5 Comp. Matt. vii. 14.
1 One of the Antiochian Canons probably reflects the current language of an earlier antiquity thus: dia to en th mhtropolei pantaxoqen suntrexein pantaj touj ta pragmata exontaj; and, if so, this suntrexein gives the meaning of convenire.
2 "Its more potent," etc., is not a strict rendering: "the more potent," rather; which leaves the principalitas to the city, not the Church.
3 Bishop Wordsworth inclines to the idea that the original Greek was ikanwteran arxaiothta, thus conceding that Irenaeus was speaking of the greater antiquity of Rome as compared with other (Western) Churches. Even so, he shows that the argument of Irenaeus is fatal to Roman pretensions, which admit of no such ideas as he advances, and no such freedom as that of his dealings with Rome.
4 Nobody has more forcibly stated the argument of Irenaeus than the Abbé Guettée, in his exhaustive work on the Papacy. I published a translation of this valuable historical epitome in New York (Carleton), 1867; but it is out of print. The original may be had in Paris (Fishbacher), No. 33 Rue de Seine.
1 The Greek original of the work of Irenaeus is from time to time recovered through the numerous quotations made from it by subsequent writers, especially by the author's pupil Hippolytus, and by Epiphanius. The latter preserves (Haer. xxxi. secs. 9-32) the preface of Irenaeus, and most of the first book. An important difference of reading occurs between the Latin and Greek in the very first word. The translator manifestly read epei, quatenus, while in Epiphanius we find epi, against. The former is probably correct, and has been followed in our version. We have also supplied a clause, in order to avoid the extreme length of the sentence in the original, which runs on without any apodosis to the words anagkaion hghsamhn, "I have judged it necessary."
2 1 Tim. i. 4. The Latin has here genealogias infinitas, "endless genealogies," as in textus receptus of New Testament.
3 As will be seen by and by, this fancied being was, in the Valentinian system, the creator of the material universe, but far inferior to the supreme ruler Bythus.
4 There are frequent references to Irenaeus to some venerable men who had preceded him in the Church. It is supposed that Pothinus, whom he succeeded at Lyons, is generally meant; but the reference may sometimes be to Polycarp, with whom in early life he had been acquainted.
6 The original is egkefalon eceptukasin, which the Latin translator renders simply, "have not sufficient brains." He probably followed a somewhat different reading. Various emendations have been proposed, but the author may be understood by the ordinary text to be referring ironically to the boasted subtlety and sublimity of the Gnostics.
8 As Caesar informs us (Comm., i. 1), Gaul was divided into three parts, one of which was called Celtic Gaul, lying between the Seine and the Garonne. Of this division Lyons is the principal city.
9 [The reader will find a logical and easy introduction to the crabbed details which follow, by turning to chap. xxiii., and reading through succeeding chapters down to chap. xxix.]
10 This term Aeon (Aiwn) seems to have been formed from the words aei wn, ever-existing. "We may take aiwn, therefore," says Harvey (Irenaeus, cxix.), "in the Valentinian acceptation of the word, to mean an emanation from the divine substance, subsisting coordinately and co-eternally with the Deity, the Pleroma still remaining one."
11 Sige, however, was no true consort of Buthus, who included in himself the idea of male and female, and was the one cause of all things: comp. Hippolytus, Philosop., vi. 29. There seems to have been considerable disagreement among these heretics as to the completion of the mystical number thirty. Valentinus himself appears to have considered Bythus as a monad, and Sige as a mere nonentity. The two latest Aeons, Christ and the Holy Spirit, would then complete the number thirty. But other Gnostic teachers included both Bythus and Sige in that mystical number.
12 It may be well to give here the English equivalents of the names of these Aeons and their authors. They are as follows: Bythus, Profundity; Proarche, First-Beginning; Propator, First-Father; Ennoea, Idea; Charis, Grace; Sige, Silence; Nous, Intelligence; Aletheia, Truth; Logos, Word; Zoe, Life; Anthropos, Man; Ecclesia, Church; Bythius, Deep; Mixis, Mingling; Ageratos, Undecaying; Henosis, Union; Autophyes, Self-existent; Hedone, Pleasure; Acinetos, Immoveable; Syncrasis, Blending; Monogenes, Only-Begotten; Macaria, Happiness; Paracletus, Advocate; Pistis, Faith; Patricos, Ancestral; Elpis, Hope; Metricos, Metrical; Agape, Love; Ainos, Praise; Synesis, Understanding; Ecclesiasticus, Ecclesiastical; Macariotes, Felicity; Theletos, Desiderated; Sophia, Wisdom.
15 Some omit en plhqei, while others render the words "a definite number," thus: "And if there is anything else in Scripture which is referred to by a definite number."
16 Alluding to the Gnostic notion that, in generation, the male gives form, the female substance. Sophia, therefore, being a female Aenon, gave to her enthymesis substance alone, without form. Comp. Hippol., Philosop., vi. 30.
17 Some render this obscure clause, "lest it should never attain perfection," but the above seems preferable. See Hippol., vi. 31, where the fear referred to is extended to the whole Pleroma.
18 "The reader will observe the parallel; as the enthymesis of Bythus produced intelligent substance, so the enthymesis of Sophia resulted in the formation of material substance."-Harvey.
