptized the imaginary author as John Gersen," which appellation has survived to the present day.7
It was useless to argue that the word Gersen was a common mode, as we have seen, of writing the name of Gerson, the Parisian Chancellor—that it was quite natural to style him " Abbot," as he was actually Abbé commendataire of St. Jean-en-Gréve ; { the new interpretation suited the novel craze, and must be worked out to the bitter end.
Without disparaging Cajetan, we may truthfully say that he carried his enthusiasm to folly, as may be seen by the facts related con- * Amort, Plena ac Succincta Informatio de Statu totius Controversiae, etc., p. 169.
Augsburg: Bissoni, 1725. t Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 5-11.
Gence, Nouvelles Considérations, etc., p. 33, note i; also Waterton, pp. 5-7.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
cerning him by Malou and others.* At all events, the new candidate was launched upon the world, and all the powers of the great Order of St. Benedict were put forward in the effort to substantiate his claim.
Immediately on the appearance of Cajetan's edition of The [mztation, Heribert Rosweyd, a learned
Belgian Jesuit, took up the challenge and published his Vindiciae Kempenses, which remains to this day one of the ablest essays ever written on the subject, and a model for controversialists.
It had no effect, however, on the enthusiastic sponsor of John Gersen.
As no one had ever heard before of such an individual as the new candidate, it became necessary to give him a habitation, a country, a birthplace—aye, and even a portrait.
All this was done by a series of processes indicating more fertile imagination than historical accuracy.
A copy of Zhe Lmztatzon, printed in Venice and dated 1501, gave the needful clue.
Upon this volume some unknown writer had traced the following note :— " Hunc librum non compilavit Johannes Gerson, sed D.
"Johannes ... Abbas Vercellensis ... ut habetur "usque hodie propria. manu scriptus in eadem abbatia."
This was enough for Cajetan.
John Gersen, as a matter of course, was Abbot of Vercelli, and an Italian !
It mattered nothing that the name of the asserted Vercellese author was not given; possibly, too, the fact was overlooked that this written note is un- * Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 5-10.
exr6
THOMAS A RKREMPIS.
doubtedly falsified, as Delfau and Naudé declare."
The idea fitted Cajetan's wishes, and therefore must be true.
By-and-by it became necessary to find a birthplace for Gersen.
That was easily done.
A manuscript of The Imitation (the Allacianusf), which attributes the book to John Tambaco, a learned Dominican of the fourteenth century, answered this want perfectly.
Tambaco, misread by confusion between the letters T and C, gave the author as John Cambaco, or Canabaco, and this word, by a process wholly unknown to philology, was metamorphosed into Cavaglia, a village near
Vercelli, in which Gersen was stated to have been born!
The next necessity was to provide a portrait of the newly discovered hero. This likewise was accomplished
'without delay.
The so-called Codex Cavensts has a picture of a monk painted within the letter QO at the commencement of the first sentence, "Qui sequitur me."
This picture is stated by the Gersenists to represent a Benedictine monk—no other than John Gersen! They ignored the circumstance that this manuscript bears neither name nor date, and that there is strong evidence that it never belonged to the Benedictine Monastery of La Cava, in the kingdom of Naples.{ Even in 1833 * F. F. Delfau, Libri De Imitatione Christi Johanni Gerseni
Abbati ord. S. Benedicti iterato adserti, pp. 92, 93.
Parisiis: Apud L. Brillaine, 1674.
Also Becker, p. 56 and following.
Amort, Deductio Critica, p. 286.
Santini, parte prima, p. 101; Becker, pp. 58-61. t See Kettlewell's Authorship, etc., p. 135.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
an enthusiastic Gersenist, the Chevalier de Grégory, enlarged it, and placed it as a frontispiece to his edition of Zhe [mztation of Christ / Let us here recapitulate.
By Father Rossignoli's proven error in supposing that the Arona Codex ever belonged to the Benedictine library at Arona; by the blunder of a copyist so ill informed that he spells the supposed author's name in three different ways, and calls him Abbot; and by the vivid imagination of Dom Cajetan ;—we have the new candidate put forward as the Venerable John Gersen, Abbot of the Benedictine
Order.
By a falsified and utterly worthless note in the Venice edition we find him Abbot of Vercelli, and therefore an Italian; by a misreading of the name of John Tambaco we find him born at Cavaglia; and, finally, by a coup de mazn of extravagant fancy, we have his portrait manufactured out of the illuminated Q in the so-called Codex Cavensts / Verily, what more could be needed to prove Gersen's existence and claim to the authorship of 7%e
Imitation of Christ / Still we must follow Cajetan's eccentricities a little further.
The question will be asked, When did Gersen flourish as Abbot of Vercelli?
Probably with the idea of ante-dating Zhe [mitation of Christ, so as to put Thomas a Kempis.and John Charlier de Gerson out of the field, the new candidate was referred to the thirteenth century.
Most certainly the Arona manuscript never justified such an assumption, all competent authorities referring it to the fifteenth century.
How-
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
ever, careful search was made, which proved that in neither of the monasteries of Vercelli—St. Andrews, belonging to the Canons Regular, and St. Stephen's, the Benedictine Convent—was there any record of an abbot of the name of John Gersen.* All this made no matter, Dom Cajetan and a host of Benedictines held to the myth—the Augustinian Canons Regular could not abandon the just and solid claims of Thomas
4 Kempis.
Accordingly two powerful Orders entered the lists, partisans joined the fray on both sides, the mélée became European, and thus was inaugurated the most extraordinary controversy known in the history of literature.
In process of time, popes, cardinals, bishops, priests, and laymen, of various nationalities, were drawn into the battle.
Congresses were held, and various decisions arrived at.
The Congregation of the Index, and even the Parliament of Paris, were appealed to, and many bitter personal quarrels arose.
Still, while partisans and theorists lived and died, the truth gradually rose to the surface.
It would be an unwarrantable trespass on the reader's patience to follow all the intricacies of this contest, which has lasted nearly three hundred years, or to analyse what each combatant asserted or refuted ; and it would be very painful to rake up all the bitterness and obliquity to which it has occasionally given rise.
For these reasons I shall endeavour to state, as tersely as I can, the grounds of the final * See Malou, Recherches, etc., p. 262 ; also Kettlewell's Authorship, etc., p. 149, 150.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
conclusions to which a long course of study has led mess To commence, I shall refer to the works of the leading modern Gersenist authors, who doubtless have profited by all the erudition of those who preceded them.
These writers are the Chevalier de Grégory, the Pére Mella, S.J., Dom Célestin Wolfsgruber, and Monseigneur Puyol.
The History of " The Imitation of Christ" by the Chevalier de Grégory enables us to form an opinion regarding this author.t It is impossible to read his elaborate treatise without arriving at the conclusion that this worthy Vercellese gentleman was imbued with the highest motives and filled with boundless enthusiasm; that he was of transparent simplicity, totally innocent of logic, and gifted with a rare power of confusion.
The earlier part of his life appears to have been spent in searching amongst the manuscripts of Ze
Imitation for one to prove the existence and claims of the supposed John Gersen.
That he failed to discover such is only too obvious.
His powers as a philosophical historian appear to have been peculiarly limited, as we may conclude from some illustrations.
He gives a list of authorities, whom he quotes with a view to proving that John Gersen existed.{[
The * Those who wish to study the history of the Controversy from the beginning will find ample details in the first chapter of Malou's
Recherches, etc., pp. 1-73; also in Kettlewell's Authorship, etc., especially in chapters viti.—xi. ; and in the Zad/e?, from 1876 to 1884.
+ Histoire, etc.
{ Ibid. vol. i, p. 14.
THOMAS A KEMPIS..
majority are unknown, and no reference is given to their works.
This is a facile short cut out of the difficulty.
We need not spend time discussing the entire list ; a few specimens will suffice.
One historian referred to is Jean Baptiste Modena.
On examination of his works, it appears that what he really said is:
"That if it ts proved that a certain Fohn, Abbot of " Vercelli, composed 'The Imitation, this writer ought to "have belonged to the monastery of St. Stephen, and "not to that of St. Andrew."
Is this a proof of the existence of John Gersen?* Wolfsgruber tells us (page 12, note 7) that Modena's manuscript is dated
1617; that is to say, subsequent to the time when Cajetan put forward John Gersen.
I need not add that this circumstance takes all weight of independent 'testimony from the historian in question.
Another authority similarly quoted is Augustine Della Chiesa.
This writer does not mention Gersen in his Catalogue of the [llustrious Men of Vercelli, published in 1614.
It was not until.1648, some years subsequent to Cajetan's last publication, that he enumerates Gersen among the writers of Piedmont.
The value of this tardy record may be estimated by the circumstance that Della Chiesa affirms, upon the authority of Cajetan, that the autograph manuscript of Lhe Imitation of Christ still existed in the monastery of St. Stephen's at Vercelli, whzch, be tt remembered, had been demolished long before he wrote / +
Durandi and Napione, who lived at the end of the * Malou, Recherches, etc., p. 242.
+ Ibid., p. 243.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
eighteenth and commencement of the present century, are also quoted by De Grégory, but with results as futile as Modena and Della Chiesa.
Much is made of an assertion that, according to Napione, Frova had seem an ancient parchment which contained the names of the Benedictine Abbots of St. Stephen's at Vercelli, and that upon it was written the name of John Gersen, and the date 1247.
Surely, if such were the case, the parchment should be forthcoming.* When we recall the fact that all these authorities, quoted to prove Gersen's existence, lived between three and five hundred years subsequent to his supposed abbacy, and that no satisfactory intervening links have ever been brought forward, we are in a position to estimate their evidence at its real value.
Such are De Grégory's historical proofs of the existence of Gersen.
Yet he exclaims, '" How, after "the production of so many witnesses, so ancient and "respectable, can one doubt the existence of the monk
"John Gersen?" t+ Verily our author was a man of easy belief !
Of the Chevalier's logic we shall see something by-and-by.
When I allude to his marvellous power of confusing his subject, I do not mean to be altogether censorious.
In his instance the gift was not without value.
To make the most of an indefensible plea, there are two courses open to the advocate.
One is * De Grégory, Histoire, etc., vol. i1, p. 106; also Malou, Recherches, etc., p. 244. f + De Grégory, Histoire, etc., vol. 11, p. 14, note.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
to state the case with such boldness and disregard of all opposing arguments that an uninformed audience is fairly taken by storm.
Another is to involve the leading facts in confusion by drawing off the attention to side issues in such a manner as to bewilder the unwary. Admirable illustrations of both these methods are to be found among the Gersenist writers.
While Mella and Wolfsgruber ably represent the first, De Grégory and Puyol are distinguished exponents of the second.
The later portion of De Grégory's life was devoted to a different, but equally unsuccessful, mode of supporting the cause of Gersen.
We shall briefly relate it.
In the year 1830 he purchased from Techener, a - bookseller in Paris, a manuscript of Zhe Lmztation of Christ, which was believed to have come from Italy.* No sooner had he possessed himself of this treasure, than he examined it closely, and, being unskilled in paleography, assigned it to the thirteenth century.
Without difficulty he found several enthusiasts as credulous as himself, who confirmed him in this belief.} Inside the volume he discovered the names of its former owners.
Beginning with the date of 1550, was a list of various members of a family known by the appellation " Avogadro;" in Latin, "De Advo- "catis."
Now, it so happened that a noble family of * De Grégory, Histoire, etc., vol. ii, p. 223.
Ibid., p. 229 and following; also Malou, Recherches, etc; Pp. 285-293.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
that name still lived at Biella, near Vercelli.
Here was a discovery; or, at all events, a foundation upon which to build a castle in the air!
De Grégory lost no time in making known his good fortune, and in communicating with the Avogadro family.
Shortly afterwards, most marvellous to relate, a fragment of a diary was exhumed from amongst the archives of the said family, dating between 1345 and 1349, in which a certain Joseph De Advocatis makes allusion to a precious codex of Zhe Lmztation of Christ, which he avers was in the possession of his ancestors long before the time at which he wrote.* Led astray by a mass of fantasies, De Grégory now formulated and published his conclusions—
First. That his manuscript, the Codex De Advocates, dated from the thirteenth century.
Secondly. That the diary, thenceforth known as 'the Diartum De Advocatis, referred to that Codex ; and Thirdly. That all this (supposed) evidence favoured the cause of John Gersen.
At first, the real facts being unknown and unsuspected, De Grégory succeeded in making several converts to his views, especially in Italy; but by-andby inexorable truth penetrated the mists of delusion, and the worthy Chevalier's castle vanished into thin air.
First.
Critical examination has proved that the newly discovered manuscript of Zhe /mztation really
De Grégory, Histoire, etc., vol. i, p. 238.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
belonged to the fifteenth, and not the thirteenth, century ;* and Secondly.
That the Diarium was a clumsy forgery. f Apart from these extraordinary deceptions, to which the Chevalier undoubtedly fell an innocent victim, it seems strange that any one of his experience should have attempted to erect from such a foundation any support for the pretensions of John Gersen.
The Codex de Advocatis and the Diartum make no mention whatsoever of Gersen, and De Grégory ought to have known that there never was a scintilla of trustworthy evidence to connect that mythical personage with Vercelli.
If, for the sake of argument, we were to concede what we know to be untrue—namely, that the Codex de
Advocatis dated from the thirteenth century, and that the Dzarium was a genuine document, De Grégory's defence of Gersen derived from these premisses would resolve itself into the following argument :—
First.
The Codex de Advocatis dates from the thirteenth century.
Secondly. The Dzarzum alludes to that particular Codex.
Thirdly. Therefore John Gersen was the author!
Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 285-293 ; also Spitzen, Nouvelle Defense, etc., p. 3.
Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 285-293; Becker, p. 67; Loth, Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. xxii, 1877, p. 499.
M. Loth refers to the suspected forger as "plus hardi méme quhabile."
I consider it needless to quote other authorities on this point.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Verily, if this is a specimen of De Grégory's logic, he was not a close reasoner.
When, on the other hand, we grasp the real facts—namely, that the Codex de Advocatis is a fifteenth-century document, and the Diarium a fabrication, then indeed we realize how utterly the estimable Chevalier was himself deceived, and in turn misled those who accepted his opinions.
So much for De Grégory.
No one can read his works without arriving at the conclusion that what he considers facts are fables, that his conjectures are wild, and his conclusions untenable.
Mella and Wolfsgruber follow a line so similar—in fact, identical—that they differ only in the language in which they write.
What may be affirmed of one applies in the main to the other.
I have studied both, and, with the assistance of my friend, Mr. Louis Ely O'Carroll, A.B., R.U.I., an accomplished German scholar, have made a digest of Wolfsgruber's essay.
It can best be described as a romance, charming reading for any one totally ignorant of the subject, but deficient in any solid basis.
Like Mella, he adopts the method of boldly stating his case—very attractively, I admit—and of ignoring or minimizing all that can be
_ brought against it.
First, he gives an imaginary life of the supposed Abbot, including his birthplace, details of his early education, his friendships, his dignities, and of course his works, including The Jmitation of Christ.
For all this, as we know, there is not one particle of foundation.
Wolfsgruber's story, like many others, is quite Q
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
credible until the other side is heard.
Then it crumbles to dust—nay, more, the wonder begins to grow that any one could write as he does, unless satisfied that his assertions could be verified.
When the reader seeks for proofs, he discovers that none exist.
Apart from the romantic element already alluded to, Wolfsgruber's work, like Mella's, consists of a véchauffé of the usual exploded theories of the Gersenists—namely, the manuscripts supposed to be older i | than 4 Kempis,—the famous Dzarium de Advocatis,— the imagined quotations by writers of the thirteenth century,—the Paulanus codex,—and so on.
It may be said of it, that what is new is not true, and what is true is not new.
Probably the best comment I can make upon Wolfsgruber's Life and Work of Fohn Gersen is to record its effect upon the learned critic, the late Pére
Schneemann, S.J., who at the time he studied it inclined to the side of Gersen, and had actually written in his favour.
The result of his examination of this essay was to shake his former belief so completely that he investigated the question anew, and became an avowed and ardent Kempist. I shall translate his words :— "Formerly I defended the rights of Gersen, and "TI believed them to be indisputable; I then took in "hand, with the greatest interest, Wolfsgruber's plea
"for Gersen, believing that I should find therein "arguments for my own justification.
I was then in
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"the most favourable dispositions regarding Gersen ; "but, after having studied this work profoundly, I "began to doubt, and the rights of Gersen did not "appear to me so certain. ~ The more I examined the "question in all its aspects, the more I felt myself led
"to believe that Thomas 4 Kempis had in reality "written Zhe Luztation."
Subsequently Schneemann contributed a remarkable article in favour of Thomas & Kempis, whom he looks upon as inspired by John Van Schoonhoven, to whose letter I have already alluded.* Since the publication of his work on John Gersen,
Dom Wolfsgruber has edited a pamphlet, entitled, Septem Motiva contra Thomam de Kempis.t Monseigneur Puyol quotes this essay, the manuscript of which is to be found in the National Library in Paris.t
The document is a remarkable specimen of feebleness and confusion, and it is not easy to understand why
Wolfsgruber and Puyol avail themselves of it, as it is certainly anti-Gersenist, and a very weak attempt to dispute the claims of the great monk of Mount St.
Agnes.
The present appears a suitable occasion to consider some arguments which have been put forth from time to time by the Gersenists, and are revived by Mella and Wolfsgruber, with the idea of showing that Ze [mzta- * See Becker, p. 247.
Septem Motiva contra Thomam de Kempis, Ed. Colestinus Wolfsgruber.
Vindobonae: Reisser et Werthner, 1882.
See La Doctrine du Livre De Imitatione Christi, p. 470.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
tion of Christ existed in the thirteenth century, and that its author was an Italian and a Benedictine.
For example, it is stated that certain authors quoted (?) the work shortly after that period. Amongst those named I may enumerate St. Bonaventure, St.
Thomas Aquinas, Petrarch, Pope John XXII., and Dante.
Very naturally it will be asked, " Did these writers "in reality guote The Imztation ?" Certainly not.
We have seen how St. Bonaventure was supposed to have done so owing to the error which attributed to him the Collationes Tolosanaé, a work which we are now certain was not his, but of far later date.
As regards St. Thomas Aquinas, it is well known that he composed Zhe Office of the Holy Sacrament about 1264, at the request of Pope Urban IV.
As certain sentences in that work have a strong resemblance to passages in the fourth book of The Imitation, it is urged by the Gersenists that he quoted from the latter.
This contention does not bear investigation.
Zhe Office of the Holy Sacrament is a complete work, and shows no sign of being made up of the writings of others; moreover, if St. Thomas borrowed from Ze
Imitation, it is obvious that the latter must have been known in his time.
If so, why did not others quote it, and where did it lie hidden from the middle of the thirteenth century until the first third of the fifteenth ?
Not alone is there no manuscript in existence to
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
support this idea, but we are unable to discover the faintest allusion to the book in any one of the numerous spiritual writers who flourished between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.
From all these facts it becomes manifest that it was the author of Zhe Jmztation who borrowed from St. Thomas Aquinas, and not the latter from the former.* As regards the other authors named, a few disjointed sentences, or fragmentary ideas, are paraded, and vaunted as guotateons.
For example, Dante is asserted to have derived his ideas of the punishment of hell from the twenty-fourth chapter of Book i.
This is vague indeed!
Is it not more likely that the author of Zhe [mztatzon drew his picture from Dante, or, rather, that both he and Dante were inspired by the Apocalypse ? T Another argument which has been put forward to show that Zhe /mztation dates from the thirteenth century is founded on the following passage, which occurs in the fourth chapter of Book iv. :—'' Wherefore
"if J cannot draw out of the fulness of the fountain "nor drink my fill, I will at least set my mouth to the "orifice of this heavenly pipe, that so I may draw
"thence some small drop to refresh my thirst, to the "end that I wither not wholly away."
It has been suggested that this allusion to the "heavenly pipe"
See Amort, Deductio Critica, p. 59; also Loth, Article 2, Revue des Questions Historiques, pp. 99-103.
1874.
This chapter contains twenty-seven Scriptural allusions, of which three are to the Apocalypse.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
refers to the tube through which it was the custom for the laity to receive the Precious Blood when the Holy
Communion was administered under both species.
As this custom is asserted to have ceased before the fourteenth century, it is argued that the book must have been written earlier than that period.
This plea is wholly invalid.
In the first place, the phrase is manifestly figurative, and moreover the discipline of the Church varied in different countries and times on this point.
We know, however, that it was not until the Council of Constance (A.D. 1414-1418) that the prohibition against the administration of the Holy Communion under both species was made universal in the Western Church.* Let us examine another argument by which an effort is made to show that Ze /mztation belongs to the thirteenth century.
In the twenty-fifth chapter of Book i. we read the following praises of the Carthusians and Cistercians :— " How do many other religious, who live under 'strict monastic discipline ?
"They seldom go abroad, they live retired, their "diet is very poor, their habit coarse, they labour much,
"they speak little, they watch long, they rise early, "they spend much time in prayer, they read often, and "keep themselves in all discipline.
"Consider the Carthusians, the Cistercians, and the "monks and nuns of divers Orders; how every night
"they rise to sing psalms to the Lord."
* Catholic Dictionary, Addis and Arnold, p. 201.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
is alleged by the Gersenists that no author of the fifteenth century would have written thus, because the Carthusians and Cistercians at that time had fallen away considerably from the fervour of previous centuries.
This assertion is wholly gratuitous.
It will be sufficient for my purpose to show that Thomas 4 Kempis held a diametrically opposite opinion.
Let us turn to his Life of Gerard Groot, chap. iv., par. i., wherein he deplores the laxity of the clergy and laity, and then speaks of the Carthusians in the following words :—
" Apud Carthusienses vero, lux vitae coelestis remansit "occulta, et carnalibus videbatur satis austera, erat "'tamen Deo gratissima, et spiritu ferventibus optabilis
"atque jucunda."
Again, it has been affirmed that the author of Zhe Imitation must have been an Italian because he uses several words with Italian terminations.
As illustrations I may mention vegratiart, pensare, querulando, sentimenta, etc.
This argument, specious at first sight, vanishes upon investigation.
Such Italianized words, as we have seen, were habitually used by 4 Kempis and the Windesheimers.
quotes about sixty instances in which 4 Kempis zz Azs other works uses the same Italianized words as we find in 7h%e /mztatzon, and also ten more instances in which Busch does the same in the Chronicle of Windesheem.
Bonet-Maury throws a light upon this peculiarity of the Latinity of the Windesheimers.
At the commencement of the * Amort, Deductio Critica, pp. 62-64 ; also Malou, Recherches,
Cf, D259,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
second chapter of his work on Gerard Groot, from which I have already quoted, he alludes to the position of Deventer, where we know that Thomas 4 Kempis and most of his companions were educated.
Situated on the Yssel, in the direct line of commerce between Italy and the north of Europe, it was most natural that its inhabitants should acquire many Italian words and phrases in their dealings with the Southerns.
Be this as it may, the plea of Italianized words avails nothing against 4 Kempis, since we know that it was his habit to use them.
Again, to prove an Italian origin of Zhe Lmztatzon, the following words are quoted from the fifth chapter of Book iv. :— "A priest clad in his sacred vestments holds the "place of Christ, to pray to God for himself and for "all the people in a suppliant and humble manner.
"He bears before-and behind the sign of his "Lord's Cross, that he may always remember the "passion of Christ," etc.
From this text the Gersenists argue that the book must have come from Italy, because, as they assert, the Italian chasuble of the Middle Ages had a cross both in front and behind.
The truth of this assertion is more than doubtful.
Exhaustive research has been made on the point, with the result of showing that, while no fixed custom existed, the two crosses were most commonly adopted in Belgium.
From this we have reason to assume that such also was the case in Holland.
So far as this argument
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
goes, it makes in favour of A Kempis and against Gersen.* Great pains have been taken to discover in Zhe
Imitation a spirit traceable to a Benedictine source.
Just now, when considering Monseigneur Puyol's work, I shall revert to this point.
Leaving De Grégory, Mella, and Wolfsgruber, we come to the most recent defender of the Gersenist theory—namely, Monseigneur Puyol.
This erudite writer approaches the subject in a more scholarly fashion than his predecessors, discusses its points with ingenuity and at prodigious length, and requires a somewhat fuller notice, even though his arguments are shallow and his conclusions untenable.
Assuming that this learned divine, in his elaborate treatise on The Imitation of Christ, has availed himself of all the learning that has ever been brought forward in favour of Gersen, I have read and re-read with close attention his ponderous octavo of five hundred and thirty pages.
If not luminous, Puyol is certainly voluminous.
While respectfully acknowledging the erudition shown by him, and in some points admiring his elaborate, though strangely complicated, analysis of Zhe /izztateon, | am obliged to add that I cannot find in anything or in all that he brings forward the smallest ground for accepting his opinions concerning its authorship.
See Malou, Recherches, etc., pp. 275-279; also Notes, Matériaux, et Recherches sur l'Auteur du Livre de l'Imitation de Jésus-Christ, par
Thomas Brunton, p. 39.
Paris: Plon et Cie, 1873; also Loth, Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. xv., pp. 134-5.
Paris: 1874.
+ La Doctrine du Livre De Imitatione Christi, etc.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
These opinions, in brief, amount to this— First. That the so-called John Gersen wrote " The " Imitation of Christ ;" and Secondly. That Thomas a Kempts could not have been its author.
Puyol's work is by no means an easy one to master, both on account of its dimension and also from the prolixity and confusion of its style.
It would not be possible, in this short essay, to review it page by page, or to enter upon the refutation of its numberless errors, which are perfectly obvious to any one who has studied the controversy ; but I shall endeavour to point out a few specimens of its main fallacies.
At page 369 we find a résumé of Puyol's conclusions respecting the authorship of Zhe Jmztation of Christ.
1 quote them in his own words— "yz, L'auteur était moine Bénédictin.
"2, Il se nommait Jean Gersen.
"3. Il vivait pendant la premiére moitié du treiz- "iéme siécle.
"4. Il a été probablement abbé.
Nous disons ''probablement, car le manuscrit d'Arone est le seul "qui lui attribue cette dignité.
"5. Tout porte a croire qu'il était Italien.
"6, Il y a quelque indice que Jean Gersen a vécu "dans un monastére, sinon de Verceil, du moins des
"environs de Verceil."
Let us now examine these six propositions :— "1. Lauteur était moine Bénédictin."
Upon what foundation, may we ask, does Puyol
THOMAS A KEMPIS
make this announcement?
Evidently upon grounds which are not satisfactory even to himself.
Let us open page 66 of his work, where he discusses what he terms the " Bénédictinisme" of The /mitation of Christ.
Here the learned Monseigneur, with exemplary candour, avows that this character is by no means clear, and writes as follows :—* L'auteur de ?Jmztation
"nindique nulle part, d'une maniére expresse, l'ordre "auquel ila appartenu.
II est nécessaire de recourir "a des inductions."
Following up these "inductions," he discusses, at page 69, the religious terminology of The Imztation, and, while quoting many words which exist both in it and the Regula of St. Benedict, he admits that there are several others which are not to be found in the Regula.
Next, at page 73, our author considers the question of the alleged similarity in spirit and expression between Zhe [mztation of Christ and the Regula of St. Benedict.
This question has been treated at great length by certain Gersenists—Valgrave, Quatremaire, and others; also by the Chevalier de Grégory in his edition of Zhe Jmitation.* Manifestly Puyol is not at all satisfied on this point.
At page 78 he writes as follows :—" Malgré tout, convenons-en, le Bénédic- "tinisme de l'auteur de /'/mztatzon ne se manifeste pas
" @'une maniére absolument incontestable.
Les rapports "du pieux livre et de la Rég/e de St. Benoit ne sont "pas tels qu'il ne puisse y avoir aucun doute."
De Imitatione Christi, etc., curante Equite G. De Grégory.
Parisiis : Didot, 1833.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
This is a mild evasion of the reality.
A learned friend of mine, profoundly versed in the Regula of St. Benedict, lately read over The /mztation studiously with the special object of finding whether a close similarity was traceable between the two.
The result was negative.
I have myself endeavoured to do the same, and with the result of discovering very striking differences.
It seems to me that no one can study the Regula of St. Benedict * side by side with Zhe
Imitation of Christ without perceiving a marked contrast in many very important points.
It is impossible to read this portion of Puyol's work attentively without concluding, upon his own showing, that the author of Z%e Jmitatzon derived his doctrine from others besides St. Benedict.
All this bears forcibly upon the question of the authorship, proving that it was not purely Benedictine, but leavened by another school.
My own researches, as well as those of others far better informed, lead to the belief that the teaching of the Congregation of 'Windesheim constituted that extra-Benedictine element; because, while it partook of much that was Benedictine, through the influence of St. Gregory the Great, St. Bernard; St. Anselm, and others, it was also permeated by the doctrines of St. Augustine, St. Bonaventure, St. Francis of Assisium, and St, Thomas of Aquin, whose works were in their hands, giving it a wider inspiration and a more copious
Regula Sancti Patris Benedicti, secundum editionem Congregationis Cassinensis.
Einsidlae: Benziger, 1877; also New Translation.
London: Burns and Oates, 1886.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
terminology, and rendering it, in fact, like Zhe /mitation itself, partly Benedictine and partly extra-Benedictine.
That the School of Windesheim was strongly Benedictine we know from Busch and Thomas & Kempis.
The former says, in his work Ox the Reformation of the Monasteries, "Omnia pene quae nos "habemus, in regula continentur S. Benedicti;" and a Kempis, in his Vzta Bont Monachz, chapter vi., adds,
"Tmitare Sanctum Benedictum ; Serva omne verbum "tibi dictum."
Furthermore, if we reflect on the various elements which entered into the spirituality of the "Circle of Windesheim," we have no difficulty in understanding its breadth of character.
Gerard Groot was a disciple of the Carthusian de Kalcar.
Besides the works of the Fathers, which he tells us were his chosen riches on earth, he alludes in terms of warm commendation to the Horologium Aeternae Sapientiae of Suso.* Schoonhoven drew largely from John Tambaco, and doubtless was influenced by his own
Prior, the mystical John Ruysbroeck.
The Canons Regular necessarily derived much from St. Augustine, including his maxim, "Ama nesciri."
The practical tendency of the religious revival in Holland was also present; and, above and beyond all, the Scriptural tone so manifest in the works emanating from the * Chronicle of Windesheim, book ii., chap. lii. The " Preparation
"for Death," to which Groot alludes here, will be found at p. 236 of the French translation of Goerrés' edition, and at p. 209 of that by Cartier.
See Bibliography, Suso.
Very probably it was through Groot that Vos van Huesden acquired his appreciation of Suso, which is recorded by Busch, Chronicle of Windesheim, book i., chap. xli.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Windesheimers, gave to their teaching an individuality which explains its difference from that of other schools.
The conclusion to which I am led by reading Puyol's treatise is that he himself is more than doubtful of the purely Benedictine origin of Zhe Lmztation ; and the study of other works—especially Busch, a Kempis, Amort, Eustathius,* Fronteau,t Spitzen,t and Becker, satisfies me that it is not to the great Order of ~ St. Benedict, but to the "Circle of Windesheim," that we must look for the inspiration of the book.
There, and there only, can we find its spirit and doctrine clearly outlined, as though it were the "rapiarium," or handbook, of that Congregation.
It seems, then, quite evident that we cannot accept Puyol's first proposition—viz. "L'auteur ctatt moine
The Monseigneur's second proposition concerning the author of Zhe Lmitatzon is— "2. Ll se nommart Jean Gersen."
Here it is only needful to refer the reader to the already described origin of John Gersen, and to repeat that his existence is unproven, and that he is still a myth.
Our author's third and fourth propositions are as follows :— "3, Ll vivart pendant la premiere mottié du treiziéme
* secle.
Argumenta, etc., Theophili Eustathii et Joannis Frontonis.
Parisiis : S. et G. Cramoisy, 1651.
Ibid. t Nouvelle Défense, etc.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"4. Lla été probablement abbé. Nous disons probable- "ment, car le manuscrit d Arone est le seul qui lut "attribue cette dignité."
These assertions have already been discounted and shown to be utterly unfounded.
Puyol's fifth proposition is— "5. Lout porte a crore guil était Italien."
As a matter of fact, we know already that the overwhelming evidence which exists goes to show that the author was a Dutchman, and a member of the Congregation of Windesheim.
Our author's sixth and last proposition is— "6. LL y a quelque indice gue Fean Gersen a vécu
"dans un monastére, sinon de Verceil, du moins des "environs de Vercerl."
Our reply to this must be that as yet there is no evidence whatsoever that John Gersen ever lived at all, and that his supposed connection with Vercelli is based upon a memorandum written in a_ printed edition of Zhe Limitation of Christ, admitted to have been falsified, and hence utterly worthless.
After the foregoing six propositions, Monseigneur Puyol adds the following remark :—'" En dehors de
"ces données, l'étude de 7 /mztation ne présente, nous "allons le voir dans les pages suivantes, que confusion,
"contradiction et impossibilité."
I have read and re-read "les pages suivantes" referred to, and crave permission to rejoin that I see nothing but confusion, contradiction, and impossibility in attempting to attribute the authorship of The Limitation of Christ to a being
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
whose existence is unproven, improbable, and wholly mythical ; and, on the other hand, I find the utmost satisfaction in assigning it to Thomas 4 Kempis, in whose favour we have a substantial mass of evidence— traditional, contemporary, external, and internal.
The utterly baseless pleas put forward with so much ingenuity by the Gersenists, and especially by Puyol, leave the so-called Abbot of Vercelli in the limbo from which they vainly strive to extricate him, and only serve to accentuate the undeniable arguments in favour of the great Monk of Mount St. Agnes.
We shall now consider Monseigneur Puyol's second conclusion touching the paternity of Zhe Lmztation— namely, Zhat Thomas a Kemprs could not have been tts author.
Obviously the mere raising of this plea is a confession of the weakness of the cause of Gersen.
If it could be shown that the latter existed and wrote the book, no allusion to Thomas 4 Kempis would be needful.
Failing to make a case for the mythical candidate, Puyol's next effort is to dispossess the Monk of Agnetenberg.
How far he succeeds remains to be seen.
In this portion of his treatise (book iv.) our author dwells much upon a certain thesis which emanated from the Benedictines of St. Germain-desPrés about the end of the seventeenth century, and is now brought to light for the first time.
The original manuscript, written out and annotated by Dom Mabillon, is in the National Library in Paris.
Why this document lay hidden so long appears strange if its
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
authors placed any confidence in it, but is intelligible enough on the opposite hypothesis.
This exhumation of still-born essays is a new feature in the controversy.
We have already alluded to a similar achievement by Dom Wolfsgruber.
It seems equally clear that Monseigneur Puyol's discovery cannot serve the cause of Gersen, or injure that of Thomas 4 Kempis.
The document is a collection of complicated arguments founded on baseless theories and unproven statements, put forward with as much gravity and confidence as if they were undeniable truths.
It would be impossible to discuss all these fallacies.
I shall mention but a few specimens.
One line of argument taken is to quote certain manuscripts—for example, the Mantua or Padolironus, the Slusio, Arona, and others, as being of such ancient date that Thomas 4 Kempis could not have been the writer of the original.
If this could be proved, then indeed the claims of the Monk of Agnetenberg would be at an end; but the reader is in a position to judge this plea, knowing that it has been demonstrated over and over that not a single manuscript of Ze [metatzon exists, dated or undated, which can be assigned to a period earlier than the middle age of Thomas a Kempis.
At page 488, Monseigneur Puyol re-opens the worn-out controversy touching the evidence of John
Busch, who, as we have seen, definitely states that Thomas & Kempis composed Zhe Lmztation of Chrost.
This seems an unwise course, because it necessitates R
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
the discussion of much that might well be left in oblivion.
The responsibility, however, is not mine.
When the Gersenists put forward their mythical candidate, obviously one indispensable step was to silence, if possible, the contemporary witnesses who bore testimony in favour of 4 Kempis.
Of these the most formidable was John Busch.
His statement, coming from a man of such unimpeachable character and intimate knowlege of the facts, placed the claims of Thomas & Kempis beyond rational controversy, and hence the only course open to those who opposed them was to repudiate altogether the evidence of the Chronicler of Windesheim.
The method at first adopted by the Gersenists was to assert that the words " videlicet, qui sequitur me, De
" Imitatione Christt,' were not written by Busch, but interpolated into his manuscript.
This assertion was made with the utmost saxg-frozd, but, so far as I can ascertain, without any solid justification for so grave a charge.
What are the facts ?
Busch wrote two Chronicles of Windesheim, the first in 1458, the second, which was completed six years later, in 1464.
The later edition differed considerably from the earlier, being much amplified, especially in the matter of personal details.
In the first edition Thomas a Kempis is not mentioned at all; in the second he is named in connection with the dream which preceded the death of Vos van Huesden.
There he is stated unequivocally to have been the author of Zhe [mitation of Christ.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
It would seem to have been customary with Busch to write in the foregoing manner.
According to Grube, who has lately brought out his two great works, Busch likewise wrote two editions of his Liber de keeformatione Monastertorum, an earlier setting, anda later one more amplified.
It is not difficult to understand that confusion between these two editions of the Chronzcle of Busch, the earlier without, and the later with, the disputed words, gave an excellent opportunity to the Gersenists, whose object was to discredit 4 Kempis in order to make way for their candidate.
Naturally the Augustinians repudiated the grievous charge of interpolation, and at their instance a Congress was held in Paris in 1681, for the purpose of examining the MSS. which vouched for Thomas a Kempis. As the Proces Verbal was not published at the time, very erroneous impressions were circulated concerning the result.
It was only in 1880 that these minutes were made public.* These false impressions were intensified and perpetuated by words which appear in the Oxvrages Posthumes of Mabillon,t which certainly were very misleading, although, when viewed by the light of recent investigation, I believe were written in good faith.
The first volume of the work named commences with a history of the controversy about the authorship of The Imitation of Christ, by the editor, Dom Thuil- * Santini, 2 parte, pp. 215-228.
Ouvrages Posthumes de D, Jean Mabillon, etc., par D, Vincent Thuillier.
Paris: F. Babuty et J. F. Josse.
1724.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
lier, and at page 45 we find the words which I shall now quote, alluding to the Augustinians and the Congress of 1681—'"Ils produisirent aussi deux "Chroniques de Jean Busch, dans l'une desquelles, qui
"paroissoit originale, n'étoit pas la parenthése soup- "connée de faux par les premiers défenseurs de Gersen,
"mais seulement dans la seconde, quils prétendirent "avoir été augmentée par Buzilius (Busch ?) méme.