19 Some propose reading these words in the dative rather than the accusative, and thus to make them refer to the image of the Father.
20 The meaning of these terms is as follows: Stauros means primarily a stake, and then a cross; Lytrotes is a Redeemer; Carpistes, according to Grabe, means an Emancipator, according to Neander a Reaper; Horothetes is one that fixes boundaries; and Metagoges is explained by Neander as being one that brings back, from the supposed function of Horos, to bring back all that sought to wander from the special grade of being assigned them.
21 The common text has aposterhqhnai, was deprived; but Billius proposes to read apostaurwqhnai, in conformity with the ancient Latin version, "crucifixam."
22 That is, had not shared in any male influence, but was a purely female production.
23 Literally, "fruit." Harvey remarks on this expression, "that what we understand by emanations, the Gnostic described as spiritual fructification; and as the seed of a tree is in itself, even in the embryo state, so these various Aeons, as existing always in the divine nature, were co-eternal with it."
24 This is an exceedingly obscure and difficult passage. Harvey's rendering is: "For, say they, Christ taught them the nature of their copulae, (namely,) that being cognisant of their (limited) perception of the Unbegotten they needed no higher knowledge, and that He enounced," etc. the words seem scarcely capable of yielding this sense: we have followed the interpretation of Billius.
25 Both the text and meaning are here very doubtful. Some think that the import of the sentence is, that the knowledge that the Father is incomprehensible secured the continued safety of the Aeons, whilethe same knowledge conferred upon Monogenes his origin and form.
26 The Greek text inserts en, one, before "Holy Spirit."
27 The reading is here very doubtful. We have followed the text of Grabe (approved by Harvey), ec agwnoj sumphcij.
28 These are all names of the same person: see above, ii. 4. Hence some have proposed the reading ecaiwnioj instead of ec agwnoj, alluding to the sixfold appellation of the Aeon Horos.
29 Billius renders, "from the repentance of the Father," but the above seems preferable.
30 Harvey remarks, "Even in their Christology the Valentinians must have their part and counterpart."
31 Or, "to all the generations of the ages of the age." See Eph. iii. 21. The apostle, of course, simply uses these words as a strong expression to denote "for ever."
32 Literally, "at the thanksgiving," or "eucharist." Massuet, the Benedictine editor, refers this to the Lord's Supper, and hence concludes that some of the ancient liturgies still extant must even then have been in use. Harvey and others, however, deny that there is any necessity for supposing the Holy Eucharist to be referred to; the ancient Latin version translates in the plural, "in gratiarum actionibus."
35 This opinion is in positive contradiction to the forty days mentioned by St. Luke (Acts i. 3). But the Valentinians seem to have followed a spurious writing of their own called "The Gospel of Truth." See iii. 11, 8.
36 The numeral value of Iota in Greek is ten, and of Eta, eight.
39 The Latin reads "filii," which we have followed. Reference is made in this word to Nous, who was, as we have already seen, also called Son, and who interested himself in the recovery of Sophia. Aletheia was his consort, and was typified by the hem of the Saviour's garment.
40 Her individuality (morfh) would have been lost, while her substance (ou0si/a) would have survived in the common essence of the Aeons.
41 That is, the "second Christ" referred to above, sec. 1. [It is much to be wished that this second were always distinguished by the untranslated name Soter.]
43 Not as being born of it, but as fecundating it, and so producing a manifold offspring. See below.
48 Luke xiv. 27. It will be observed that the quotations of Scripture made by Irenaeus often vary somewhat from the received text. This may be due to various reasons-his quoting from memory; his giving the texts in the form in which they were quoted by the heretics; or, as Harvey conjectures, from his having been more familiar with a Syriac version of the New Testament than with the Greek original.
52 Hence Stauros was called ty the agricultural name Carpistes, as separating what was gross and material from the spiritual and heavenly.
54 Gal. vi. 14. The words en mhdeni do not occur in the Greek text.
55 Billius renders, "of their opinion."
56 The punctuation and rendering are here slightly doubtful.
57 This term, though Tertullian declares himself to have been ignorant of its derivation, was evidently formed from the Hebrew word hmbx
-chockmah, wisdom.
58 The reader will observe that light and fulness are the exact correlatives of the darkness and vacuity which have just been mentioned.
59 As above stated (ii. 3), the Gnostics held that form and figure were due to the male, substance to the female parent.
60 The Valentinian Stauros was the boundary fence of the Pleroma beyond which Christ extended himself to assist the enthymesis of Sophia.
61 The peculiar gnosis which Nous received from his father, and communicated to the other Aeons.
62 Probably corresponding to the Hebrew hwh
, Jehovah.
63 This sentence is very elliptical in the original, but the sense is as given above. Sophia fell from Gnosis by degradation; Achamoth never possessed this knowledge, her nature being from the first opposed to it.
64 "The Demiurge derived from Enthymesis an animal, and not a spiritual nature."-Harvey.
66 "Jesus, or Soter, was also called the Paraclete in the sense of Advocate, or one acting as the representative of others."-Harvey.
67 Both the Father and the other Aeons constituting Soter an impersonation of the entire Pleroma.
69 That is, as in the case of her mother Sophia, who is sometimes called "the Sophia above," Achamothe being "the Sophia below," or "the second Sophia."