"TD, Mabillon avoit appris ces particularitez de Mr. du "Cange et de Mr. Buluze, qui étoient des Examina- "teurs.
Car le Procés Verbal ne fut pas imprimé."
Any one reading this extract, and the others given by Puyol in the note at page 495, might easily fall into the erroneous belief that when reference is made to two Chronicles of Busch two MSS. of the same work were in question, one without and another containing the disputed words.
This idea, coupled with the words applied to the earlier Chronicle, "qui paroissoit
'originale,' and those used in reference to the later edition, "quiils prétendirent avoir été augmentée par
"Busch méme,' would naturally give rise to the suspicion that the MS. termed " originale " was the autograph of Busch, and that the other, which contained the contested sentence, was a copy.
From such premisses it only needed the will to construct a defence for the suggestion of Dom Valgrave that some one had interpolated the said words into the copy.
Now, as a matter of fact, we have reason to believe that no autograph of Busch was produced at the Congress of 1681.
If such had existed it would have been
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
at St. Martin's at Louvain, where the documents from Windesheim were brought when that Institution was broken up, but we have no evidence whatsoever that an autograph was to be found among the documents sent from there to Paris.
Probably the autographs of Busch were lost when the convents were sacked during the riots of the Reformation.
Copies of the two Chronicles were produced, one of the earlier edition without the contested words, and two of the later edition, both of which contained them.
So far as we at present know only one copy of the earlier Chronicle exists, namely, that at Gaesdonck, but several copies of the later edition are extant, every one of which contains the disputed sentence.
The erudite Ellies du Pin, although a decided antiKempist, was far more cautious in alluding to the Codex without the contested words than Dom Mabillon's editor.
Evidently he, too, had not seen it, and depended solely upon rumour.* Within the last few months a new light has been thrown upon this subject, which appears to clear up all obscurity.
A couple of years ago the learned savant, Fr. Victor Becker, S.J., whose work on Zhe Luztation and the Netherland Documents has been so frequently quoted by me, heard of a MS. of the Chronicle of Windesheim, belonging to the Seminary of Gaesdonck, a small town in Prussia, near to the borders of Holland.
See page Ixviii. of his Dissertation on the Authorship of The Imitation, in vol. i, of his edition of the Works of John Charlier de
Gerson,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
With some difficulty he obtained permission, not alone to see it, but also to bring it to his own Convent at Oudenbosch, for the purpose of examining it critically.
The result of this investigation is that this MS. (which was transcribed in 1493 at the Convent of St. Catharine, near Nymegen), proves to be a copy of the earlier edition of Busch's Chronicle, dating 1458, and differing in many points from the later edition of 1464. lz zz Thomas & Kempis ts not mentioned at all, and consequently the omission of the words attributing to him the authorship of Zhe Jmztation is not alone explained, but it becomes evident that they could not possibly have existed in it.
Fr. Becker has published an account of his recent discovery,* which he has reprinted, adding selections from the Gaesdonck MS. in order to show how materially it differs from the Chronicle of 1464.
With all this information before us, we are enabled to understand the origin and baselessness of the charge of interpolation made by the Gersenists against the Augustinians, and also to see that the words in Mabillon's posthumous works, founded, be it remembered, on the verbal evidence of Du Cange and Baluze, gave countenance to that suggestion, all the while that they in nowise formulated such an accusation, or, we may believe, were written with such an intention.
The introduction of the contested evidence into the later edition of the Chronzcle appears perfectly natural.
Overgedrukt uit de Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap, gevestigd te Utrecht.
10° Deel.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
This edition is fuller in personal details than the preceding one; and once Thomas' name was mentioned, it was in harmony with Busch's custom to cite his works.
Moreover, the Chronicle was an historical work, and doubtless was perfected as time went on.
Nay, more, while it may have been discreet to guard Thomas' incognito at first about a matter probably well known to his Order, later, when the names of St.
Bernard and Gerson were mooted in connection with Lhe Imitation, it became a duty to tell the truth by pointing out the real author.
As regards the copies of the later edition of Busch's Chronicle, dated 1464, we find several extant.
I shall particularize a few, for reasons which will soon appear.
The earliest copy is that transcribed by John Gherardyn. The portion containing the words alluding to Thomas a Kempis (De Viris illustribus) is dated
1465; that is, one year subsequent to Busch's autograph.
The rest is dated 1466.
The Pastoor Spitzen, at Plate VI. of his work Zhomas a Kempis als Schryver, etc., gives a facsimile of the passage, as it may be seen in the Library of the University of Utrecht.
A glance shows the absurdity of suggesting interpolation, as there is no space for it; and if the disputed sentence were removed, the text loses meaning and sequence, the words 'cum aliis" following "composuit," and the monosyllable "cum" being the ony word in one line!
Another copy, which comes from the monastery of Rebdorff, dated 1477, contains them.* * Becker, pp. 20, 21.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Another copy, from the Convent of Everardsclausen, dated 1478, and examined by Mooren, also contains them.* Now, let us remember, Busch died in 1479; therefore, apart from his autograph, which doubtless existed at Windesheim, we find no less than three copies made during the author's life, all necessarily well known to the members of his Order, and all declaring Thomas a Kempis to be the author of Zhe Lmztation of Christ.
Such evidence is sufficient for reasonable men.
In addition, let us bear in mind that Busch's autograph and Gherardyn's copy were extant during the lifetime of a Kempis himself.
There are other MSS. of the Chronicle, some of great antiquity, which also contain the words in question; for example, those in the Library of the Bollandists in Brussels; in the Royal Library of the Hague; Riddere's copy in the Burgundian Library at Brussels; and also a Codex which belonged to St.
Martin's, at Louvain, and recently was in the possession of the late Mr. Edmund Waterton.
In fine, we find the contested words in every copy of the Chronicle of Windeshetm, except the Gaesdonck Codex ; and, as we now know, they could not have been introduced into it, as Thomas is not named at all in that edition. Thus the charge of interpolation has utterly fallen to the ground.
It has been asserted that in some copies the disputed words were included in a parenthesis by brackets.
This statement is denied by Becker, the most industrious * Becker, pp. 20, 21.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
investigator of these MSS. ; but even if such were the case, nothing could be argued or deduced from thence, as the sense would not be altered in the slightest degree.
It needs little penetration to see that the object of the Gersenists throughout their special pleadings is to represent that a Kempis was not stated by Busch to be the author of Zhe Jmztation until after his death.
In this they have totally failed.
If we were disposed to pleasantry, this would be the time to ask them the value of their contention if applied to their candidate, whose very name was not heard of for just four hundred years after the asserted date of his supposed existence !
Beaten out of the field on the question of interpolation, and utterly driven to bay, the Gersenists finally took the preposterous step of suggesting that Busch was mistaken in attributing the /mztateo Christi to Thomas 4 Kempis!
Certainly they, many of whom were members of a religious Order, should have known that even if Busch made a mistake it would have been discovered by his Superiors, whose duty it was, according to the rule of all communities, to read over, correct, and verify their Chronicles.
Furthermore, taking a purely human view of the matter, and putting aside the improbability of eminently holy men like the Superiors of Windesheim lending themselves to a falsehood, would they have ventured, in the face of a hostile world, to send forth in their records a statement admitting of contradiction?
The very idea defies common sense.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
In addition, let us bear in mind that the evidence given in the Chronicle of Windeshetm, and circulated in numerous copies, was never called in question until
Dom Cajetan invented Gersen, about one hundred and fifty years after Busch wrote.
Let me add now a few words as to the position of Thomas & Kempis' himself with reference to this testimony.
The autograph of Busch and the copy by Gherardyn appeared respectively seven and five years before a Kempis' death.
It is against all human probability that the latter had not seen this elaborate history of his own
Order, the property of the Mother House, which was situated a short walk from Mount St. Agnes, but most certainly we have not the faintest evidence that either he or any of his holy companions ever denied his authorship of Ze Limitation, and thus he appears to have given consent by silence.* So much for the important evidence of John Busch.
I have treated it at some length, but unavoidably so to do it even scant justice.
I trust that the foregoing summary, which can be verified by the references given, may suffice to convince reasonable people that it is unassailable, entirely worthy of acceptance, and conclusive.
Finally, may I suggest that if the advocates of Thomas a Kempis were to make a present of Busch's evidence to the Gersenists, the proofs which still remain in favour of the holy Monk of Agnetenberg
In corroboration of this important point, I advise the reader to consult Becker's remarks upon it, pp. 26-32, of his essay of 1882.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
would amply suffice to carry him triumphant over all his opponents.
Returning to Monseigneur Puyol, we find that he devotes chapter vi. (book iv.) to an effort to prove that Lhe Lmitation is essentially an outcome of the spiritual school of Italy in the thirteenth century.
The more we study this idea, the more visionary it becomes, until it finally vanishes and we are thrown back upon the undeniable fact that the inspiration of the book, its phraseology, and idioms, can only be found in the teaching of the " Circle of Windesheim."
Recognizing the inexplicable difficulty of The /mztation having been composed, as he and other Gersenists argue, in the first half of the thirteenth century or thereabouts, and remaining unheard of for two hundred years, Puyol propounds a theory.
He tells us that the book was written about the time when scholasticism invaded spiritual literature, and that hence it soon failed to suit those times, and was cast aside and forgotten.
Any one who wishes to study the grounds upon which he rests this extraordinary hypothesis will find them stated fully at page 429 of his treatise.
His reasoning appears to me eminently unsatisfactory, and such as could not mislead even a child.
I shall not be so uncomplimentary to my readers as to ask them to believe that Zhe Jmztation could have failed to hold its place, in any age or time, as the most beautiful exposition of the highest Christian philosophy that ever issued from the hand of man.
In chapter vii. (book iv.) Puyol discusses the
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
candidature of John Charlier de Gerson, and takes occasion again to refer Zhe Jmitation to the commencement of the thirteenth century, pleading especially its non-scholastic style.
This argument might suit to displace a scholastic writer like the great Chancellor, but our author seems to forget that the teaching of the School of Windesheim, of which a Kempis was the prominent exponent, was absolutely non-scholastic in character.
Every one who has studied it is perfectly aware of this, and Altmeyer, to whose work
I have already referred, clearly establishes this fact.* Puyol devotes chapter ix. (book iv.) to the consideration of Thomas 4 Kempis—his life, his authentic works, and his style.
I regret I cannot speak flatteringly of this portion of the work, which is a laboured effort to depreciate the writings of the Windesheimers, and of the holy Canon of Agnetenberg in particular.
The interests of justice oblige me to reproduce the words used by Monseigneur Puyol, which I do with regret and pain :—" Lorsque nous ouvrons les oeuvres
"de l'école de Deventer, une chose nous frappe; c'est "la vulgarité du ton.
Ce n'est plus la méme race de:
"moines.
Le clerc de la vie commune, le Chanoine " Régulier de Windeshem est un religieux rigide, "dévoué a l'oeuvre de sa sanctification, désintéressé,
"Apre au labeur; mais il n'a pas les qualités aristo- "cratiques.
II a conservé la rudesse du travailleur "qui a passé de longues années a construire son couvent
"de ses propres mains, la banalité du copiste qui est * Les Précurseurs de la Réforme, etc., chaps. iii., iv.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
de se procurer 4 chaque instant les ressources "nécessaires au couvent.
Le dirai-je?
La congré- "gation de Windeshem me représente l'une de ces "associations religieuses de |'Eglise moderne, recrutées
"dans la classe populaire, ob régne une si grande inten- "'sité de vie et une si ardente piété, mais qui n'a pu telle- "ment faire oublier a ses membres leur premiére "origine, quils en conservent toujours quelque aspect
"abrupt et quelque insuffisance de maniéres.
" Aussi le caractére du style de Thomas Kempis et "de ses confreres dénote-t-il surtout une bonhommie
"lourde et vulgaire."
Such are the terms in which our author speaks of a Kempis and his saintly companions!
In truth, it is a poor argument to abuse an adversary, and one which invariably denotes a bad cause.
We have seen something of a Kempis' life and of the Windesheimers, and are able to estimate this plea at its worth.
When entering upon a comparison between 7%e Imitation of Christ and the other treatises which have come down to us as the accredited works of a Kempis,
Monseigneur Puyol takes a very convenient course to favour his own particular opinions.
He divides all into two classes, the first of which he admits to have some merit, while he very respectfully terms the rest
"bagage intellectuel"!
He rejects the first as not being attributable to 4 Kempis, and only admits the others, as it were, to depreciate him.
Puyol's reasoning upon this subject. is purely arbitrary, and evidently framed to suit his theory.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
As a matter of fact we have as good reason to believe that the works he rejects were written by Thomas as those which he is pleased to admit as his compositions.
Respecting their merit in contrast with 7e /mztatzon, we have already seen that unimpeachable judges deem many of them to be quite comparable with the latter, and strongly resembling it.
Puyol's contention that the existence of some of these works in the Codex Girardimontensis displaces 4 Kempis (chronologically) is wholly baseless,* because neither that manuscript, nor any other which the Gersenists have as yet produced, dated or undated, proves on investigation to be earlier than Thomas' middle age. F Monseigneur Puyol is very unfortunate in the attempt he makes to contrast 7e /mztation with the other works of a Kempis, to the disadvantage of the latter, especially so when he selects in illustration the beautiful passage in-the twenty-fifth chapter of the first book, wherein is described the rescue of a soul from doubt by an act of faith.
Let me recall the incident:—*" When one who often "anxiously wavered between hope and fear was one
"day consumed with sadness, he prostrated himself in "prayer in the church before a certain altar, and "revolved those things within himself, saying, 'Oh, if "«T did but know that I should persevere on and on!'
"All at once he heard within himself the divine * See Santini, 2"* parte, p. 247.
M. Ruelens, a very experienced judge, refers this MS. to about 1480.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
a55 "answer: 'And what wouldst thou do if thou knewest "this?
Do now what thou wouldst then do, and thou "wilt be safe enough.'
"And presently, being comforted and strengthened, "he committed himself to the divine will, and his "anxious wavering ceased.
"Neither had he a mind to search curiously to "know what should befall him hereafter, but he studied
"rather what was the acceptable and perfect -will of "God for the beginning and accomplishing of every
" good work."
Puyol (p. 480) implies that such a narration surpasses the comprehension of Thomas a Kempis.
Does he, may I ask, forget that in the twenty-seventh Sermon to the Novices, example the fourth, Thomas relates, in very similar words, a like rescue from temptation by faith and prayer, adding that the subject thereof was a certain Brother of Mount St. Agnes ?
Finally, Puyol releases us from all uncertainty as to the bias of his mind when he writes of a Kempis in the following words (p. 486) :—" De tous les écrivains
'2 qui lon attribue Ie pieux livre, Thomas Kempis "nous semble le moins capable d'en revendiquer la
"paternité.
Alors méme que L'/mztation serait née "au quinziéme siécle, elle ne pourrait provenir d'un si
"méchant auteur."
When Puyol calls a Kempis "wz st méchant "auteur," he seems to reckon little that his words defy the common consent of spiritual writers and judges, who for centuries have treasured the works he vainly
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
strives to disparage ; which have passed through some twenty editions, and have been translated into the principal languages of the civilized world.
Monseigneur Puyol has a full right to his opinions, but they are not shared by those who know the works of which he speaks so contemptuously.
The learned and holy Pierre Coustou, Vicar-General of Montpellier, one of the most enlightened divines of our century, has given us a beautiful translation of a portion of a Kempis' Sermons to the Novices.
Let us see in what terms he speaks of them :—"A la premiere lecture "que je fis de ces sermons, je fus pénétré d'un senti- "ment de respect et d'admiration ; je retrouvai dans ces
'sermons l'esprit d'onction et de sainteté de l'inimitable "livre de L' imitation de Fésus Christ, .
.; tout, dans "les oeuvres d' a Kempis respire les sentiments d'une '"'piété tendre, profonde, suave, aimable, et son style
"est dune simplicité pleine de charmes et d'onction, "sans €étre dénuce de force et de lumiére: c'est la plus
"touchante imitation du langage de Jésus Christ luimeme, % % % % % s "J'ai lu et relu souvent et avec délices les oeuvres
"de Thomas a Kempis.
Quel homme!
Qui'il est "different des autres hommes! entre maints autres " opuscules, il nous a laissé trente discours adressés par
"lui aux religieux novices dont il était le maitre.
" Quelle éloquence!
Elle coule avec une limpidité qui "contraste singuliérement avec l'éloquence de nos jours,
toute humaine sur laquelle nous avons en-
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"semble plus d'une fois gémi.
C'est absolument le "livre admirable et presque divin de /'/mitation de " Fésus Christ (et, par parenthése, je ne concois pas
"qu'on puisse former des doutes sur |'Auteur de ce "livre, le plus beau de tous, quand on a lu les ouvrages
6d. a Kempis)." * Quite recently Monseigneur Puyol has brought out a magnificent edition of Ze [mztation of Christ, adopting the text of the Arona Codex, and, oddly enough, omitting the name of his favoured Gersen from the title page.
In his preface he strives to explain the copyists' errors concerning the name of the supposed author.
To any one who has closely examined the Arona manuscript,f his version of the matter is utterly unsatisfactory.
His edition is full of inaccuracies in the Scriptural references, which we may hope to see rectified in a second issue.
I have no doubt the reader has already heard sufficient of the mythical John Gersen and his most recent advocates—De Grégory, Mella, Wolfsgruber, and Puyol.
I leave them without regret, but cannot refrain from making a few comments on the Controversy.
Most assuredly it is a strange one, and not without a painful and inexplicable aspect.
While the solid claims of Thomas 4 Kempis to the authorship * Sermons de Thomas 4 Kempis, traduits du Latin, par M. Pierre
F. X. Coustou, pp. 5, 6, et 9.
Montpellier: Félix Seguin, 1853.
I enjoyed this privilege in the month of March, 1885, when the codex was for the time in the Bibliotheca Cassanatense in Rome. t De Imitatione Christi, edidit Petrus Eduardus Puyol, Praelatus
Domesticus, etc.
Lutetiae Parisiorum: Retaux-Bray, 1886.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
of Zhe Lmitation of Christ are transparent to every one who takes the trouble to investigate them, nevertheless we find Gersen, whose existence is wholly unproven and highly improbable, gravely thrust forward and asserted to be the real author.
Each and every step in the process of attempting to propound this myth has over and over been proved a delusion.
His existence, his dignities, his life, his supposed works, his connection with Vercelli, and his portrait, have all been demonstrated to be the outcome of ambitious dreams.
If, in place of finding the clear evidence which exists in favour of Thomas 4 Kempis, the book of Zhe Imitation was manifestly of unknown origin, it would be possible to admit as justifiable the inventing of a theory in favour of an imaginary author like
-Gersen; but how such a visionary being can be seriously advanced with a view of deposing 4 Kempis, constitutes an ethical problem which defies solution.
At all events, the attempt has proved a complete failure.
After prolonged study of all the Gersenist works, ancient and modern, to which I could obtain access at home or abroad, I am led to the conclusion that they are romances and not history, replete with fables, but not facts; and that all the ability and in- ' genuity of their authors, including the great Dom
Mabillon, are simply valueless, and necessarily so, because it is impossible to endow a phantom with life, or to find reality in a shadow.
What, thén, it may be asked, is the object of discussing the Gersenist pretensions which have so often
THOMAS A KEMPIS
ox6 been refuted?
The justification lies in the necessity for promulgating Truth at all costs.
The Gersenists seem to possess a rare combination of qualities.
Like a certain Royal family once powerful in Europe, " They "forget nothing and learn nothing."
Beaten out of the field to-day, they retire for a few years—perhaps for a generation—and then revive as fresh as ever.
Defiant of history and logic, wholly oblivious of former defeats and of the arguments by which they have been vanquished, they again furbish up the rusty implements of bygone ages, and brandish exploded manuscripts, and even the famous Diariwm de Advocatis, just as if all the world were as gullible as they are themselves,*
The well-informed smile, but the public at large are liable to be misled, and need some easily reached information to save them from obsolete delusions.
The picture which I draw is not an unreal one.
I pass unnoticed the lucubrations of ancient writers, whose opportunities of learning the truth were limited, and I shall mention only some strange modern illustrations of current error.
A few years ago I found in Germany a Tauchnitz edition of Zhe /mitation, translated into English by the Rev. W. Benham.f
This translator, in a preface which exhibits singular ignorance of the controversy, avows himself a believer in Gersen.
He is one of many dupes.
Still more recently | purchased a beautiful Latin edition of Zhe [mztation, '
See articles in the Zadlez, from 1876 to 1884, by " A Cassinese " Benedictine ;" also some signed '' Monachus O. S. B."
+ The Imitation of Christ.
Translated by the Rev. W. Benham, B.D., Bernhard Tauchnitz.
Leipsig: 1877.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
published in Turin as the work of John Gersen of Caballiaco, Abbot of St. Stephen's at Vercelli! *
In 1874 a statue was erected in the parish church of Cavaglia in honour of Gersen, and in 1884 another similar memorial was unveiled at Vercelli.
The latter ceremony gave occasion to the Archbishop of Turin, Cardinal Alimonda, to deliver an eloquent address, wherein he declares John Gersen to be the author of The Imitation of Chitst / F What, may I ask, do these statues prove >—The inextinguishable vigour of imagination.
Gersen was the creation of Cajetan's fancy, as Minerva was of Jupiter's brain; but, as Father Becker quaintly observes,
Italy. is full of statues of Minerva, yet who would argue from thence that such a being ever existed ?
May I suggest to his Eminence, and to his hearers and readers, the perusal of a notice of this discourse from the pen of the Chanoine Delvigne, of Brussels.§
With all the dignity, self-restraint, and scholarly perspicuity which characterize this learned' writer, he exposes, most respectfully, but scathingly, the startling indiscretion of such a pronouncement, coming from so * De Imitatione Christi, Johannis Gersenii 4 Caballiaco.
Turin:
Marietti, 1885.
Il Monumento Inaugurato a Giovanni Gersen nella Basilica di Santo Eusebio in Vercelli, il 1° Agosto, 1884; Discorso del Card.
Alimonda, Archivescovo di Torino, pp. 6, 7. Torino: Tipographia Salesiana, 1884. t Becker, p. 67.
La Statue de Jean Gersen 4 Verceil, par Ad. Delvigne.
Bruxelles: Vromant, 1885.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
high a dignitary, and from so privileged a ground as the pulpit of a cathedral.
So much for John Gersen, of Vercelli.
I have endeavoured to discuss his candidature with becoming gravity, although often sorely tempted in the opposite direction.
The Kempists, from the days of the witty Amort up to the present, seem unable to resist the ludicrous view of the contention.
Withal, levity is manifestly out of place in the discussion of an historical problem, although if ever excusable it would be so in the present instance.
We have already seen that efforts have been made to discredit the claims of Thomas a Kempis to the authorship of Ze [utation of Christ by certain critics who repudiate as well the pretensions of the Chancellor of Paris and of the so-called Gersen.
It is time that I should now make a few observations respecting their peculiar views.
So far as I am aware, the earliest promoter of this idea was the German Benedictine who wrote the essay to which I have alluded, entitled, Septem Motiva contra
Thomam de Kempis.
According to his opinion, 7%e Imitation is of German, and not Flemish, origin.
I think he quite fails to establish his theory.
A quarter of a century ago M. Tamizey de Larroque essayed to displace 4 Kempis on the grounds of internal evidence, and, failing to realize the philological aspect of the case, suggested a French origin for the book.
He, like his predecessor, has not succeeded in proving
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
his contention.
More recently M. Arthur Loth and the Pére Denifle have come forward as anti-Kempists, supporting their opinions by arguments somewhat different from those of their predecessors.
They, while contesting the claims of 4 Kempis, reject Gerson and Gersen with emphasis.
M. Loth, who holds that Zhe Jmztation was probably written by a member of the Congregation of Windesheim prior to the time of a Kempis, has placed his views before the public in a series of articles in the Revue des Questions Historigues, which occupy about one hundred and fifty pages octavo.*
His conclusions are founded upon a certain manuscript which he discovered some years ago in the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris, in which the first book of Zhe Imitation, and fragments of the third and fourth, are found bound up with several treatises on spiritual and other subjects.— At the commencement of this collection is a calendar, which, according to Loth, points to the year 1406.
Upon this very sandy foundation he builds up the theory that Zhe [mztation of Christ was written before 1406, and that therefore Thomas could not have been its author, as he was only twenty-six years of age at that time.
A brief study suffices to upset this doctrine.
Assuming, for the sake of brevity, that M. Loth is correct in believing that the calendar dates back to * See vols. xiii., xv., and xxii., in the years 1873, 1874, and 1877.
This manuscript is in the Cabinet des Estampes, Coté E a, Réserve.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
1406, a very questionable point indeed, we have yet to learn at what period it and the other treatises in the volume, including the portions of Zhe Jmitation, were bound up together!
On this point we have no indication whatsoever, and hence these fragments of The Imitation may just as well date fifty years later than the supposed calendar of 1406.
The binding of the MS. is quite modern.
One of the most extensive publishers of spiritual books of the present day told me that he prepares his calendars every ten or fifteen years, and subsequently binds them with each new edition of the prayer-books for which they are drawn up.
If this be the custom nowadays, why not also in olden times ? * Again, M. Loth endeavours to strengthen his assumption as to the date of Zhe /mutation of Christ by dwelling on the fact that there are marginal notes in the manuscript which allude to it as the De Imitatione Christi—a term not applied to it in its earliest days.t Here I am obliged to remark that I believe he is not a careful observer.
In June, 1884, I obtained an introduction from Lord Lyons which enabled me to examine this manuscript myself, and I am clearly of opinion that the aforesaid marginal notes are not written in the same handwriting or mk as the vest of the manuscript.
If I am correct in this opinion, the conclusion based on these notes goes for nothing, as they may have been written fifty or a hundred years later than the manuscript.
* See Becker, p. 201 and following.
+ Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. xill., 1873, pp. 547-8.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Finally, in his third article,* M. Loth commits himself to an assertion which shows much want of care in the examination of the documents respecting which he writes, Commencing at page 488, we find a description of a manuscript, then the property of Count Riant, in which, among other treatises, is found the first book of Zhe Jmitation of Christ.
Further on is a work of Floretus, bearing date 1416.
Loth describes the manuscript as homogeneous—that is, written by one hand—and argues from thence that Zhe limitation of Christ was known before 1416.
I have no intention of disputing the fact that 7%e Imitation—or, at all events, the first book—was extant at that period, when Thomas 4 Kempis was already thirty-six years of age—on the contrary, I fully believe it; but Loth's assertion that Count Riant's manuscript is homogeneous is positively erroneous.
In September, 1885, M. Ruelens showed me photographs taken from different parts of this codex which prove beyond doubt that it was written by several copyists.
Here, again, we find our author building on an unstable base a structure which falls to the ground.
In short, a critical examination of M. Loth's elaborate articles forces us to the conclusion that, despite his great ingenuity, high literary ability, and very attractive style, his theories are unfounded and his conclusions unsound,
The most recent exponent of the theory so ably, but vainly, urged by Loth is the Reverend Pére Henri
Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. xxii., 1877, p. 488 and following.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Seuse Denifle, a learned Dominican, and subarchivist of the Vatican Library.
As yet we have had no full exposition of his views, but we may assume from some fragmentary articles which he has published that he believes that the author of The Limitation of Christ was a German Canon Regular, name and habitation unknown, of date anterior to Thomas 4 Kempis.* Gerson he does not deem worthy of consideration, and Gersen he disavows emphatically, declaring that all the codices advanced in his favour—Avona, De
Advocatis, and the rest—are fifteenth-century manuscripts.
On this special point, as already observed, Denifle should be an exceptionally good judge, as his facilities for examining Italian manuscripts, of all centuries, dated and undated, are matchless.
If, however, his conclusions concerning Zhe Lmitation are to gain weight, they must be more worthy of confidence than his powers of observation.
Already he has made a blunder both huge and incomprehensible, as follows :—The Kirkheim Codex of The Imitation of Christ has an inscription, written in a different handwriting from that of the rest of the manuscript, giving its date and certain particulars.
Now, the Pere Denifle boldly asserts that this inscription is pasted in, and not written on the leaf of the manuscript.
Although I do not seek just now to press my belief that its date of
is thoroughly trustworthy, nevertheless I am satisfied that the learned Dominican has in this instance committed himself to an allegation which is wholly
Spitzen, Nouvelle Défense, pp. 1-11.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
indefensible.
M. Ruelens, the accomplished Curator of the Manuscripts in the Burgundian Library at Brussels, where the Kirkheim Codex is kept, positively and emphatically denies the assertion.
The Pastoor Spitzen and Fr. Becker add their weighty testimony in the same direction,* and I, having examined the manuscript in 1885 and 1887, am able to confirm their positive and indignant denial of so erroneous and misleading a statement.
Such is the position of M. Loth and the Rev. Pare Denifle.
If they prefer their theories to the established facts elicited in favour of Thomas a Kempis during this controversy, no one will dispute their right; but until they prove themselves more careful in observation and logical in reasoning they can scarcely expect men of ordinary mental calibre to accept their views or. entertain them seriously.
In conclusion, I will quote here the words of the learned and impartial Canon Santini, wherewith he closes his able and exhaustive treatise on the authorship of Zhe Imitation of Christ, and with which I most cordially and sincerely agree :—" Del resto noi
"scrivemmo sempre guidati da sincero amore del vero ; '"avemmo si il profondo convincimento della giustizia
"della nostra causa, ma non cercammo mai di dis- "simularci il valore delle altrui ragioni se per caso ne
"avessimo trovate di valide sul nostrocammino.
Dopo "lungo studio della controversia noi possiamo ripetere "con la pit candida sincerita che per noi, oggi, come
Spitzen, Nouvelle Défense, etc., pp. 50-52, and also p. 168.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
" prima, € una tesi storica circondata da ogni desiderabile "certezza, che Tommaso da Kempis é autore de' quattro
"libri dell?' [mtatione." * Before leaving the controversy, of which I need hardly say I have given a mere outline, principally with the intention of guiding others to its study, I shall recapitulate the evidence by offering a tabular view of the position of the candidates whose claims have been examined.
* Santini, 2" parte, p. 211.
THOMAS A KE
MPIS.
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THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Eek Vi Tue reader who has had the patience to follow me up to this point will understand the feelings which led me to visit the scenes in which Thomas 4 Kempis spent his holy life.
Filled with admiration for Zhe Imitation of Christ, and with reverence for the man who I am satisfied was its author, I longed for many years to make this pilgrimage; to tread the ground once hallowed by his footsteps; to see the places, even changed as they must be, which he looked upon nearly five hundred years ago; and to kneel upon the very spots once sanctified by his teaching and example.
In the year 1875, while on my way to Russia, I happened to take the route to Kcenigsberg by Vlissingen and Cologne, and when within a couple of hours' railway journey of the latter city the train pulled up at Kempen.
Kempen! the birthplace of Thomas 4 Kempis!
Then and there, glancing at the little town, I resolved to visit it when I could.
Time was not at my command; eight years rolled
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
by, and already the autumn of 1883 had come before I was able to gratify my long-cherished desire.
Meanwhile, after full consideration, I decided to make the journey in the order in which I have traced a Kempis' life, visiting Kempen first, and subsequently
Deventer, Zwolle, Agnetenberg, and Windesheim.
Any one disposed to follow my pilgrimage will find this route the most convenient.
If not quite familiar with the Dutch and German tongues, he will need the services of an interpreter.
I had hoped when setting out that I might be able to procure photographs of each object of interest at Kempen and the other stages of my journey ; but, to my great disappointment, I found that this was impossible.
None existed, and I could not get them taken.
All who are familiar with the practical details of photographic art know that for such an undertaking, where visits into the country are necessary, it is indispensable to have relays of dark slides, so that time may not be wasted in repeated visits to the dark workshop.
Without such provision, time is sacrificed without measure, because it is requisite to take several views of each object, so many proving failures and only a small proportion satisfying the artist's expectations.
I may here state at once that, having made a careful survey of the scenes of &4 Kempis' life, I decided that in order to obtain the views I required
I should first become a photographer myself, and then come back, provided with suitable apparatus.
Return-
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
ing home, I devoted all the leisure I could spare to the study of photography, and in the summer of 1884
I went back to the Continent properly equipped, and retraced my steps.
This time I took the views myself, and from them are drawn the woodcuts with which I illustrate this portion of my sketch.
The engravings were executed for me by Messrs.
Oldham, of Dublin, whose name is a sufficient guarantee of accuracy.
The two portraits of Thomas 4 Kempis are reproduced from photographs taken from the two most authentic pictures, by the autotype process.
I have adopted this course in order to ensure such absolute fidelity as can alone render a likeness valuable.
It gives me sincere pleasure to record here the assistance I received in my photographic work from Mynheer Abraham Cohen, of Zwolle, who gave me special help in determining the exposure of the plates suited to the climate of Holland, and placed his dark chamber and workshop at my disposal.
To his aid, and that of his venerable father, I am largely indebted for the fidelity of the illustrations
I now offer.
During my travels I had, at different times, the assistance of most able interpreters—Mr.
Bachirt, Mynheer Cossmann, and Mynheer Joan Van Ameringen.
The latter, who is courier at the Amstel Hotel at Amsterdam, gave me special help during my second trip, when I took the photographs.
On the greater part of my journey of 1883 I enjoyed the congenial society of my old friend and schoolfellow, Mr. Charles
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Kennedy, of Dublin, whose interest in all we sought and visited was equal to my own.
Aided by the illustrations, obtained as I have described, I shall now conduct my reader over the scenes wherein &4 Kempis spent his life.
Leaving Cologne by railway, a journey of two hours brought us to Kempen,* where we put up at the comfortable
Hotel Vonz-Ponz.
This building, looking upon the market-place, was once a church, as I could see from its external architecture, but, long since disused as such, it has been converted into a dwelling-house.
I could not discover the name of the original church, or to what religious Order it had belonged.
By good fortune I met in the evening, in the Speise-saal of the hotel, two noted inhabitants of Kempen—Dr. Otto Menden, the physician to the general hospital, and Herr Conrad Kramer, an accomplished archzologist, who has devoted much time and research to the study of the antiquities of the town, and has collected a remarkable museum specially rich in curiosities of antique ornamental metal-work.
Both these gentlemen, the former of whom speaks French fluently, on learning the object of my visit, met my wishes with enthusiastic alacrity, and devoted themselves to showing me Kempen and its sights, detailing its history
. and traditions.
During my second visit I had the further advantage of making the acquaintance of Herr
Francis Xavier Hellner.
This gentleman, who is noted for his erudition in all that concerns Kempen, ancient
* See map at end of volume.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
and modern, is engaged in the manufacture upon a large scale of Church ornaments and sacred vessels of great beauty—an industry which has been traditional in the town from its earliest days.
There are, I believe, few parts of the Continent in which we may not find specimens of high artistic skill issuing from his workshops, over which he kindly conducted me, explaining all details.
I am indebted to the learned Kempist scholar, the Pastoor Spitzen of Zwolle, for this most valuable introduction, which led to my obtaining permission to photograph the interior of the parish church of Kempen.
Kempen, so named from the wide expanse of level country in which it is situated (Camfz, in Latin), is nowadays a quaint little German town of some five thousand inhabitants,—cleanly, healthful, prosperous, and up to the present evidently intensely Catholic.
It is not very often that one sees, even on the Continent, a priest in full ecclesiastical robes carrying the Blessed
Sacrament through the streets to the sick and dying, preceded by an acolyte with lamp and bell, the people kneeling down most reverently while the august procession passes.
Here, however, that touching spectacle is of daily occurrence.
Alighting from the train and entering the town from the railway station, we first passed a few handsome private houses, the dwellings of the wealthier inhabitants, and almost immediately came to the Gymnasium, or New School.
This building, of which I give a woodcut, although considerably remodelled, ab
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
shows plainly that it was once a fortress.
It was, in fact, the citadel of Kempen in the days when the town was fortified,—castellated, and surrounded by a huge moat, of which a portion is still unfilled.
In this castle the Archbishops of Cologne had their local residence, and from it exercised their sway, both temporal and spiritual.
It was built about the date of Thomas a Kempis' birth, and doubtless he often wandered round it in his boyhood ere he left his birthplace to join his
GYMNASIUM AT KEMPEN.
elder brother John at Deventer.
At present it is the public high school of Kempen, under the direction of the Government, and admirably arranged to suit the wants of the inhabitants.
Passing on a very short distance, and keeping to the right, we came to a church and seminary adjoining. These belong to the Franciscan Fathers, and the church is called the Paterkirk of Kempen.
Of simple and unpretending style, this mass of building forms
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
a substantial and capacious institution.
Tradition tells that the seminary stands upon the site of the old gymnasium, or public school, of Kempen, while the church itself is built where one more ancient stood which belonged to the Congregation of Common Life.
Within the church, on the left-hand side of the sanctuary, is a life-size oil painting of Thomas.
He is represented sitting in the open air, surrounded by his :
FRANCISCAN CHURCH AT KEMPEN;
books, and behind in the distance are buildings, doubtless intended to represent the monastery of Mount
St. Agnes.
He is clothed in the habit of the Augustinian Order, white and black ; the head is large, the forehead broad, the eyes and complexion dark, and the expression highly intelligent.
This picture is undated, but I should say not very ancient.
Leaving the Franciscan church, and turning to the left, a short walk through the Burgstrasse brings us to
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
the parish church and its surrounding close, passing on the left-hand side the Protestant church of Kempen, a small red brick building of no architectural pretensions.
The parish church, dedicated to Our Blessed Lady, is a Gothic edifice, of large size and severe style.
It is built on the site of an older church, parts of which enter into its structure, and it occupies as well a
EXTERIOR OF THE PARISH CHURCH OF KEMPENe
portion of the ancient burial-place of Kempen.
It is now surrounded by a close and a narrow grass plot, which enables the visitor to walk entirely round it.
Although plain exteriorly, it is handsome within, with its Gothic pillars and fine nave and aisles.
Entering the church by the porch, and passing the vestibule, we find on the right an oil-painting of Thomas, representing him in alb and cope kneeling before an altar.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
The face is a noble profile, not unlike that in the Paterkirk, the hair white and flowing.
This picture is undated, but evidently modern.