70 Thus Harvey renders aswmaton ulhn: so Baur, Chr. Gnos., as quoted by Stieren. Billius proposes to read enswmaton, corporeal.
71 Though not actually, for that was the work of the Demiurge. See next chapter.
72 "In order that," says Grabe, "this formation might not be merely according to essence, but also according to knowledge, as the formation of the mother Achamoth was characterized above."
73 Metropator, as proceeding only from his mother Achamoth: Apator, as having no male progenitor.
74 Harvey remarks, "The Valentinian Saviour being an aggregation of all the aeonic perfections, the images of them were reproduced by the spiritual conception of Achamoth beholding the glory of Swthr. The reader will not fail to observe that every successive development is the reflex of a more divine antecedent."
75 The relation indicated seems to be as follows: Achamoth, after being formed "according to knowledge," was outside of the Pleroma as the image of Propator, the Demiurge was as Nous, and the mundane angels which he formed corresponded to the other Aeons of the Pleroma.
76 "Achamoth by these names must be understood to have an intermediate position between the divine prototypal idea and creation: she was the reflex of the one, and therefore masculo-feminine; she was the pattern to be realized in the latter, and therefore was named Earth and Jerusalem."-Harvey.
77 But after the consummation here referred to, Achamoth regained the Pleroma: see below, chap. vii. 1.
79 An account is here given of the infusion of a spiritual principle into mankind. The Demiurge himself could give no more than the animal soul; but, unwittingly to himself, he was made the instrument of conveying that spiritual essence from Achamoth, which had grown up within her from the contemplation of those angels who accompanied the Saviour.
81 "The doctrine of Valentinus, therefore," says Harvey, "as regards the human nature of Christ, was essentially Docetic. His body was animal, but not material, and only visible and tangible as having been formed kat oikonomian and kateskeuasmenon arrhtw texnh."
82 [That is, carnal; men of the carnal mind, psychic instead of pneumatic. Rom. viii. 6.]
83 On account of what they had received from Achamoth.
86 Comp. John xvii. 16. The Valentinians, while in the world, claimed to be not of the world, as animal men were.
87 Their spiritual substance was received from Achamoth; their animal souls were created by the Demiurge. These are now separated; the spirit enters the Pleroma, while the soul remains in heaven.
89 A Syriac fragment here reads, "He spake by the prophets through him."
90 "Thus," says Harvey,"we may trace back to the Gnostic period the Apollinarian error, closely allied to the Docetic, that the body of Christ was not derived from the blessed Virgin, but that it was of heavenly substance, and was only brought forth into the world through her instrumentality."
91 By thus extending himself through Stauros, who bounded the Pleroma, the Christ above became the type of the Christ below, who was extended upon the cross.
92 Billius, following the old Latin version, reads, "They interpret many things, spoken by the prophets, of this seed."
93 Such appears to be the meaning of this sentence, but the original is very obscure. The writer seems to refer to the spiritual, the animal, and the material classes of men, and to imply that the Demiurge supposed some prophecies to be due to one of these classes, and some to the others.
94 Matt. viii. 9; Luke vii. 8.
95 As was the case at first, in Adam.
96 Literally, "reading from things unwritten."
99 1 Cor. xi. 10. Irenaeus here reads kalumma, veil, instead of ecousian, power, as in the received text. [An interesting fact, as it betokens an old gloss, which may have slipped into the text of some ancient mss.]
103 John xii. 27. The Valentinians seem, for their own purposes, to have added ouk oida to this text.
120 John i. 3, 4. The punctuation here followed is different from that commonly adopted, but is found in many of the Fathers, and in some of the most ancient mss.
123 up authj, occurring twice, is rendered both times in the old Latin version, "ab eis." The reference is to skotia, darkness, i.e., all those not belonging to the spiritual seed.
125 This is parenthetically inserted by the author, to show the misquotation of Scripture by these heretics.
126 These words are wanting in the Greek, but are inserted in the old Latin version.
127 It is difficult to give an exact rendering of meletan in this passage; the old Lat. version translates it by meditari, which Massuet proposes to render "skilfully to fit."
128 Tertullian refers (Praescrip. Haer.) to those Homeric centos of which a specimen follows. We have given each line as it stands in the original: the text followed by Irenaeus differs slightly from the received text.
129 Literally, "immoveable in himself," the word aklinh being used with an apparent reference to the original meaning of kanona, a builder's rule.
130 The meaning of the word apolutrwsij here is not easily determined; but it is probably a scenic term equivalent to apolusij, and may be rendered as above.
131 [The Creed, in the sublime simplicity of its fundamental articles, is established; that is, by the impossiblility of framing anything to take their place.]
132 "Of God" is added from the old Latin.
136 Probably referring to the Churches in Palestine.
137 The text here is arkoumenouj toutouj, which is manifestly corrupt. Various emendations have been proposed: we prefer reading arkoumenoj toutoij, and have translated accordingly.
139 Irenaeus here reads panta instead of pantaj, as in Text. Rec. of New Testament.
140 euxaristein-this word has been deemed corrupt, as it certainly appears out of keeping with the other verbs; but it may be rendered as above.
145 That is, the first of the two or three here referred to, not the first of the Gnostic teachers, as some have imagined. [The Gnosticism of one age may be essentially the same in spirit as the Agnosticism of another.]