Penetrating to the choir, we find it of great antiquity, the carved benches of the left side being the old choir seats of the original church, and the remainder, scarcely less antique, matching them perfectly.
Walking outside tl if o!
INTERIOR OF THE PARISH CHURCH AT KEMPEN.
the choir, we find on the left-hand wall a very old fresco, almost effaced by time, but prized so highly that it is protected by a curtain and only shown to visitors as a special favour.
This fresco, too, belonged to the old church, and doubtless Thomas often saw it, as well as the choir.
Again returning to the porch, and walking up
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
towards the altar, we observe two side-doors on the right hand leading out upon the close.
We shall pass out by the second door, that nearest to the altar, and then indeed we see what must interest us deeply.
Let me refer to the accompanying sketch, which supposes the observer to stand looking down the close, having the buttresses of the church on the right, and - =:
ER a); \; hes Oar eQ matey
THE SITE OF JOHN HAEMERKEN'S HOUSE.
the houses bounding the close on the left. Over portion of one of these houses I have placed a little cross.
It indicates the site of the humble dwelling once occupied by John and Gertrude Haemerken and their children.
This ts the spot on which Thomas & Kempis was born.
We have no record of the death of either of the parents, but we may assume that both died before
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
1402, as we find evidence that the house was sold by their sons in that year.* At this period John a Kempis was about thirty-seven years of age, and his brother Thomas about twenty-two.
Immediately beyond the site of the Haemerkens' house we observe a large plain building.
This latter occupies the site of the children's school of old Kempen, @ Tn Niel if A wl ATF] Hill pany Pry nutans ima eves mal wee SS a
THE STADHUIS OF KEMPEN.
very probably the one presided over by a Kempis' mother.
At present the lower part is devoted to shops, while the upper rooms are used as an almshouse for the infirm, aged, and poor of the town, who are supported from the municipal funds.
Leaving the close and entering the market-place, we find the Stadhuis, or Guildhall, of which I give a * See Mooren, p. 233.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
sketch, and in the council-room may be seen another painting of A Kempis.
It is obviously modern, dating, I believe, about 1750, and utterly fanciful, showing a long white beard, and in nowise resembling the authentic portraits.
The three pictures found at Kempen are interesting as proofs of the reverence in which the saintly man is held in his native town, but have no claim to be looked on as real likenesses.
For se at
OLD STREET IN KEMPEN.
this reason I have not thought it worth while to reproduce them.
Herr Hellner advised me to go and see a little church, situated about halfa mile to the east of the town, which had escaped my notice during my first visit.
It dates back to the early portion of the ninth century, and is dedicated to St. Peter.
Setting forth to make
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
this visit I passed the General Hospital, and Herr Conrad Kramer's house and museum, and looking back for a moment was struck by the quaint view of an old street of Kempen.
I could not. resist the temptation, so I fixed my camera and took the picture.
Reaching the church of St. Peter, with its adjoinaH H HM ~UN iwi i CHURCH
OF ST. PETER, OUTSIDE KEMPEN,
ing school, I found it most interesting from its extraordinary age and wonderful preservation.
It is used up to the present as a chapel of ease for the benefit of the villagers around.
In Thomas' day it was still more frequented, and doubtless often by him.
The accompanying sketch represents it faithfully.
Now, turning back towards Kempen—thinking of
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
the days when Thomas lived there, a child, a boy, a stripling—I took, "2 memoriam," a bird's-eye view.
I reproduce it now.
The level expanse of surrounding country is well seen, and in the distance the principal buildings may be traced; on the right the Gymnasium, with its castellated towers, on the left the parish church, with its lofty spire, and between these two the church of the Franciscan Fathers.
Sri Hr W mh COCA RAD \ ilar os iui} 'i H { Ne if
KEMPEN, SEEN FROM ST. PETER'S CHURCH.
Such is the quaint little German town which gave — birth to the great Thomas 4 Kempis, nurtured him till his thirteenth year, and then sent him forth to do giant work in the vineyard of God, calling souls innumerable, in every age and country, to serve, love, and imitate their Divine Lord and Master.
Let us now look at the map and observe the position of Deventer, whither the youthful 4 Kempis went about the year 1392, in pursuit of his studies.
Fulla
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
hundred miles it is from Kempen, and in those primitive times the journey must have been an arduous one for the boy.
How Thomas travelled there we know not.
Very probably a good deal by the Rhine, which he could easily reach near Uerdingen or Duisburg, and follow thence to Arnheim.
By taking the Yssel near Arnheim, the remainder of his journey to Deventer might be made in a few hours.
Nowadays the railway unites Kempen and Deventer, and even ona sedate Dutch line it needs little more than four hours to make the trip.
The journey is not interesting, the country being flat and monotonous, except in the immediate neighbourhood of Arnheim, where it becomes hilly and even picturesque.
Alighting from the train, and passing out of the well-appointed station, a walk of about a hundred yards brought us to the neat Keizer
Hotel, where we established ourselves.
Sallying forth to pursue our investigation, we traversed the whole of Deventer in a couple of hours, finding it an exquisitely clean and evidently prosperous Dutch town of some twenty thousand inhabitants.
Modern Deventer is famed for its ironworks and carpet factories, and derives great wealth therefrom.
It is also celebrated for its spiced bread, which is exported all over the world.
To avoid needless delay, I shall at present confine myself to the description of those parts of the city which are associated with the history of Thomas a Kempis and the Congregation of Common Life.
From the market-place, which is near the Keizer
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Hotel, a good-sized street runs off, called the Lange © Bisshops Straat.
Passing up it for a short distance we meet, on the right, a very narrow lane called Pontsteeg.
Following this lane we come to the Engel Straat, and just opposite the junction of these two roads we shall stand for a few minutes and look up and down.
Looking to the right, up the Engel Straat, let us observe the sixth house from the corner of the PontTRIE]
= EE ny dil mal
SITE OF GROOT'S HOUSE AT DEVENTER.
steeg.
I give an illustration, and have placed a little cross to indicate the exact spot.
This cross is just over the site of the house of Gerard Groot.
It was here that he lived during his memorable career in Deventer, while organizing with Florentius Radewyn the constitution of the Congregation of Common Life.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Now, looking down the Pontsteeg, through which we have only lately walked, let us observe the imposing building on the right-hand side.
I have marked it in the illustration by the cross placed above.
This is the modern High School of Deventer, built on the site of the old school, the school of Groot's time, in which Florentius' friend, John Boehm, filled the office of Rector, and Arnold van Schoonhoven and Thomas
I Ni \ ==N = S SY TTATESTT NS RIN Sey \ TOLL ALS ALAC oe MODERN
HIGH SCHOOL OF DEVENTER.
4 Kempis were day scholars. In former times a passage led from the rear of Groot's house to this college.
Now, turning to the left, we look down the Broedern Straat (continuous with the Engel Straat), at the end of which stands the Broedern Kerk.
Both the street and the church are well shown in the view given on the following page.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Next, let us walk down the Broedern Straat and enter the church.
On the occasion of my second visit to Deventer I brought a letter of introduction from the Pastoor Roelofs, of Zwolle, to the Pastoor of the Broedern Kerk, thanks to which all its treasures were opened to view, and I was allowed to take a photograph of the interior, which I reproduce.
BROEDERN STRAAT AND KERK.
Broedern Kerk, the only Catholic church at present in Deventer, is a beautiful specimen of Gothic architecture.
The great interest which attaches to it lies in the fact that it is built on the site of an older church, which, together with an adjoining monastery, long since demolished, belonged to the brothers of Common Life, and hence derives its name.
In addition it is a centre of attraction for those interested in the
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
subject of this sketch, because in the sacristy are preserved the skulls of Gerard Groot and Florentius
Radewyn.
This church contains, moreover, other treasures of priceless value—namely, the relics of St.
Lebuin, of St. Marcellinus, and of the holy Abbess Mildred.
Here also is preserved the chalice of St.
Lebuin, dating back to the eighth century.
INTERIOR OF THE BROEDERN
KERK.
I examined with close attention the skulls of Groot and Radewyn, which are kept in a little glass cabinet placed on the top of the press containing the vestments in the sacristy.
Owing to the height at which the cabinet is situated, I found it necessary to use a ladder in order to make a careful inspection.
Both are beautifully formed heads, indicating high intellectual
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
capacity, and are in excellent preservation.
Groot's skull is placed to the right, that of Florentius to the left.
As I was not permitted to open the cabinet, I could not take accurate measurements, but I was able to observe certain details of formation in Gerard's head which are highly interesting from a phrenological point of view, and upon which I will enter later when describing the skull of Thomas 4 Kempis.
According to local tradition, the house of Florentius, so often alluded to in this essay, was situated at the rear of the Broedern Kerk, in the waste space between it and the present railway station, but now no trace of it exists.
Certain it is, however, that the localities which I have described, the Broedern and Engel Straat, the Pontsteeg, and also the precincts of the Church of St. Lebuin, were often trodden by Groot, Radewyn, a Kempis, and their holy companions.
I am indebted for much of the information concerning Deventer, which I now give, to the highly intelligent sacristan of the Broedern Kerk, in whose charge I was placed by the parish priest—no doubt owing to the influential letter of introduction from my good friend, the Pastoor
Roelofs.
Leaving the Broedern Kerk, and returning to the Pontsteeg, we pass through the latter, and re-entering the Lange Bisshops Straat, ascend it until we reach an open space in which is situated the Groote Kerk, or Church of St. Lebuin.
It is a grand old Gothic structure.
Built originally in the eleventh century, it was burned down in 1366, the crypt alone, with its
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
magnificent frescoes, escaping, and subsequently rebuilt so rapidly that it was completed in 1400.
This was the church of which we may remember John Boehm and Florentius Radewyn were curates, the latter having resigned his canonry at Utrecht in order to be near his beloved master, Gerard Groot.
In it, in front of the altar dedicated to St. Paul, Florentius was buried in I400.
St. Lebuin's is now a Protestant church, and, like all such in Holland, is undecorated, and whitewashed
ST. LEBUIN'S AND DEVENTER; FROM THE FAR SIDE OF THE YSSEL.
interiorly in a fashion so hideous that it is necessary to see in order to believe.
Leaving the open space surrounding it, we crossed the Yssel, from the far side of which we obtained a magnificent view of the old cathedral, towering above the city.
The accompanying sketch represents it well.
About an hour's journey by railway brought us from Deventer to Zwolle, a distance of some twentyU
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
four miles.
Just four miles south of the latter city we passed Windesheim on the left hand, the site of the famous monastery with which we are already familiar.
Later I shall give a description of all that remains of it.
Leaving the railway station, we enter Zwolle, a model Dutch city, and one of the prettiest in Holland, with its numerous canals, drawbridges, and handsome ae = '
AY 're LN HDT Ss ZA PRR BSH A So ANY BY hy 7 ' ful atc Le NAY see ae = ty (2 = GCL le PD y f = ———— i Za] wh VIEW
IN ZWOLLE, WITH THE SASSENPOORT.
buildings.
All around we see the exquisitely neat villas of the wealthier inhabitants, with their trim gardens and pleasure-grounds reaching down to the water's edge.
The sketch I now give shows a view of the Sassenpoort, the historic Gothic entrance to the town, with its four pointed towers. A little further on we catch a glimpse of the handsome Catholic Cathedral of our Blessed Lady, in which I subsequently
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
had the happiness of attending High Mass, celebrated by the parish priest, the Pastoor Spitzen.
Reaching the market-place, we took up our quarters in the comfortable Herren-logement Hotel, to which we were cordially welcomed by its courteous landlord,
Mynheer Jansens.
A few hours sufficed to show us Zwolle, a town of some twenty-two thousand inhabitants, the capital
CATHEDRAL OF NOTRE DAME, AT ZWOLLE:
of the Province of Overyssel, and a picture of orderliness and prosperity.
As in the case of Deventer, so also here I shall confine my descriptions to the special objects which bear upon the subject of my essay.
These are—the church of St. Michael, Mount St.
Agnes, Windesheim ;' the Zwolle portrait of Thomas a Kempis, and, lastly, his relics.
Just opposite our hotel, at the other. side of the
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
market-place, is the grand old Gothic church of St.
Michael.
We shall enter it by the side door, which is represented in the sketch appended.
This was the church to which Thomas came in 1399, when on his way from Deventer. to Mount St. Agnes.
Here it was he sought the indulgence UV ss a
ENTRANCE TO ST. MICHAEL'S CHURCH, FROM THE MARKET-PLACE.
given that year by Pope Boniface IX. to all who, complying with the usual conditions, subscribed towards the completion of the edifice.
Now it is a Protestant church.
At the time of my visit the interior was filled with scaffolding, so I could not take a photograph, but need I say how reverently I paced
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
its lengthy nave, traced out the limits of the old sanctuary, and thought of the day when Thomas 4
Kempis knelt there to receive Holy Communion.
Leaving the building, I wandered round its precincts, and catching a glimpse of its quaint eastern extremity, placed my camera and took the view I now offer.
Next we shall proceed to Agnetenberg, the site of the Monastery of Mount St. Agnes, the home of
ST. MICHAEL'S CHURCH, SEEN FRQM THE EAST.
a Kempis for more than seventy years, and where he died in 1471.
A drive of about two. miles, to the north-east of Zwolle, brings us to the spot.
On leaving the town we enter a little suburb, and, having passed through the Thomas a Kempis Straat, then traverse a flat expanse with the familiar aspect of a Dutch landscape, fields and dykes, black and white cattle, and the ever-industrious windmills.
At length,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
having passed on the left the Catholic cemetery and its pretty church, we reach a high road bordered with trees.
Ai little further on we meet the entrance-gate to Agnetenberg, which nowadays is a prosperous and well-tended farm.
; A few minutes' drive brings us to the house of the caretaker, which is used, not alone as a residence, but also an inn or hostelry, to accommodate the
ENTRANCE TO AGNETENBERG.
numerous visitors who flock to see the famous spot— the Bergkloster, as it is called by the people of Zwolle.
Leaving the carriage, we now walk up the hill to visit the site of the old monastery.
Of that historic building not one stone remains upon another, so complete was its destruction, as of nearly all similar institutions in Holland, during the frenzied persecution of the Catholics in the sixteenth and succeeding centuries.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Here and there on the surface J thought I could trace some outlines of foundations, but they were > Zs > BEN XS D NS cei:
INN AT AGNETENBERG.
barely discernible.
The site of the convent is a very slightly elevated plateau, from which the surrounding eee WD ng ANH iy Wears. LAR
SITE OF THE OLD MONASTERY AT MOUNT ST. AGNES.
country is well seen.
It is occupied by a couple of
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
farmhouses and a school, on one side of which is situated the favourite Protestant cemetery of the district.
Looking westward, we see Zwolle lying in the distant lowlands, and now observe that unconsciously we had been gradually ascending from the time we left it.
The outline of its buildings may be traced in the sketch annexed.
The tower and belfry of Notre Dame on the right, the Sassenpoort to the left, and & Ma OO SN = yy
ZWOLLE, SEEN FROM MOUNT ST. AGNES,
between the two the massive roof of the church of St. Michael.
Such at the present time is Mount St. Agnes, the hallowed spot where, over four centuries ago, 4 Kempis lived and taught, where he garnered the spiritual wisdom and holiness of the far-famed " Circle of Win- "desheim," and bound them together in his wondrous writings, and especially in Zhe Lmztation of Christ.
Our next visit shall be to Windesheim, to see the ruins of that once-famous monastery—the Mother
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
House of the Congregation of Common Life and of its Augustinian guardians.
drive of about four miles to the south of Zwolle brings us to the spot.
All we find is a little hamlet and church.
The woodcut given below faithfully represents it as seen from the high road.
The church, which is Protestant, is formed in part by the only portion of the ancient building still existing.
It is believed, from many architectural evix SNE bl eaten {=Ei20R Re):
Pe a % f els, I Vy ECR ———— COENEN eed A (PP AY a ==> =—
WINDESHEIM, SEEN FROM THE HIGH ROAD.
dences, that it consists of the remains of what was the brewery of the convent.
The interior, as I shall explain, contains much to interest the explorer.
Entering the porch, we observe the usual characteristics of the Protestant churches of Holland—hideous wooden benches, a high reading-desk, and bare whitewashed walls.
At the suggestion of the very obliging verger, I walked up the nave and entered, by a door on the left, a small room at the upper end.
This
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
ee ee apartment is now used for lectures and catechetical instructions, but to me it was deeply interesting from the fact that the wall which separates it from the adjoining church was partly covered by two old tombstones let into the solid masonry.
These monuments belonged, I have no doubt, to the ancient monastery, and the wall on which they are visible was very probably a portion of the original church.
The inscriptions were so much effaced by time and wear that I was unable to decipher them, and unfortunately I was not at the moment prepared to take rubbings for future examination.
That they belonged to the ancient monastery is, I think, scarcely open to question, both on account of their great age, and from the fact that until the comparatively recent construction of the present church, no use had ever been made of these ruins from their earliest date.
Ascending to the belfry I found conclusive evidences of the antiquity of the building—the cells and narrow winding staircases, such as we meet with in the precincts of old churches and cloisters.
The reader who has followed me from the beginning will understand how many solemn memories were evoked and conjured up by this visit to Windesheim, and how I lingered wandering about it, thinking of Gerard Groot and his dying instructions ; of Florentius Radewyn, the faithful executor of his master's wishes ; of Berthold ten Have, John & Kempis, the brothers Wilsen, Vos van Huesden, William Vornken, and the goodly roll of names of those who worked as
\ THOMAS
A KEMPIS.
Zwolle portrait.
et Uthat bh GFRE LE
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
pioneers of the great revival which sought to bring back Christendom to the fervour and purity of the Apostolic age.
But I must not tarry; we have much more to see at Zwolle.
Returning from Windesheim I next sought for the relics of Thomas 4 Kempis, which I longed to visit and examine.
Being under the impression that they were preserved in the Church of Notre Dame at Zwolle, I presented myself to the sacristan and asked permission to see them.
He at once informed me that they had never been in that church, but that I should find them in the sacristy of the Church of St. Michael the Archangel, in the Nieuw Straat.
Subsequently I called upon the Pastoor Spitzen, at his residence in the Voorstraat, and he confirmed the statement of the sacristan, adding a brief account of the exhumation of the remains of the great Windesheimer, and of their subsequent history.
In the Appendix to this volume I give a detailed account of this event.* The Pastoor Spitzen, who, as we know from his works already quoted, is one of the most erudite and indefatigable of the modern defenders of the rights of Thomas, received me with the utmost kindness, and granted me a long interview, during which he related many interesting circumstances connected with his researches.
He also showed me the famous Zwolle portrait of Thomas 4 Kempis, which is believed to have been taken during life.
Old and faded as it is, the face and figure, with the outlines of the landscape,
* Appendix D.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
are quite clear, as may be seen from the accompanying autotype, which is executed from a photograph taken from the picture.
An inscription can still be deciphered on the original, written at the lower border of the habit, in the characters of the first half of the fifteenth century, as follows:
" AEtatis 59."
Remembering, then, that Thomas was born in 1380, it is evident that this portrait was executed in 1439.
A most interesting account of the picture, and of its history and vicissitudes, will be found in the Pastoor Spitzen's work, Zhomas a Kempis, Als Schrijver der Navolging, etc., pp. 182-186, in which he dwells on the fact that its existence shows the great veneration in which 4 Kempis was held long before his death, for he was the only Windesheimer of whom a likeness has been handed down.
My next step was to visit the relics of Thomas a Kempis, in the sacristy of the church of St. Michael the Archangel in the Nieuw Straat.
I called first upon the parish priest, the Pastoor Roelofs, at his house in the Rosmarin Straat, and having explained my wishes, was received by him with grace and kindness peculiarly his own.
At once he granted me all the privileges I desired.
With deep regret I have heard of his recent death.
It may be interesting to many of my readers to know that a bond of sympathy arose on the moment between the Pastoor Roelofs and myself from our knowledge of a mutual deeply respected friend.
Finding that I came from Ireland, he inquired at once for >
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Father Edmund O'Reilly, of the Society of Jesus, whom he told me he had known intimately in Rome during his student days.
With great sorrow I informed him that Father O'Reilly had died some years ago, and the Pastoor learned from me with profound interest the details of his illness and last moments.
Leading me to the sacristy of St. Michael's, he i | A | { ) | | — y o> lili
INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH OF ST. MICHAEL THE ARCHANGEL,
the mortal remains of the great Monk of Agnetenberg.
This casket is a wooden box, some thirty-seven inches long by fifteen wide and twenty deep.
It bears a scroll on one side, neatly carved, and inscribed with the words " Reliquiae pii Thomae a Kempis."
According to ecclesiastical law, the relics are not kept in the church itself, owing to the fact that Thomas has not been
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
canonized, or even beatified.
The reasons of this strange omission are not difficult of explanation, but need not be discussed here.
Some delay arose about opening the casket, as the key was not to be found ; but forthwith a locksmith was sent for, and that difficulty overcome.
Within I found about one-half of a male human skeleton, including the skull, portions of the pelvis, the thigh bone, the bones of the leg and arm, ribs, vertebra, and small bones of the hand and foot; also some fragments of textile fabrics, portions of the vestments in which, as a priest, the holy man was buried; some very old documents, referring to the attestation of the -fact that these relics are in truth those of Thomas a Kempis, and a few more recent papers.
The remains were greatly mouldered, and | should think that many missing portions of the skeleton had crumbled to dust.
Having carefully examined all, I replaced them in the casket, with the exception of the skull, which I retained for a special purpose.
Wishing to take a photograph of it, and finding the sacristy too dark for the purpose, I asked and readily obtained the Pastoor Roelofs' permission to bring it into the church, where the light was excellent.
Most reverently I carried it into the sanctuary, feeling how unworthy I was even to touch it, and placed it on a little table in a suitable position.
Now, with the assistance of Mynheer Cohen, I succeeded in obtaining an excellent picture.
The accompanying woodcut reproduces it faithfully, showing a noble head,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
with high vaulted summit, indicating a large development of the faculty of veneration, which, as we know, characterized the saintly possessor.
Gauged carefully with tape and calipers, the cranium gives the following measurements :— The circumference at the widest part, along the brow and occipital protuberance, is twenty inches and three-quarters ; its diameter, from forehead to occiput, seven inches and three-eighths ; and from
SKULL OF THOMAS A KEMPIS.
one parietal bone to the other, five inches and fiveeighths.
These measurements, combined with the high elevation of the dome of the skull, prove that & Kempis' brain was of more than ordinary dimension.
I was not a little struck by the absence of the lower jaw, one of the least destructible of the bones of the skeleton, and on inquiry I discovered a very curious episode in the history of these relics, which is not
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
without its significance, and is worthy of being related here.
It appears that in the year 1847 Dom Pitra, now Cardinal Pitra, a very learned Benedictine, visited the Low Countries, and took the opportunity of examining the remains of Thomas a Kempis.
Subsequently he asked to be allowed to bring a relic of the great Augustinian to the Benedictine monastery of Solesmes, and, wonderful to add, he was given the lower jaw.
One of the documents I found in the casket is his acknowledgment of this great favour.
Is it not remarkable that a member of the Order which has so pertinaciously striven to deprive Thomas of the glory of being the author of Zhe Lmztation of Christ, and to represent him as a mere copyist, should have asked for a relic of him!
But we must not forget that a large section of the most learned members of the great Order of St. Benedict never believed in'
Gersen, and willingly gave honour where honour was due.
Dom Pitra declared to Dr. Campbell, the erudite Director of the Royal Library at The Hague, his opinion that Zhe Jmztatzon had its cradle in the Low
Countries, and did not even mention Gersen ! * There is a peculiarity in the cranium of Thomas 4
Kempis which could not escape a practised eye, and on which I wish to make a few observations.
The lofty well-formed forehead presents in a very singular degree an inequality between the right and _ left hemispheres, the right segment being prominent and * See Becker, pp. 68-70.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
largely developed, while the left is flattened and deficient.
The woodcut shows this very well.
This formation is one with which I am familiar, and I can point to several examples within my own knowledge.
In one particular case the subject of it is a person of exceptional intellectual capacity.
Without wishing to strain a theory beyond reasonable limits, I think it right to observe that the present state of medical knowledge leads us, by the path traced out by the late illustrious Paul Broca, to the belief that the faculty of speech as a means of conveying ideas is situated in the anterior portion of the left hemisphere of the brain.
According to this theory, we should be prepared to find either development or deficiency in this region according as the subject was gifted in speech or disposed to silence.
As a matter of fact, we know that Thomas 4 Kempis was a lover 'of silence, and undoubtedly the formation of his cranium corresponds to this disposition.
On the other hand, we know that Gerard Groot was a man of exceptional eloquence, and it was with special interest that I examined his skull, at Deventer, to ascertain its contour.
Gerard's head is also a noble one, but, remarkable to say, it presents, as we might expect on theoretical grounds, an outline the exact reverse of that observed in the skull of Thomas a Kempis, the left segment of the forehead being more developed than the right.
As I have already stated, I do not attempt to press a purely theoretical view, but offer it, in passing, for what it may be worth, and all the more
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
diffidently as it is only the skull, and not the brain itself, which I have been able to inspect.
Before concluding this account of my examination of 4 Kempis' relics, I wish to add a brief note on the subject of his stature.
Some of his historians leave us under the impression that he was decidedly below middle height, whereas the pictures, even the most ancient, do not bear out this statement.
It strikes me as probable that this idea may have arisen from confounding Thomas' stature with that of his brother
John, who, according to the words of Busch, was " short in figure and weakly in body." *
I did not neglect the opportunity of ascertaining his real height, calculated from the length of the thigh-bone, according to the formula well known to anatomists.
Following this rule, I arrived at the conclusion that Thomas a Kempis stood at least five feet six inches.} My examination completed, I replaced the venerated remains in their casket, closed it carefully, and thanked, as best as I could, the good Pastoor Roelofs, who had so kindly given me such privileges.
Far as I have wandered, and often as I have trodden sacred places and beheld many relics, I can truthfully say that I never felt more deeply impressed than in beholding. and touching those of Thomas a Kempis.
This is not difficult to understand.
If our reverence for one distinguished for holiness is * Chronicle of Windesheim, book ii., chap. xxxy.
+ Appendix E.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
proportioned to the influence he has exercised for good, where shall we find the equal of the great Monk of Agnetenberg, whose saintly counsels and earnest teaching of the love and following of Christ stand pre-eminent, and must last for all ages and nations until the end of time ?
One, and only one, painful thought crossed my mind.
I could not but regret to behold this priceless treasure concealed in so humble a receptacle, now time-worn and covered with dust.
I longed to see it placed, casket and all, in a more fitting reliquary, with a plate-glass lid, through which its contents might be viewed.
I spoke with the Pastoor Roelofs on the subject, and told him how willingly I should contribute towards carrying out this wish.
I know many who will aid me, and possibly before long I may be instrumental in accomplishing this good work, A monument to a Kempis has often been spoken of, either at Kempen, Zwolle, or on the site of the old
Bergkloster.
He needs it not.
His works outlive him, and must survive :— «¢.
| , Monumentum aere perennius."
My reader will understand how, having sought out and visited the various places wherein Thomas a Kempis and his saintly companions lived, having seen and studied his relics and those of Gerard and Florentius, I fell to musing and thinking of the days, so many centuries gone'by, when they, in the flesh,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
had trodden these very spots, and laboured for the love of God and charity to mankind.
Then, too, I pondered over the book which so beautifully portrays and faithfully reflects their devoted holy lives, and I began to choose out passages to illustrate each stage and crisis, until at last the time ran on, and I had almost forgotten in my dreaming that it was needful to turn my footsteps homeward.
But now indeed it is time that I should close this lengthy story, and release my wearied reader.
My work is done, my pilgrimage ended, and I must go.
Ere leaving Zwolle I wandered out to Mount St.
Agnes, to tread with love and reverence its hallowed precincts.
It was a lovely evening, and I lingered on to watch the setting sun.
Those who know what a summer sunset in Holland is can realize the weird and solemn scene, as the blood-red orb, hugely magnified, sinks in the misty expanse, bathing the horizon in a flood of golden light.
Standing on the spot where, near five centuries ago, 4 Kempis prayed and laboured for his Master's love, where all the mysticism, holiness, and benevolence which fill his writings entered and permeated his soul,
I began to think how he must often have gazed on this very scene, and from the heights of the Bergkloster watched the spires of the Sassenpoort and Zwolle glittering and fading in the changing light.
Thence I came to meditate on that May evening, when, in his own poetic phrase, "the day of Eternity dawned, and "the shadow of mortality sank down," when he stood
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
in the white light of God's presence, beholding the Kingdom of Heaven and the long-promised reward |
What a moment for that faithful loving soul! How transcendent his own words!
'Oh, what a view—what a pure intuition !—How "blessed the eye with which God, the Truth, is beheld
"without images and corporeal similitudes.
% % # # * % "Grant me, O Lord, that 'zz Thy light I may see "<the light.
Not the light of heaven or of earth, of "angels or of men, but the eternal light, uncreated,
"immense, ineffable, incomprehensible, superessential, "and unchangeable."
Poli NOTES.
A (page vi.).
In reference to the peculiar views put forward by the Rev. S. Kettlewell and others, we find the following apposite observations made by the Rey. Chanoine Delvigne :— " Pourquoi nous faut-il ajouter que M. Kettlewell voit en Thomas
% Kempis un précurseur de la Réforme?
Avons-nous besoin de 'dire combien on se trompe en cherchant & faire du pieux Chanoine
" Régulier de Zwolle un ancétre de Luther ou d'Henri VIII. ? Nous 'ne dissimulerons pas les désordres du XV* sitcle; depuis long- "temps on demandait dans l'Eglise une réforme, non pas du dogme
"qui est immuable, mais bien de la discipline qui est, de sa nature, "sujette & changement.
Nous ne répéterons pas ici apres tant "'@autres la premitre page, classique en théologie, de l'immortelle
*' Histoire des Variations.
Cette heureuse réforme fut entreprise par "le Concile de Trente, continuée par les papes et les évéques,
naturels des décrets de cette sainte assemblée.
Nous '"'le savons bien; il sied 4 nos fréres séparés, 4 MM. Moll, Acquoy, ''Kettlewell, de faire un arbre généalogique aux réformateurs du
"XVIe, siécle et d'y placer toute la Congrégation de Windesheim, "le Franciscain Jean Brugman, le pieux Thomas 4 Kempis.
Ces "hommes vénérables, nous ne le nierons pas, gémirent sur les " désordres du clergé et des fidéles; ils essayérent de porter reméde
cette malheureuse situation par leur écrits et par la prédication si *' efficace d'une vie austtére et fervente ; mais jamais il ne put venir a 'leur pensée de modifier le dogme.
Niez la présence réelle de ''Jésus-Christ dans le saint sacrement de |'Eucharistie, et dites-nous
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"sil était encore possible 4 l'auteur de Z'/mitation den écrire le "quatritme livre?
Ce livre n'a-+t-il pas été composé, comme on la "dit des Visites de Saint Alphonse, sur le coeur brillant de Notre
"Seigneur?
Entre Thomas 4 Kempis et les novateurs du Protes- "tantisme, il y a un abime." * B (pages 94, tot).
ONE very important incident connected with the history of Thomas 4 Kempis leads us to believe that the anecdotes which he often relates in his works, as affecting "' Quidam frater," or "Quidam " devotus," etc., in reality refer to himself.
It is as follows :— In the nineteenth chapter of the Chronicle of Mount St. Agnes, which records the death of John Vos van Huesden, Thomas describes a vision, premonitory of the coming event, which he tells us was seen by one of two of the Brothers from Mount St. Agnes, who came to Windesheim to consult with John Vos.
Now, we know from the twenty-first chapter of the second book of Busch's Chronicle of Windesheim, that the brother referred to was
Thomas a Kempis himself.
The great modesty of the latter did not prevent Busch from distinctly naming him as the subject of the vision, and at the same time adding that he was the author of 7%e
Lmitation of Christ.
The similarity of the mode in which & Kempis relates this incident, which undoubtedly occurred to himself, leads us to infer that he, too, was the person,in question in many more of the visions, incidents, etc., which are related throughout his works.
C (page 193).
Tue reader will here find a single chapter of Zhe Jmitation of Christ studied with reference to its derivation from the Holy Scriptures and the works of St. Bernard.
The text adopted is that of Hirsche, with its special punctuation already described, the clivis alone being omitted and replaced by a semicolon. I have taken, at * Les Dernitres Recherches sur l'Auteur de 1'Imitation de Jésus-Christ ar Ad. Delvigne, pp. 43, 44.
Bruxelles: Alfred Vromant, 1883. i
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
random, the first chapter of the first book: the whole work exhibits a like parallelism in thought and feeling, despite very marked differences in language and mode of expression.
De Lmitatione Christi et contemptu omnium vanitatum mundi.
Liser I.
Cap. I.
I. Qui sequitur me non ambulat in tenebris : * dicit Dominus.
Haec sunt verba Christi quibus admonemur, quatenus vitam ejus et mores imitemur : si velimus veraciter illuminari,
et ab omni caecitate cordis liberari.t Summum igitur studium nostrum sit : in vita Jesu Christi meditari.
Doctrina Christi omnes doctrinas sanctorum praecellit ; et qui spiritum haberet:
absconditum ibi manna inveniret.t Sed contingit quod multi ex frequenti auditu evangelii parvum desiderium sentiunt : quia spiritum Christi non habent.§ Qui autem vult plene et sapide Christi verba intelligere : oportet ut totam vitam suam illi studeat conformare.
II. Quid prodest tibi alta de Trinitate disputare ; si careas humilitate unde displiceas Trinitati ?
Vere alta verba non faciunt sanctum et justum : sed virtuosa vita efficit Deo carum.
Opto magis sentire compunctionem :
quam scire ejus definitionem.
Si scires totam bibliam exterius et omnium philosophorum dicta ; quid totum prodesset sine caritate Dei et gratia ? ||
Vanitas vanitatum et omnia vanitas : {] praeter amare Deum et illi soli servire.**
* Joan. viii. 12.
+ Eph. iy. 18. t Apoc. ii. 17.
§ Rom, viii. 9.
1 Cor. xiii. 2.
{7 Eccles. i. 2.
Deut, vi. 13; x. 20; Matt. iv. 10; Luc. iv. 8,
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Ista est summa sapientia : per contemptum mundi tendere ad regna caelestia.
Vanitas igitur est divitias perituras quaerere : et in illis sperare.* :
Vanitas quoque est honores ambire :
et in altum statum se extollere.
Vanitas est carnis desideria sequi : t et illud desiderare unde postmodum graviter oportet puniri.
Vanitas est longam vitam optare : et de bona vita parum curare.{ Vanitas est praesentem vitam solum attendere :
et quae futura sunt non praevidere.§ Vanitas est diligere quod cum omni celeritate transit : || et illic non festinare ubi sempiternum gaudium manet.
Memento illius frequenter proverbii ; quia non satiatur oculus visu : nec auris impletur auditu.
Stude ergo cor tuum ab amore visibilium abstrahere : et ad invisibilia te transferre.
Nam sequentes suam sensualitatem maculant conscientiam :
et perdunt Dei gratiam.
Lixtracts from St. Bernard, showing the parallelism between his writings and the foregoing chapter of " The Imitation of Christ."
The edition of St. Bernard's Works referred to ts that of Dom Mabillon, published in Paris by Gaume Brothers, 1839.
" Qui sequitur me non ambulat in tenebris :
" dicit Dominus.
Haec sunt verba Christi quibus admonemur, " gquatenus vitam ejus et mores tmitemur :
velimus veraciter tlluminart, "et ab omni caecitate cordis liberari."
* Eccles. ii. 1, 4-123; v.9.
'"f Gal. v. 16. i} Becles. yi. 3, 4.
Eccles. xi. 8, || Eccles, ii, 11, 7 Eccles. i. 8
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
St. Bernard :
"Si imitaris eum, non ambulas in tenebris, sed habebis lumen pevitae.
" Deargentemus ergo pennas nostras in Christi conversatione.
"Imitemur, quoad possumus, eum qui sic dilexit paupertatem," etc.
"Ad sequendum autem te, Domine Jesu, vix inveniuntur, qui vel "trahi patiantur, qui velint duci per viam mandatorum tuorum. ..
"Beatus qui ubique te ducem habet, Domine Jesu.
. Nos autem "'populus tuus, et oves pascuae tuae, sequamur te, per te, ad te: quia
"tu es via, veritas, et vita." t "' Propterea sequere, anima mea, et in hac ascensione Christum
"Dominum, ut sub te sit appetitus tuus, et tu domineris illius .
"calcando carnalia desideria.
. Sequere etiam ascendentem in "crucem, exaltatum a terra: ut non solum super te, sed et super
"'omnem quoque mundum mentis fastidio colloceris, universa quae ''in terris sunt deorsum aspiciens et despiciens." §
" Sequamur, fratres, sequamur Agnum quocumqueierit : sequamur "'patientem, sequamur et resurgentem.
. Crucifigatur vetus homo "noster simul cum illo, ut destruatur corpus peccati."
" Placebitne tibi, Domine Jesu, ut dones mihi vitam tuam, sicut " dedisti conceptionem?. .. Non'solum, ait, conceptionem meam,
"sed et vitam meam.... Hoc autem... ut... vita mea 'in- "struattuam, .
. Sic enim plane videbis et viam per quam ambules ; "et cautelam qua ambules, et ad quam ambules mansionem.
In vita "mea cognosces viam tuam, ut sicut ego paupertatis et obedientiae, "'humilitatis et patientiae, charitatis et misericordiae indeclinabiles
'"'semitas tenui ; sic et tu eisdem vestigiis incedas." {l "Nunc vero... magis illud mihi postulare videtur, ut conver- "sationis ejus valeat vestigia sequi, ut possit aemulari virtutem, et
" normam tenere vitae, et morum queat apprehendere disciplinam.
In " his quippe maxime opus est adjutorio, quo valeat abnegaresemetipsam, "et tollere crucem suam, et sic sequi Christum.
. Sic itaque et " dilecta tua, relictis omnibus propter te, concupiscit semper ire post
* De Humilitate, cap. i. 1, Opp. tom. ii. p. 1282.
+ De Adventu Domini, Serm. iv. 7, Opp. tom. iii. p. 1657.
+ In Ascensione Domini, Serm. ii. 6, Opp. tom. iii. p. 1990.