146 Viz., all outside of the Pleroma.
147 Corrected from Ecclesia in the text.
148 Some have supposed that the name of this teacher was Epiphanes, and that the old Latin mistakenly translates this by clarus; others think that Colorbasus is the teacher in question.
149 The Greek text is wanting till the end of this section.
150 [1 Kings xviii. 27. "It came to pass that Elijah mocked them," etc. This reductio ad absurdum of our author is singularly applicable to certain forms of what is called "Modern Thought."]
151 We here follow the Greek as preserved by Hippolytus (Philosoph., vi. 38). The text followed by Epiphanius (Haer., xxxiii. 1) does not so well agree with the Latin.
152 The text is here hopelessly corrupt; but the general meaning seems to be that given above.
153 This sentence exists only in the Latin version, and we can give only a free translation.
155 These words are found in Epiphanius, but omitted in the old Latin version. The Latin gives "sense" instead of "light."
156 The text is here very uncertain. Some propose to read six Aeons instead of all.
157 Here again the text is corrupt and obscure. We have followed what seems the most probable emendation.
158 Harvey justly remarks, that "one cause of perplexity in unravelling the Valentinian scheme is the recurrence of similar names at different points of the system, e.g., the Enthymesis of Sophia was called Sophia and Spiritus; and Pater, Arche, Monogenes, Christus, Anthropos, Ecclesia, were all of them terms of a double denomination."
159 The Greek text of this section is preserved both by Epiphanius (Haer. xxxiv. 1) and by Hippolytus (Philosoph., vi. 39, 40). Their citation are somewhat discordant, and we therefore follow the old Latin version.
160 Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxv. 15, etc.
161 Epiphanius now gives the Greek text verbatim, to which, therefore, we return.
162 Probably referring to Sige, the consort of Bythus.
164 Literally, "the place of thy mightiness is in us."
165 [Note this manner of primitive "confession;" and see Bingham, Antiquities, book xv. cap. 8]
166 We here follow the rendering of Billius, "in iisdem studiis versantes." Others adhere to the received text, and translate peripolizontej "going about idly."
167 Grabe is of opinion that reference is made in this term to an imprecatory formula in use among the Marcosians, analogous to the form of thanksgiving employed night and morning by the Jews for their redemption from Egypt. Harvey refers the word to the second baptism practised among these and other heretics, by which it was supposed they were removed from the cognizance of the Demiurge, who is styled the "judge" in the close of the above sentence.
168 That is, Sophia, of whom Achamoth, afterwards referred to, was the emanation.
169 The angels accompanying Soter were the consorts of spiritual Gnostics, to whom they were restored after death.
170 The syntax in this long sentence is very confused, but the meaning is tolerably plain. The gist of it is, that these Gnostics, as being the spiritual seed, claimed a consubstantiality with Achamoth, and consequently escaped from the material Deniurge, and attained at last to the Pleroma.
171 Rendering the wearer invisible. See Il., v. 844.
173 This sentence has completely baffled all the critics. [Its banter, or mock gravity, has not been self-evident.] We cannot enter upon the wide field of discussion which it has opened up, but would simply state that Irenaeus here seems to us, as often, to be playing upon the terms which were in common use among these heretics. Marcus probably received his system from Colorbasus, and is here declared, by the use of that jargon which Irenaeus means to ridicule while so employing it, to have proceeded to develop it in the way described.
174 Such appears to be the meaning of anousioj in this passage. The meaning of ousia fluctuated for a time in the early Church, and was sometimes used to denote material substance, instead of its usual significance of being.
175 The old Latin preserves arxh untranslated, implying that this was the first word which the Father spoke. Some modern editors adopt this view, while others hold the meaning simply to be, as given above, that that first sound which the Father uttered was the origin of all the rest.
176 The letters are here confounded with the Aeons, which they represented.
179 By this Achamoth is denoted, who was said to give rise to the material elements, after the image of the Divine.
180 That is, their names are spelt by other letters.
181 The old Latin version renders epishmon, insigne, illustrious, but there seems to be a reference to the Valentinian notion of the mystic number of 888 formed ( 10+8+200+70+400+200) vy the numerical value of the letters in the word Ihsouj.
182 The mutes are p, k, t, b, g, d, f, x, q.
183 The semi-vowels are l, m, n, r, j, z, c, y.
184 It seems scarcely possible to give a more definite rendering of this clause: it may be literally translated thus: "And because they receive the outflow of those above, but the turning back again of those below."
185 The ninth letter being taken from the mutes and added to the semi-vowels, an equal division of the twenty-four was thus secured.
186 Viz., Pater, Athropos, and Logos.
187 Viz., z, c, y = dj, kj, pj.
188 Matt. xvii. 7; Mark ix. 2.
189 Moses and Elias being added to the company.
190 Referring to the word Xreistoj, according to Harvey, who remarks, that "generally the Ogdoad was the receptacle of the spiritual seed."
191 The Saviour, as Alpha and Omega, was symbolized by the dove, the sum of the Greek numerals, p, e, r, i, j, t, e, r, a (peristera, dove), being, like that of A and W, 801. .
192 That is, the letters z, c, y all contain j, whose value is six, and which was called epishmon by the Greeks.
193 Referring to Aletheia, which, in Greek, contains seven letters.
194 By these seven powers are meant the seven heavens (also called angels), formed by the Demiurge.
195 We here follow the text of Hippolytus: the ordinary text and the old Latin read, "So does the soul of infants, weeping and mourning over Marcus, deify him."
198 The text is here altogether uncertain: we have given the probable meaning.
199 That is, the name of Soter, the perfect result of the whole Pleroma.
200 Manifestly to be so spelt here, as in the sequel Chreistus, for Christus.
201 The text is here altogether uncertain, and the meaning obscure.
202 The reading is exceedingly doubtful: some prefer the number eighty-eight.
203 There were, as Harvey observes, three extraneous characters introduced into the Greek alphabet for the sake of numeration-the three episema for 6, 90, and 900 respectively. The true alphabet, then, as employed to denote number, included eight units, eight tens, and eight hundreds.
204 Or, according to the Greek text, "being as the way to the Father;" comp. John xiv. 6.
205 The text is here uncertain: we follow that suggested by Grabe.
206 [Comp. cap. xi. 4, supra.]
207 Comp. Gen. xxxi. 2.-We here follow the punctuation of Scaliger, now generally accepted by the editors, though entirely different from the old Latin.
208 [Mosheim thinks this Marcus was a lunatic.]
211 All the editors, Grabe, Massuet, Stieren, and Harvey, differ as to the text and interpretation of this sentence. We have given what seems the simplest rendering of the text as it stands.
212 Referring to the last of the twelve Aeons.
214 Meaning the Aeon who left the Duodecad, when eleven remained, and not referring to the lost sheep of the parable.
215 Harvey gives the above paraphrase of the very obscure original; others propose to read l/ instead of logou.
216 Massuet explains this and the following reference, by remarking that the ancients used the fingers of the hand in counting; by the left hand they indicated all the numbers below a hundred, but by the right hand all above that sum.-Comp. Juvenal, Sat., x. 249.
220 The Demiurge being the fruit of the abortive conversion of the abortive passion of Achamoth, who, again, was the abortive issue of Sophia.
221 i.e., by aiming at what transcends their ability, they fall into absurdity, as a bow is broken by bending it too far.
223 Such is the translation which Harvey, following the text preserved by Hippolytus, gives of the above intricate and obscure sentence.
224 Literally, "is adorned with."
227 One of the senses was thus capriciously cancelled by these heretics.
229 Or, rather, perhaps "curtains." Ex. xxvi. 1.
231 Gen. vi. 18; 1 Pet. iii. 20.
243 Ex. xxviii. 3.-There is no mention of the number of the bells in Scripture.
251 Ex. xxvi. 8. Numbers appear to have been often capriciously introduced by these heretics to give a colour of support to their own theories.
256 Dan. xii. 9, 10. The words in the above quotation not occurring in the Hebrew text of the passage, seem to have been interpolated by these heretics.
257 [From the Protevangel of Thomas. Compare the curious work of Dominic Deodati, De Christo Graece loquente, p. 95. London, 1843.]
262 Taken from some apocryphal writing.
263 Luke xix. 42, loosely quoted.
265 The translator evidently read tw=n for th/n, in which case the rendering will be "proof of those most high," but the Greek text seems preferable.
269 Luke xii. 50. The text was probably thus corrupted by the heretics.
271 We have given these words as they stand in the Greek text: a very different list, but equally unmeaning, is found in the Latin.
272 The Latin reads zonis, "zones," instead of "lives," as in the Greek.
273 Here, again, are many variations.
274 The Greek text, which has hitherto been preserved almost entire, ends at this point. With only brief extracts from the original, now and then, we are henceforth exclusively dependent on the old Latin version, with some Syriac and Armenian fragments recently discovered.
275 The Latin here begins with the words "cum teneamus," and the apodosis is found afterwards at "facile arguimus." But we have broken up the one long sentence into several.
278 The text is here uncertain and obscure: eternal things seem to be referred to, not as regarded substance, but the forms assigned them.
279 This word would perhaps be better cancelled.
281 Acts viii. 20, 21, 23.
282 Comp. Just. Mart., Apol., i. 26. It is generally supposed that Simon Magus was thus confounded with the Sabine god, Semo Sancus; but see our note, loc. cit. [And mine at end of the First Apology. Consult Orelli's Inscriptions there noted.]
283 A lyric poet of Sicily, said to have been dealt with, as stated above, by Castor and Pollus.
288 The ordinary text reads, "three hundred and seventy-five," but it should manifestly be corrected as above.
289 This sentence is wholly unintelligible as it stands in the Latin version. Critics differ greatly as to its meaning; Harvey tries to bring out of it something like the translation given above. [This name is manufactured from a curious abuse of (wql wq
) Isaiah xxviii. 10-13, which is variously understood. See (Epiphanius ed. Oehler, vol. i.) Philastr., p. 38.]
290 So written in Latin, but in Greek 'Abrasac, the numerical value of the letters in which is three hundred and sixty-five. [See Aug. (ed. Migne), vol. viii. p. 26.] It is doubtful to whom or what this word refers; probably to the heavens.
291 [I note again this "Americanism."]
292 Such seems to be the meaning of the Latin, but the original text is conjectural.
294 The text is here defective, but the above meaning seems to be indicated by Epiphanius.
296 [Isaiah v. 20. Horne Tooke derives our word Truth from what any one troweth.]