§ Ibid., Serm. iv. 12, 13, Opp. tom. iii. pp. 2004, 2005.
Ibid., Serm. v. 3, Opp. tom. iii. p. 2006, 2007.
In Festo Pentecostes, Serm. ii. 5, Opp. tom. ii. p. 2021.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"te, semper tuis inhaerere vestigiis, ac sequi te quocumque ieris:
"sciens quoniam viae tuae viae pulchrae et omnes semitae tuae "pacificae ; et quia qui sequitur te, non ambulat in tenebris." *
. Merito igitur eum sequuntur etiam in hac vita virginitate " cordis et carnis, quocumque ierit.
Quid est enim sequi, nisi imitari ?
" quia Christus passus est pro nobis, relinguens vobis exemplum, sicut ait "'Apostolus Petrus, uf seguamini vestigia ejus.... Caveant autem
"virgines Christi, ne pueriliter intelligant : ita ut solam virginitatem "credant sibi sufficere ad sequendum Agnum Dei, quocumque ierit ;
"cum ipse Agnus non solum virginitatis semitam, imo etiam omnium "virtutum viam incedat.
Oportet ergo virginem Christi omnium "virtutum itinere, etiam in hac vita, Agnum mansuetissimum imitari ;
"si vult illuc venire, ubi sine fine eum, quocumque ierit, sequetur.
, . Ambulat in omni via omnium virtutum Agnus: ambulet sic et "virgo cupiens Agnum imitari." + "Qui enim tanquam membrum Christi dicit se in Christo manere,
debet sicut ille ambulavit, et ipse ambulare." t " Ecce nos religuimus omnia et secuti sumus te.
Verae conversionis " exemplum nobis hoc proponitur admirandum et imitandum.
Necesse "est enim ut verae professor religionis omnia relinquat, et Christum "sequatur.
Et quidem beatus qui sic relinquit omnia, ut eum "sequatur in quo sunt omnia." § "Tn omnibus virtutibus et bonis moribus, semper propone tibi
"illud praeclarissimum speculum sanctitatis, et perfectissimum ex- *'emplum : scilicet vitam et mortem Filii Dei et Domini nostri Jesu
'Christi, qui de coelo ad hoc missus est, ut nobis praeiret in via "virtutum, et legem vitae et disciplinae suo nobis exemplo daret, et
"erudiret nos sicut semetipsum.
Sicut enim naturaliter ad imaginem "Dei creati sumus ; ita ad morum ejus similitudinem pro nostra possi- '"'bilitate conformemur; qui ejus imaginem peccato foedavimus.
"Quanto enim quilibet se virtutum imitatione conformare Christo "studuerit: tanto ei propinquior in patria, et similior in gloriae
"claritate erit.
Describe in corde tuo mores ejus: quam humiliter "se habuerit inter homines," etc. || * Tn Cantica, Serm. xxi. 2, 3, Opp. tom. iv. pp. 2778, 2779.
Vitis Mystica, seu tractatus de Passione Domini, cap. xxxi.
108, 109, Opp. tom. v. pp. 947, 948.
~ Serm. in Ccena Domini, 5, Opp. tom. v. p. 1277.
§ Serm. in Verba Evangelii: Matt. cap. xix. 27, Opp. tom. v. p. 1532.
| Opusculum Ad Qudd Venisti ? xxiv., Opp. tom. v. p. 1622.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"Ambula sicut ille ambulavit: sequere exemplum ejus, imitare "'vestigia illius.
. Ambula per viam qua praecessit Jesus Christus "'sponsus tuus, et passibus indefessis sequere coelestem ducem.
"Sine dubio, si consecuta fueris, cum ipso in coelo regnabis." * " Summum tgitur studium nostrum sit + "in vita Jesu Christi meditari."
St. Bernard :
"Vita Christi, vivendi mihi regula exstitit: mors, a morte re- "demptio.
Illa vitam instruxit, mortem ista destruxit." + "Da mihi igitur, optime Jesu, te diligere, et indesinenter meditari aeaestes? f " [sta est summa sapientia :
"per contemptum mundi tendere ad regna caelestia."
St. Bernard :
"Vides ergo quia vane conturbatur omnis homo.
. Prudens "ergo negotiator, qui videt in divitiis laborem, in honoribus poenam, '"'invidiam in gloria, facit sarcinam suam, mundi contemptum: et
"fugit." § " Relege maximum illum latinorum philosophorum [Senecam], et "in illius verbis meam invenies sententiam.
Contemne igitur haec "omnia contemptibilia; et de his omnibus fac sarcinam tuam, con- "'temptum mundi." || "Sancti viri qui perfecte saeculum contemnunt, ita huic mundo
" moriuntur, ut soli Deo vivere delectentur.
. ... Ergo ille est per- "fectus qui mente et corpore a saeculo est elongatus.... Qui "perfecte mundum despiciunt, adversa vitae nostrae appetunt, et
'' prospera contemnunt, et dum ab eis vita haec contemnitur, coelestis " invenitur." {] ; * De Modo Bene Vivendi, xxxix., xlvi., Opp. tom. v. pp. 1703, 1712.
+ Exhortatio ad Milites Templi, cap. xi. 18, Opp. tom. ii. p. 1268.
+ De Charitate, cap. xxxiv. 103, Opp. tom. v. p. 862.
De Diversis, Serm. xlii, 3, Opp. tom. iii. p. 2460, || Serm. Nicolai Clarae-Vallensis de S. Nicolao Myrensi Episcopo, 4, S,
Bernardi Opp. tom. v. p. 1418.
"| De Modo Bene Vivendi, vii. 19, Opp. tom. v. p. 1639.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
"Unde valde bonum est nobis, omnia terrena propter nomen "Domini relinquere, ut ab eo possimus coelestia accipere....
"Felicitas hujus mundi brevis est.
Modica est hujus saeculi gloria, "caduca est, et fragilis temporalis potentia.
Igitur,.
. ut acquirere "possis coelestes divitias, contemne terrenas: libenter despice "'terrena, ut possis pervenire ad coelestia bona.
Respue transitoria, '"'ut habere merearis aeterna." * *' Nil tuum dixeris, quod potes perdere ;
Quod mundus tribuit, intendit rapere.
* Superna cogita, cor sit in aethere :
" Felix qui potuit mundum contemnere." f " Vanitas igitur est divitias perituras guaerere :
" et in illis sperare."
St. Bernard :
'"' Filii Adam, genus avarum et. ambitiosum, audite.
Quid vobis "eum terrenis divitiis et gloria temporali, quae nec verae, nec vestrae
"sunt?
Aurum et argentum nonne terra est rubra et alba, quam "solus hominum error facit, aut magis reputat pretiosam?
Denique "si vestra sunt haec, tollite ea vobiscum.
Sed homo cum interierit, "non sumet omnia ; neque descendet cum eo gloria ejus." t
"Vide quantum laborem pro perituris divitiis assumpsisti. Transis 'maria, et alium tibi orbem aperis navigando," etc.§
" Nudi nascimur in hac vita, nudi exituri sumus de hac vita: cur "ergo concupiscimus terrena et transitoria?
Si ergo bona hujus "mundi credimus peritura, cur tanto amore diligimus ea?"
" Vanitas quogue est honores ambire + "et in altum statum se extollere."
St. Bernard:
""Videas et homines pecuniosos ad honores quosque eccle- "'siasticos pervolare ; moxque sibi applaudere sanctitatem, vestium
* De Modo Bene Vivendi, viii. 22-24, Opp. tom. v. pp. 1641-1643.
+t Rhythmus de Contemptu Mundi, Opp. tom. v. p. 1772.
~ De Adventu Domini, Serm. iv. 1, 2, Opp. tom. iii. p. 1654.
§ De Diversis, Serm, xlii. 3, Opp. tom. iii. p. 2459.
De Modo Bene Vivendi, xlv, 109, Opp. tom, v. p. 1711.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
oo ne a eas "duntaxat mutatione, non mentium ; et dignos se aestimare dignitate,
"ad quam ambiendo pervenerunt ; quodque (si audeo dicere) adepti "sunt nummis, attribuere meritis.
Omitto autem de _ his quos "excaecat ambitio, et honor ipse superbiendi eis materia est." *
"Audi quae dico: quamvis homo in gloria saeculi fulgeat, "'quamvis purpura et auro vestitus sit, .
. semper est in poena, "semper est in angustia, semper est in luctu, semper est in periculo :
. sed infirmus in lectis argenteis cubat, sed fragilis in pluma "'jacet, tamen fragilis et mortalis est.
. Ideo haec dixi tibi, ut *cognoscas quam vana est gloria hujus mundi." + " Tot clari proceres, tot retro spatia, "Tot ora praesulum, tot regna fortia ; "Tot mundi principes, tanta potentia, 'Tn ictu oculi clauduntur omnia.
esca vermium ! O massa pulveris !
"© roris vanitas, cur sic extolleris ?
"' Haec carnis gloria, quae magni penditur, ''Sacris in Litteris flos feni dicitur :
" Ut leve folium, quod vento rapitur, " Sic vita hominis luci subtrahitur." ¢ "© vanitatum vanitas, " Curarum occupatio!
"© cur ambitur dignitas ?
" Cur opum cumulatio ?
% * * * " Cum sit omnis homo fenum, " Et post fenum fiat coenum, " Utquid, homo, extolleris ?
* Cerne quid es, et quid eris.
'Modo flos es, et verteris "In favillam cineris." § * Super AZissus Est, Homilia iv. 9, Opp. tom. iii. p. 1703.
+ De Modo Bene Vivendi, viii. 24, Opp. tom. v. pp. 1642, 1643.
+ Rhythmus de Contemptu Mundi, Opp. tom, v. p. 1772.
§ Ibid., Opp. tom. v. pp. 1773, 1774.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
* Vanitas est carnis desiderta segut :
" et illud desiderare unde postmodum graviter oportet puniri."
St. Bernard :
"TInsanus siquidem labor pascere sterilem quae non parit, et "' viduae benefacere nolle: omittere curam cordis, et curam carnis
"agere in desiderio: impinguare et fovere cadaver putridum, quod "paulo post vermium esca futurum nullatenus dubitatur." *
'"Noli attendere quid caro velit, sed quid spiritus poscit....
"' Si vero dicis, Durus est hic sermo ; non possum mundum spernere, "et carnem meam odio habere: dic mihi, ubi sunt amatores mundi,
"qui ante pauca tempora nobiscum erant?
Nihil ex eis remansit, "nisi cineres et vermes.
Attende diligenter quid sunt, vel quid " fuerunt.
Homines fuerunt sicut tu: comederunt, biberunt, riserunt, ' duxerunt in bonis dies suos; et in puncto ad inferna descenderunt.
" Hic caro eorum vermibus, et illic anima ignibus deputatur. ..
.- " Quid profuit illis inanis gloria, brevis laetitia, mundi potentia, carnis "voluptas, falsae divitiae, magna familia, et mala concupiscentia?
"Ubi risus, ubi jocus, ubi jactantia, ubi arrogantia?
De tanta "aetitia, quanta tristitia!
Post tantillam voluptatem, quam gravis ''miseria!
De illa exsultatione ceciderunt in magnam miseriam, in " srandem ruinam, et in magna tormenta," ¢
" Quam breve festum est, haec mundi gloria!
"Ut umbra hominis, sunt ejus gaudia, '* Quae semper stibtrahunt aeterna praemia,
"Et ducunt homines ad dura devia." $ "Dic, homo, cur abuteris " Discretionis gratia ?
Cur vitae viam deseris, " Et tendis ad supplicia? "§ * Serm. de Conversione, cap. viii. 15, Opp. tom. ii. p. 1145.
+ Meditationes Piissimae, cap. iii. 9, Opp. tom. v. p. 669.
~ Rhythmus de Contemptu Mundi, Opp. tom. vy. p. 1772.
§ Ibid., Opp. tom. y. p. 1773.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
D (page 299).
THERE are several accounts, more or less complete, of the exhumation of the relics of Thomas & Kempis, to which I may refer those who desire full information upon this subject.
One is to be found at pp. 409, 410, vol. ii., of the Thesaurus Leclestasticae Antiquitatis, Joanne Bollando, S.J. (Venetiis et Antwerpiae : 1749).
This work may be seen in the library of Trinity College, Dublin (FF. bb. 28-30).
Amort, in his Deductio Critica, Pp. 322-326, gives the substance of the foregoing.
Mooren, in his Nachrichten tiber Thomas a Kempis, devotes ten pages (247-257) to the same topic.
The most complete history of the event is that found in a pamphlet which was published about 1872, a copy of which was given to me by the late Pastoor Roelofs, of Zwolle.
It is entitled, De twechonderdjarige gedenkdag der terugvinding van het gebeente van den Godvruchtigen Thomas & Kempis, and was printed by P. J. Van
Spijk, Zwolle.
The occasion upon which this brochure of fourteen pages appeared was the two-hundredth anniversary of the finding of the relics, when the Pastoor Roelofs exposed them to public view for the edification of the inhabitants of Zwolle.
From these sources I have ascertained the facts which I now set forth in the following short account.
About the close of the sixteenth century, during the darkest epoch of the anti-Catholic persecution which ravaged Holland, the Convent of Mount St. Agnes was utterly demolished, and its inhabitants driven forth.
So complete was its destruction that even of its church not one stone remained upon another.
Still, a very clear tradition lingered amongst the clergy of Zwolle, who had known the Canons Regular before their expulsion, as to the exact resting-place of the holy monk whose writings had immortalized the locality, spread far and near, and profoundly edified Christendom.
He was buried, as we find from the Chronicle of Mount St. Agnes, in the eastern cloister of the church, near to Peter Herbort and Gerard Cortbeen (see Chronicle of Mount St. Agnes, pp. 134-137).
The exact site of his grave was known to be seven feet from the choir door, measured eastward.
The chain of witnesses through whom this information. came down appears unbroken and perfectly trustworthy.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
John van Waeyer, Pastoor at Zwolle in 1607, had known Prior Focking, the last Superior of Mount St. Agnes, and had witnessed the demolition of the monastery.
He was succeeded by Volquerus Herckinga, who again was succeeded, in 1631, by Arnold van Waceyer, nephew of the above-mentioned John van Waeyer.
Arnold van Waeyer was Pastoor at Zwolle in 1672, and had preserved with conscientious minuteness all the information handed down by his predecessors.
The project of recovering the relics of Thomas 4 Kempis had often been mooted, but was not attempted, owing to the fear of rekindling the persecution of the Catholics.
However, in the year 1672, two hundred and one years after the death of 4 Kempis, an event occurred which rendered the attempt feasible.
On the 23rd of June in that year Zwolle was taken and entered by Maximilian Hendrick, Elector of Cologne, and Bernard van Galen, Bishop of Munster.
Immediately afterwards the Elector determined to search for the precious remains, and for this purpose sought the aid of Arnold van Waeyer.
On the 11th of the following July, Maximilian, accompanied by few horsemen, visited the site of the old monastery, and on the 13th the Pastoor van Waeyer, accompanied by the Elector's Commissioner,
Dr. Meringh, made a similar expedition.
Forthwith orders were given, and a body of labourers was sent out to clear away the déris of the ruined church, and search for Thomas's grave.
On the roth of August the gravediggers had already neared the object of their quest, and Arnold van Waeyer, utilizing all the accurate details in his possession, indicated the exact spot, saying,
"Tf you find not the relics here, then further search is useless."
But the search was not in vain.
At the very spot pointed out, the coffin of the great Thomas 4 Kempis was discovered.
Awaiting the Elector's orders nothing was disturbed.
When all was reported to his Serene Highness, he commanded two mounted soldiers to proceed to Mount St. Agnes to guard the place.
Finally, on the 13th of August the coffin was opened, and the bones of the holy man exposed to view.
The remains were in wonderful preservation, and the bones of the skeleton attached and 7 situ..
The head was nearly perfect, and rested on a mass of peat.
The teeth were white, those in the upper maxilla being present, but on being
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
touched they fell from the sockets.
The lower jaw retained only a few of the teeth.
The right side of the skeleton lay somewhat lower than the left, and had mouldered considerably.
The hands were crossed, the right lying upon the left.
The bones of the fingers and toes were intact, but the ribs and shoulder-blades had crumbled to dust.
The stole, made of white satin and embroidered with flowers, lay around his neck, the lower'part being quite consumed.
The portion which had escaped destruction was taken by the Elector as a relic.
From the inner aspect of the left ankle an abundance of beautiful coloured flowers were found growing—doubtless a variety of lichen.
Many circumstances combine to identify these remains, and lead to the conviction that they undoubtedly were those of Thomas 4
Kempis.
In the first place, they were discovered in the exact spot, without a hairbreadth's deviation, which was known to be the site of his grave ; and the cranium was found to bear the closest possible resemblance to the authentic portrait, then in the possession of the Pastoor van Waeyer.
The other two brothers interred in that portion of the eastern cloister were Peter Herbort and Gerard Cortbeen.,
The skeleton of the former, who was extremely fragile and delicate, had entirely crumbled to dust; while that of the latter indicated a tall and powerful man, which & Kempis was not.
I may add, from my own observations, that the skull strongly resembles in formation the head in the two portraits of & Kempis which still exist, and of which I give copies in autotype—namely, the Zwolle portrait (which formerly belonged to the Pastoor van Waeyer) and the Gertruidenberg picture.
Moreover, the density of the bones, and appearance of the cranial sutures, indicate that they were those of a very aged man.
The skeleton having been dismembered, in presence of the Pastoor van Waeyer, and of two Fathers of the Canons Regular— namely, Francis Corlui and Caspar Everard Schrick—the precious relics were placed upon a bier and conveyed in solemn procession to Zwolle.
There the Elector in person confided them to the Pastoor van Waeyer, to be placed in his chapel of St. Joseph, in the Spiegel
Steeg, strictly enjoining him never to part with them.
He further directed a handsome reliquary to be made for their safe custody.
In this receptacle they were deposited on June 29, 1674, and remain to this day.
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
Vigorous efforts were soon made by the Canons Regular of Groenendaal, and of Cologne, to obtain possession of the relics, on the pretext of greater safety; but van Waeyer would never consent to their removal from Zwolle.
In the year 1809, owing to the dilapidated condition of the chapel of St. Joseph, it was found necessary to remove the reliquary with its contents, whereupon they were conveyed to the sacristy of the church of St. Michael, in the Nieuw Straat, where I saw them, under the care and guardianship of the parish priest, the Pastoor
George Roelofs.
E (page 306).
Tue grounds upon which I have arrived at the conclusion that Thomas & Kempis stood at least five feet six inches in height are as follows.
It is well known to anatomists that the length of the femur, measured by a line extending from the head of the bone to the internal condyle, bears a close relation to the stature of the individual.
This proportion is expressed after various methods, but according to the high authority of my friend, Dr. Alexander Macalister, Professor of Anatomy in the University of Cambridge, it can best be formulated, for males of moderate stature among European nations, as 27°4: 100.
Now on measuring the thighbone of 4 Kempis, I found that it equalled eighteen inches, The foregoing data give us the following proportion :— 274 {OO erik ora ae The result amounts to 65°69 inches, or, in round numbers, five feet five inches and seven-tenths.
The additional height gained by the soles of the shoes makes up the total to something over five feet six inches, On reading the account of the exhumation, as attested by the Pastoor Arnold van Waeyer, I was surprised and puzzled to find that he states that the skeleton measured three fingers' breadth less than six feet, the middle height of man!