297 The text here has greatly puzzled the editors. We follow the simple emendation proposed by Harvey.
298 Matt. v. 25, 26; Luke xii. 58.
299 The meaning is here very doubtful, but Tertullian understood the words as above. If sinning were a necessity, then it could no longer be regarded as evil.
300 [This censure of images as a Gnostic peculiarity, and as a heathenish corruption, should be noted.]
301 We here follow the text as preserved by Hippolytus. The Latin has, "a certain man in Asia."
302 [This is disputed by other primitive authorities.]
305 We here follow the amended version proposed by the Benedictine editor.
306 A promise never fulfilled: comp. book iii. 12, and Euseb., Hist. Eccl., v. 8.
308 [The whole casuistical system of the Trent divines, De Matrimonio, proceeds on this principle: marriage is licensed evil.]
309 Harvey supposes this name to be derived from two Syriac words, meaning "God in a Tetrad." Matter again derives it from two Hebrew words, denoting "Daughter of the Lord."
310 Both the text and meaning are here altogether doubtful.
311 Harvey refers to the cabbalistic books in explanation of this and the following names, but their meanings are very uncertain.
312 Harvey refers to the cabbalistic books in explanation of this and the following names, but their meanings are very uncertain.
313 Ex. xx. 5; Isa. xlv. 5, 6.
314 The punctuation is here difficult and doubtful.
315 The probable meaning of this and the following names is thus given by Harvey: Ialdabaoth, Lord God of the Fathers; Iao, Jehovah; Oreus, Light; Astanphaeus, Crown; Sabaoth, of course, means Hosts; Adoneus, Lord; and Eloeus, God. All the names are derived from the cabbalistic theology of the Jews.
316 Hence their name of Ophites, from ofej, a serpent.
317 The Latin has evertisse, implying that thus Nous was more degraded.
319 That is, from Ialdabaoth, etc. [Philastr. (ut supra), Oehler, i. p. 38.]
320 There is constant reference in this section to rabbinical conceits and follies.
321 A name probably derived from the Hebrew hr(n
, girl, but of the person referred to we know nothing.
322 We here follow the emendation of Grabe: the defection of Prunicus is intended.
323 The Latin here is "ex quibus," and the meaning is exceedingly obscure. Harvey thinks it is the representative ec wn (xronwn) in the Greek, but we prefer to refer it to "Judaeos," as above. The next sentence seems unintelligible: but, according to Harvey, "each deified day of the week had his ministering prophets."
324 The common text inserts "et incorruptibili Aeone," but this seems better rejected as a glossarial interpolation.
325 1 Cor. xv. 50. The Latin text reads "apprehendunt," which can scarcely be the translation of klhronomhsai in the Greek text of the New Testament.
326 That is, Christ and Jesus.
327 The text of this sentence is hopelessly corrupt, but the meaning is as given above.
328 According to Harvey, Hystera corresponds to the "passions" of Achamoth. [Note the "Americanism," advocate used as a verb.]
329 The text is here imperfect, and the translation only conjectural.
330 [Cant. ii. 15; St. Luke xiii. 32.]
331 [Let the reader bear in mind that the Greek of this original and very precious author exists only in fragments. We are reading the translation of a translation; the Latin very rude, and the subject itself full of difficulties. It may yet be discovered that some of the faults of the work are not chargeable to Irenaeus.]
4 This passage is very obscure: we have supplied "et," which, as Harvey conjectures, may have dropped out of the text.
5 [This noble chapter is sort of homily on Hebrews i.]
6 The common text has "ut:" we prefer to read "aut" with Erasmus and others.
7 Vossius and others read "primus" instead of "prius," but on defective ms. authority.
8 Harvey here observes: "Grabe misses the meaning by applying to the redeemed that which the author says of the Redeemer;" but it may be doubted if this is really the case. Perhaps Massuet's rendering of the clause, "that that man might be formed who should know Him," is, after all, preferable to that given above.
12 Eph. iv. 6, differing somewhat from Text. Rec. of New Testament.
13 We have translated the text as it here stands in the mss. Grabe omits spiritalem et; Massuet proposes to read et invisibilem, and Stieren invisibilem.
14 In praesentia: Grabe proposes in praescientia, but without ms. authority. "The reader," says Harvey, "will observe that there are three suppositions advanced by the author: that theworld, as some heretics asserted, was eternal; that it was created in time, with no previous idea of it in the divine mind; or that it existed as a portion of the divine counsels from all eternity, though with no temporal subsistence until the time of its creation,-and of this the author now speaks." The whole passage is most obscurely expressed.
15 Literally, "should also possess a vacant substance"
16 The text has "reliquis omnibus," which would refer to the Aeons; but we follow the emendation proposed by Massuet, "reliquorum omnium," as the reference manifestly is to other heretics.
17 "Ab eo:" some refer "eo" to the Demiurge, but it is not unusual for the Latin translator to follow the Greek gender, although different from that of the Latin word which he has himself employed. We may therefore here "eo" to "labem," which is the translation of the neuter noun usterhma.
18 Labem is here repeated, probably by mistake.
19 The Latin is fieri eos: Massuet conjectures that the Greek had been poieisqai autouj, and that the translator rendered poieisqai as a passive instead of a middle verb, fieri for facere.
21 The Latin text here is, "et concludentur tales cum patre suo ab eo qui est extra Pleroma, in quo etiam et desinere eos necesse est." None of the editors notice the difficulty or obscurity of the clause, but it appears to us absolutely untranslateable. We have rendered it as if the reading were "ab eo quod," though, if the strict grammatical construction be followed, the translation must be, "from Him who." But then to what does "in quo," which follows, refer? It may be ascribed either to the immediate antecedent Pleroma, or to Him who is described as being beyond it.
23 This is an extremely difficult passage. We follow the reading aeternochoica adopted by Massuet, but Harvey reads aeterna choica, and renders, "They charge all other substance (i.e., spiritual) with the imperfections of the material creation, as though Aeon substance were equally ephemeral and choic."
24 The common reading is "aut;" we adopt Harvey's conjectural emendation of "at."
25 The above clause is very obscure; Massuet reads it interrogatively.
26 The text has "antiquius," literally "more ancient," but it may here be rendered as above.
28 Massuet refers this to the Roman emperor.
29 Harvey supposes that the translator here read h! quam instead of h qua (gloria); but Grabe, Massuet, and Stieren prefer to delete erit.
30 Reference is here made to the supposed wretched state of Achamoth as lying in the region of shadow, vacuity, and, in fact, non-existence, until compassionated by the Christ above, who gave her form as respected substance.
31 We have literally translated the above very obscure sentence. According to Massuet, the sense is: "There will some time be, or perhaps even now there is, some Aeon utterly destitute of such honour, inasmuch as those things which the Saviour, for the sake of honouring it, had formed after its image, have been destroyed; and then those things which are above will remain without honour," etc.
32 The Saviour is here referred to, as having formed all things through means of Achamoth and the Demiurge.
33 Massuet deletes quem, and reads nun as a genitive.
35 Dan. vii. 10, agreeing neither with the Greek nor Hebrew text.
36 This clause is exceedingly obscure. Harvey remarks upon it as follows: "The reasoning of Irenaeus seems to be this: According to the Gnostic theory, the Aeons and angels of the Pleroma were homogeneous. They were also the archetypes of things created. But things created are heterogeneous: therefore either these Aeons are heterogeneous, which is contrary to theory, or things created are homogeneous, which is contrary to fact."
38 See above, chap. ii. and v.
39 The text has fabricasse, for which, says Massuet, should be read fabricatam esse; or fabricasse itself must be taken in a passive signification. It is possible, however, to translate, as Harvey indicates, "that He (Bythus) formed so great a creation by angels," etc., though this seems harsh and unsuitable.
40 Literally, empty: there is a play on the words vacuum and vacui (which immediately follows), as there had been in the original Greek.
41 Comp. e.g., Matt. v. 16, v. 45, vi. 9, etc.
47 This clause is unintelligible in the Latin text: by a conjectural restoration of the Greek we have given the above translation.
49 Playing upon the doctrines of the heretics with respect to vacuity and shade.
50 The text vacillates between "dicemus" and "dicamus."
51 This sentence is confused in the Latin text, but the meaning is evidently that given above.
52 It is difficult to see the meaning of "iterum" here. Harvey begins a new paragraph with this sentence.
53 endiaqetoj-simply conceived in the mind-used in opposition to proforikoj, expressed.
54 Harvey remarks that "the author perhaps wrote Oron (Horos), which was read by the translator" Olon (totum).
55 Since Soter does not occur among the various appellations of Horos mentioned by Irenaeus (i. 11, 4), Grabe proposes to read Stauros, and Massuet Lytrotes; but Harvey conceives that the difficulty is explained by the fact that Horos was a power of Soter (i. 3, 3).
56 Irenaeus here, after his custom, plays upon the word Bythus (profundity), which, in the phraseology of the Valentinians, was a name of the Propator, but is in this passage used to denote an unfathomable abyss.
57 This sentence appears to us, after long study, totally untranslateable. The general meaning seems to be, that whatever name is given to mental acts, whether they are called Ennæa, Enthymesis, or by whatever other appellation, they are all but exercises of the same fundamental power, styled Nous. Compare the following section.
58 "The following," says Harvey, "may be considered to be consecutive steps in the evolution of logoj as a psychological entity. Ennoea, conception; Enthymesis, intention; Sensation, thought; Consilium, reasoning; Cogitationis Examinatio, judgment; in Mente Perseverans, Logoj endiaqetoj; Emissibile Verbum, Logoj profoikoj."
59 That is, lest He should be thought destitute of power, as having been unable to prevent evil from having a place in creation.
61 The Latin expression is "similimembrius," which some regard as the translation of omoikwloj, and others of omoiomerhj; but in either case the meaning will be as given above.
62 That is, His Nous, Ennoea, etc., can have no independent existence. The text fluctuates between "emittitur" and "emittetur."
63 That is, in human beings no doubt, thought (Nous) precedes speech (Logos).
65 Nothing is known of this writer. Several of the same name are mentioned by the ancients, but to none of them is a work named Theogonia ascribed. He is supposed to be the same poet as is cited by Athenaeus, but that writer quotes from a work styled 'Afrodithj gonai.
66 The Latin is "Cupidinem;" and Harvey here refers to Aristotle, who "quotes the authority of Hesiod and Parmenides as saying that Love is the eternal intellect, reducing Chaos into order."