His words are :—" inventus est "mediocri hominis statura minor, scilicet tribus digitis infra sex
""pedes."
To solve this difficulty I have sought and obtained full information concerning the measurement of the foot and finger
THOMAS A KEMPIS.
breadth (Zes and digitus) in Holland in the seventeenth century.
The result clears up the question raised by the Pastoor's words.
The old " Dutch" foot varied considerably in length in different parts of Holland, being for the most part less than the English analogue, and in only one district (that of Rotterdam) exceeding it.
The digitus was, so far as can be ascertained, the twelfth part of the fes.
From hence we are led to the conclusion that when van Waeyer speaks of six feet as the middle height of man, the foot in question was less than our measure.
I am indebted to "The Universal Knowledge and Information "Office," 19, Southampton Street, Bloomsbury Square, London, for these curious details of varying measurements as they existed over two hundred years ago.
This Institution, which in many instances has proved itself invaluable to me, by the aid of its able staff, presided over by Lord Truro, places at the disposal of the public, for a nominal fee, all works of reference, and the treasures of the valuable libraries and museums of the Metropolis.
NOC.
(Referred to at page 176.) Since the foregoing essay was in type I have seen a beautiful little volume, published under the title of Ze Lesser /mitation (London :
Burns, Oates & Co., 1887).
It is a collection of various writings of Thomas 4 Kempis, selected from his ascetical works, and affords
English readers an opportunity for observing the similarity in thought and feeling between them and Zhe Jmztation of Christ.
I may also observe that many works of 4 Kempis may be found in English—such as, Zhe Valley of Lilies, The Three Tabernacles, some of The Meditations; The Treatise on True Compunction, etc. ; all of which appear under the title of Zhe Christian Traveller (Dublin:
Duffy & Sons); Zhe Little Garden of Roses, by the same publishers ; The Manuale Parvulorum (Dublin: Gill & Son), and The Soliloquy of the Soul (London: Suttaby & Co.).
The latter work is greatly altered from the original to suit Anglican readers.
EDIE OS penances, 129; devotion to Pater Noster and Ave Maria, 130; work A Agnetenberg, 293; site of convent at, as a copyist, 131; reverence for copyists, 131; love for study, 132; works, 133-136; discredited as the author of Zhe Jmitation, 134 ; manuscripts extant of, 135, 136; eyesight,
A Kempis, John, 62, 72-74, 121; death of, 124 ; memoir of, 124; one of first who inaugurated Windesheim, 125; capacities of, 125 ; extract from spiritual lectures by, 126; The Imitation assigned to, 145 A Kempis, Thomas, biblical learning, 137; last words written by, 138; age, 138; outline of life, 139; Zhe Imitation attributed during life to, 143; claims to Zhe Imitation, 147 ; arguments proving authorship, 148 ; contemporary witnesses in favour of, 149 ; relations of manuscripts to, 159 ; autograph manuscript of, 172; Rosweyd and writings of, 176; comparison of writings of, 177; de Larroque and, 178; John van Schoonhoven and, 188 ; relation as author to 8, 9, 10; spirit of writings, 9 ; devotion to education, 26 ; birth of, 71 ; mother of, 72; error as regards birthplace, 72; brothers, 73; goes to Deventer, 74; visits Windesheim, 75; account of the Congregation of Common Life by, 76-78; regard for Florentius Radewyn, 78; account of Radewyn, 80; reverence for Radewyn, 81 ; life of Wyron by, 83; lives of Deventer Brethren by, 923; account of an apparition, 100 ; entrance into Mount The Imitation, 192; greater number of manuscripts in favour of, 205 ; Schneemann in favour of, 226; Puyol's effort to dispossess, 240 ; Busch's evidence in favour of, 149, 241-248 ; Puyol's consideration of, 2523 comparison of works, by Puyol, 253; solid claims of, 257; lifesize portrait of, 275; oil-painting in parish church at Kempen, 276 ; birthplace of, 278 ; portrait in Stadhuis, 280; relics of, 300; skull of,
303; anecdotes in works of, 312; exhumation of relics, 321 ; height of,
St. Agnes, 101; life contained in works, 103; mental phases, 104 ; thanksgiving for entrance into religion, 110; estimate of priestly state by, 113; mysticism of, 115; friends, 120; election as sub-prior, 122; flight, 123 ; sent to assist his brother
John, 124; return to Mount St.
Agnes, 126; saintly old age, 127; portrait of, 128; devotion at Mass, and during recitation of Office, 128 ;
INDEX.
A a ee eee 221; and the Codex de Advocatts, 223; Diarium de Advocatis, 223 Circle of Windesheim, 67, 69; pecuAllacianus manuscript, 216
Allard, Pastoor, 132 Altmeyer, 70, 252 Amort, Rev. Eusebius, 148, 231, 248 Aquinas, St. Thomas, and Zhe Lmitaliarity of Latinity of, 181, 231
Clive, Theodoric, 122 Codex de Advocatis, 223; fifteenthcentury document, 224 Codex Cavensis, 216 ¢ Codex Girardimontensis, 254 Congregation of Common Life, origin tion, 228 Arnheim, residence of a Kempis at, 124,
Arona Codex, 213, 257 Ascensius, Jodocus Badius, 158 Aubert, David, 206 Augustinians, suggestion of forgery against, 242-248 Azarias, Brother, vésumé of The Lmitaof, 46, 47 ; Bishop of Utrecht friend to, 49; Groot's last wishes as to, 533; endowment by Henry Wilsen of, 61; site given by Berthold ten Have, 61; rule of, 64; fragments of teaching extant, 67; impression made on a Kempis by, 75 Constance, Council of, 70 Coustou, Pierre, 176, 256 tion by, 13 B Becker, Rev. V., S.J., 66, 132, 188,
Benedictine Monastery of St. Paul, 161 Benham, Rey. W., 259 Bernard, St., 34; Zhe Imitation attriD D'Ailly, Peter, Cardinal Archbishop of Cambrai, 70 Danhausser, Peter, 158 Dante and The Jnttation, 229 Darche, M., and Gerson's claims, 204 De But, Adrian, 155, 184 De Ciresio, Jacques, 200 De Gerson, John Charlier, 70, 145, 156, 158, 182, 194; and the authorship of Zhe Imitation,
195; early buted to, 144; and The /mitation, 193; extracts from, 312 Berner, Lubert, life of, 93 Boehm, John, 78 Bonaventure, St., Zhe Jmztation assigned to, 144; and The /wiitation,
Bonet-Maury, 53, 231 Brinkerink, John, life of, 94.
Brune, Henry, life of, 95 Buren, Amilius van, life of, 97 Busch, Jolin, 35) 01, it25) 140,en5as life of, 195; as Chancellor of the University of Paris, 196; and the deanery of Bruges, 196; downfall of, 197; retirement of, 198; and paternity of Zhe Imitation, 198; claims to authorship, 199; no contemporary witnesses in favour of authorship of, 200; Jacques de Ciresio and,
200 ; the works of, 200; advocates 193, 241-250 Butler, Alban, 176 GE Cajetan, Dom Constantine, 167, 214,
Carthusians, order of, 36, 37; Groot for claims of, 202; external evidence of manuscripts, 204; internal evidence, 206; style of, 207 Della Chiesa, Augustine, 220 De Larroque, Philippe Tamizey, 178, and, 40, 41 Cele, John, 120 Chevalier de Grégory, 217; and the claims of John Gersen, 219; no historical proofs of existence of Gersen,
Delvigne, Rev, Chanoine, 260, 311
INDEX.
Denifle, Pére, 169; conclusions concerning, 264-266 Deventer, lives of the brethren at, 92; Gordon, General, 8 Grabow, Mathew, 70 Gronde, John, life of, 93 Groot, Gerard, birth and parentage, 35 conversion, 36, 40; Henry de Kalcar and, 37; Carthusians and, 40, 41; ordained deacon, 42; prohibited from preaching, 44; settles position of, 282; Groot's house at, 284; school at, 285 ; site of monastery of Common Life at, 286; skulls of Groot and Florentius at, 288; St. Lebuin's, 289 Diarium de Advocatis, 223; a forgery, at Deventer, 45; influence of Radewyn on, 46; founds Congregation of Common Life, 46; visits Ruysbroek, 47; reaction in favour of, 48; Pope Urban VI. and, 48; death from the plague, 51-53; addresses the brethren, 51; last wishes as' to Congregation of Common Life, 53 ; skull of, 288, 305
Doctrinale Juvenum, 9 Dufresnoy, Abbé, theory of, 205 Dutch character of language of The Imitation, 182 E Elevation of the Mind, mysticism and the, 115 Eliot, George, love for The /initation, 7
Ellies Du Pin, 246 Eymsteyn, 62 Eza, Everard, 120 H Have, Berthold ten, 61 Hardenberg, Albert, 153 Hermann Ryd, witness to a Kempis,
Hilton, Walter, 145 Hirsche, Dr. Carl, and Zhe Jmitation F Farinator, Mathias, 155 Fontenelle and Zhe /mztation, 2 of Christ, 156, 177 ; and punctuation of Lmitation, 185-187 Huesden, Vos van, second prior of Windesheim, 63, 65; death of, 122, G
Gansford, Wessel, 153 Garden of Roses, The Little, 133 Gence, advocate for Gerson, 202 Gersen, John, 145, 146; claimant of I Ignatius of Loyola, St., 6 Imitation of Christ, Fontenelle's estiThe Imitation,
145; existence of, 213; birthplace of, 216 ; portrait of, 216; claims to the authorship of Zhe Imitation, 217; bitter controversies concerning, 218; Chevalierde Grégory and, 219; Augustine Della Chiesa and, 220; authorities quoted to prove existence of, 221 ; the Codex de Advomate of, 2; authorship assigned by tradition to Thomas a Kempis, 3 ; effect of, 3; Laharpe and the, 4; opinion of St. Ignatius of Loyola on, 6; reverence for, not confined to Catholics, 6; George Eliot and, 7 ; reverence of Gordon for, 8; secret of the influence of, 8, 30; Biblical quotations and aliusions in, 9; Dean Milman and, 11 ; analysis and résumé catis and, 223; Wolfsgruber's essay on, 225; mythical personage, 257 ; Alimonda on the pretensions of, 260 Gerson, See John Charlier de Gherardyn, John, 247, 248 of, 12, 13; literary structure of, 18; Brother Azarias on, 13-30; mysticism
INDEX. dictine source, 233 ; Puyoland, 233; conclusions of Puyol as to author of, 234; Benedictinism of, 235, 2383 Busch's statement as to authorship, 242; Augustinians, suggestions of forgery and, 242-248; outcome of Italian school, 251; Puyol's theory of, 19; beautiful lessons contained in, 22; philosophy of, 245 extracts on the priestly state from, 113 ; maturity of,
134; 4 Kempis discredited with, 134; controversy on, 1423 appeared anonymously, 143 ; attributed to 4 Kempis during his life, 143; attributed toSt. Bernard, St. Bonaventure, as to, 251; comparison with other treatises, 253; edition by Puyol, 257; Gersenists' pretensions to, 258 ; Benham's edition, 259; German production, 261; Loth and date of the,
262; Denifle's conclusions on, 264 ; Santini's treatise on; 266; tabular view of candidates for, 208; derivation of, from the Scriptures and St.
Bernard, 312 and others, 144; and John Gersen, 145; Walter Hilton and, 145; a Kempis' claim to, 147 ; arguments to prove 4 Kempis the author, 148; Herman Ryd's testimony as to, 152; Wessel and the, 154; discovered to be rhythmical, 156 ; translation into French, 157; external evidence of manuscripts of, 159; the undated manuscripts of, 167 ; Gersenist manuscripts,
169; no manuscript antecedent to a Kempis' middle age, 170; internal evidences as to authorship, K Kempen, 269; gymnasium at, 274:
Franciscan church at, 275; parish church at, 276; site of John Haemerken's house, 278; Stadhuis of,
279; portraits found at, 280; church of St. Peter outside, 281; view of town from St. Peter's Church, 282 Kervyn de Lettenhove, Baron, 155 Ketel, John, life of, 98 Kettlewell on Groot, 533 on Zhe Jmita175; parallelisms in, and other works of a Kempis, 175 ; compared to other writings of a Kempis, 177; peculiarities of diction in, 180; characteristic of the language of, 181; Italianized words in, 181; Dutch character of language of, 182; philological argument as to, 183; ftalian idioms in, 184; punctuation and rhythm of, 185 ; teaching of Windesheim in, 188; parallelisms in, and writings from Windesheim, 189 ; retion, 146
Keynkamp, Werner, prior of Windesheim, 63 a aty lation of 4 Kempis as author to, 192; sources of, 192; John Charlier de Gerson as author of, 195; claims of Gerson to authorship of, 199 ; greater number of manuscripts in favour of a Kempis, 205; contrast in works of Gerson to the, 207 ; Medztatio Cordis and, 207; Zhe limitation written for instruction of religious, 209; review of passages in, 209; Gersen and authorship of, 212; argument that the author was Italian, 228-231; St.
Bonaventure and, 228; St. Thomas Aquinas and, 228; a production of thirteenth century, 229; and BeneLaharpe, description of 7he Jmztatzon, 4
Lambert, Jehan, 157 Leibnitz, 6, 149 Lentaigne, Rev. Joseph, S.J., 1 Loth, M. Arthur, 212; and date of Imitation, 262 Lunenkerk, brothers take refuge in,
Lyons, Council of, 33 M Mabillon, 243, 258 Mack, Martin, 163 Malou, 175, 201, 206
INDEX.
Manuale Parvulorum, extract from, 8 Manuscripts of Zhe /mitation, 159 ; the 60; crowning work of his life, 60 ; model of all virtues, 80; austerities Paulanus, 160; the undated, 167; relations of, to 4 Kempis, 171 ; autograph, 171; external evidence of, and Gerson, 204 Majoli, Father, 214 Mauburn, John, witness for 4 Kempis, of, 81; influence on 4 Kempis, 82 ; skull of 288 Regula of St. Benedict, 236 Riant, Count, 264 Rossignoli, Father Bernard, 213 Rosweyd, Heribert, 215 ; on the writings of 4 Kempis, 176 Ruelens, M. Charles, 184, 266 Ruysbroeck, John, 34, 47, 63, 120 Ryd, Hermann, 151
Meditatio Cordis compared to Zhe Lmitation, 207 Mella, 225 Milman, Dean, 11 Modena, Jean Baptiste, 220 Musica Ecclestiastica, 156 S Mysticism of 4 Kempis, 19, 115 Salvarvilla, William of, Archdeacon of Brabant, 48 Sangermanensis manuscript, 204 Santini, Canon, treatise on Zhe /mi/aN Newman, Cardinal, and individuality tion, 260 Schneeman, Pére, 226 Schoonhoyen, John van, 63, 66 Schott, Peter, 156 Sermons to the Novices, 130 Simus, Martin, 157 Soliloquy of the Soul, 9 ; extracts from, of men of genius, 208 iP Paleography, value of, 168 Paulanus manuscript, the, 160; _historical data of, 164; theoretical defence of, 165; the dates of, 165 ; the note as to Pope Urban, 165 Pitra, Cardinal, and relics of 4 Kem104, 133, 134 Spiritual sense, cultivation of, 13 Spitzen, Pastoor, 132, 135, 174, 266 St.
Agnes, Mount, entrance of a Kempis into, ror; flight of the brothers from, 123; return of brethren to, 126; at present time, 294 pis, 304 Priesthood, 4 Kempis' estimate of, 113 Puyol, M., 212, 227; and the authorship of Zhe Imitation,
233; conclusions of, 234, 251 ; theory of, 251 ; depreciation of writings of Windesheimers,
2525; contrasts Zhe Lmitation with other works of a Kempis, 254; edition of Zhe /mitation by, 257 at Tambaco, John, 216 Tauler, John, 34 Three Tabernacles, The, 119, 133 ' Trithemius, 157 R Radewyn, Florentius, 45; birth of, 54; enters religion, 55; interview with Groot, 56; and Congregation U Uolrich, Brother, 162, 164 Urban VI., Pope, 48, 162, 165 of Common Life, 56; ordained, 57; | charity of, 58; devotion to the sick,
INDEX.
Vv of, 70; John a Kempis helped to inaugurate, 125; Ryd, member of congregation of, 151; writings of school of, anonymous, 170; 4 Kempis most prolific writer of, 187; teaching of, in Zhe Imitation, 188, 251; Puyol's depreciation of writings by the Windesheimers, 252; ancient monastery of, 297
Wolfsgruber, Dom, 146, 161 ; essay of Valenciennes manuscript, 205 Valley of Lilies, The, 133 Vercelli, 220, 224 Vert, M., and Gerson's claims, 203 Viana, James of, life of, 97 Vogt, Nicholas, 162, 164 Vornken, 121 WwW 225, 227 Wyclif, John, 44, 54 Wyron, Arnold, 78; account of, 83-92 Waterton, Edmund, 32, 147, 248 Wevelichoven, Florentius, Bishop of Utrecht, 48, 49, 61 Wilsen, Henry, and Congregation of Z Common Life, 61; appointed proZutphen, Gerard of, life of, 96
Zwolle, 290 ; cathedral of Nétre Dame curator, 62 Windesheim, 62 ; first prior elected, 63 ; at, 291 ; St. Michael's at, 292; from character of teaching at, 64; tone of school of, 65, 69 ; spirit and influence
Mount St. Agnes, 296
ALPHABETICAL List of a few important places named in the foregoing essay, with references to facilitate their recognition.
2 miles N.E. of Zwolle (marked in Agnetenberg, or Mount St. Agnes . red).
22 miles N.E. of Deventer.
Almelo .
Bommel 10 miles N. of Bois-le-Duc. about midway between Utrecht Buren and Bois-le-Duc.
2 miles N.W. of Dordrecht, in the Eymsteyn Island of Ysselmonde.
JDordrecht lies to miles S.E. of Rotterdam.
8 miles S.E. of Brussels.
9 miles W. and N. of Bois-le-Duc.
Near to Hattem, which lies 4 miles Groenendaal Huesden .
Hulsbergen S. and W. of Zwolle.
Huxter, in Westphalia.
Huxaria Kampen, or Campen Kempen .
Lochem :
Leyderdam, or Leerdam .
Lunenkerk 8 miles N.W. of Zwolle.
17 miles N.W. of Dusseldorf.
10 miles E. of Zutphen.
15 miles S. of Utrecht.
1 mile S.E. of Harlingen in Friesland.
15 miles E. and N. of Rotterdam.
One of the divisions of Overyssel.
Schoonhoven Twenthia .
Vianen .
- :
; Windesheim .
; ; :
8 miles S. of Utrecht.
4 miles S. of Zwolle (marked in red).
IN PREPARATION.
BY THE AUTHOR OF THE PRESENT ESSAY.
A New English Translation of Zhe Limitation of Christ, annotated with the intention of showing the sources from which the book is mainly derived—Scriptural, Patristic, Classical, etc.
ALSO, An English Translation of the nine Spiritual works which follow Zhe Imitation of Christ in Thomas & Kempis' autograph MS. of 1441.
The English version will be placed side by side with the Latin text, which has been carefully collated with the original of Thomas
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ASLIST ROE
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