67 Compare, on the opinions of the philosophers referred to in this chapter, Hippolytus, Philosoph., book i.
69 The Latin has here exemplum, corresponding doubtless to paradeigma, and referring to those ideai of all things which Plato supposed to have existed for ever in the divine mind.
70 [Our author's demonstration of the essential harmony of Gnosticism with the old mythologies, and the philodophies of the heathen, explains the hold it seems to have gained among nominal converts to Christianity, and also the necessity for a painstaking refutation of what seem to us mere absurdities. The great merit of Irenaeus is thus illustrated: he gave the death-blow to heathenism in extirpating heresy.]
71 The Latin text reads "sensibilia et insensata;" but these words, as Harvey observes, must be the translation of aisqhra kai anaisqhta,-"the former referring to material objects of sense, the latter to the immaterial world of intellect."
72 This clause is very obscure, and we are not sure if the above rendering brings out the real meaning of the author. Harvey takes a different vies of it, and supposes the original Greek to have been, kai allaj men thj upostasewj arxaj einai allaj de thj aisqhsewj kai thj ousiaj. He then remarks: "The reader will observe that the word upostasij here means intellectual substance, ousia material; as in V. c. ult. The meaning therefore of the sentence will be, And they affirmed that the first principles of intellectual substance and of sensible and material existence were diverse, viz., unity was the exponent of the first, duality of the second."
73 All the editors confess the above sentence hopelessly obscure. We have given Harvey's conjectural translation.
75 1 Tim.vi. 20. The text is, "Vocum novitates falsae agnitionis," kainofwniaj having apparently been read in the Greek instead of kenofwniaj as in Text. Rec.
76 Grabe and others insert "vel" between these words.
77 It seems necessary to regard these words as parenthetical, though the point is overlooked by all the editors.
79 "Decem" is of doubtful authority.
80 The text has "qui in labe facti sunt;" but, according to Harvey, "the sense requires plhrwmati instead of ektrwmati in the original."
81 Viz., the "Dii majorum gentium" of the Gentiles.
82 Referring to numbers like 4, 5, 6, which do not correspond to any important fact in creation, as 7 e.g., does to the number of the planets.
83 The Latin text is here scarcely intelligible, and is variously pointed by the editors.
84 Harvey explains "his" as here denoting "in his," but we are at a loss to know how he would translate the passage. It is in the highest degree obscure.
85 The text is here doubtful: Harvey proposes to read "qui" instead of "quae," but we prefer "quod" with Grabe. The meaning is, that three hundred and sixty-five is more than forty-five Ogdoads (45 x 8 = 360).
86 "Operositatem." corresponding to pragmateian, lit. manufacture.
87 Efficabiliter in the Latin text is thought to correspond to energwj in the original Greek.
88 Si is inserted by most of the editors; and although Harvey argues for its omission, we agree with Massuet in deeming it indispensable.
91 It seems needless to insert an "et" before this word, as Harvey suggests, or, as an alternative, to strike out the first "Nun Propatoris."
92 Some read "caecutientes" instead of "circumeuntes," as above.
95 "Postgenitum quidem reliquis," the representative, according to Grabe, of apogonon men loipoij in the Greek. Harvey remarks that twn loipwn would have been better, and proposes to read "progenitum" in the Latin; but we do not see any necessity for change.
96 "Incapabilis et incomprehensibilis," corresponding to axwrhtoj kai akatalhptoj in the Greek.
97 Literally, "to these knowing," "his scientibus."
99 It seems necessary to read "se quidem" instead of "si quidem," as in the mss.
100 Although Sophia was a feminine Aeon, she was regarded as being the father of Enthymesis, who again was the mother of the Valentinians.
101 Stieren refers for this allusion to Meineke's edition of the Reliquioe Menan. et Philem., p. 116.
102 Matt. xii. 36. [The serious spirit of this remark lends force to it as exposition.]
104 "Parvum emissum"-a small emission.
105 That is, there could be no need for its descending into them that it might increase, receive form, and thus be prepared for the reception of perfect reason.
107 As Massuet here remarks, we may infer from this passage that Irenaeus believed souls to be corporeal, as being possessed of a definite form,-an opinion entertained by not a few of the ancients. [And, before we censure them, let us reflect whether their perceptions of "the carnal mind" as differing from the spirit of a man, may not account for it. 1 Thess. v. 23.]
108 Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 44; 2 Cor. v. 4. [As a Catholic I cannot accept everything contained in the Biblical Psychology of Dr. Delitzsch, but may I entreat the reader who has not studied it to do so before dismissing the ideas of Irenaeus on such topics. A translation has been provided for English readers, by the Messrs. T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, 1867.]
109 The meaning apparently is, that by the high position which all these in common occupied, they proved themselves, on the principles of the heretics, to belong to the favoured "seed," and should therefore have eagerly have welcomed the Lord. Or the meaning may be, "hurrying together to that relationship," that is, to the relationship secured by faith in Christ.
110 1 Cor. i. 26, 28, somewhat loosely quoted.
111 "Male tractant;" literally, handle badly.
112 Or, "from the twelfth number"-the twelfth position among the apostles.
113 Acts i. 20, from Ps. cix. 8.
114 The text is here uncertain. Most editions read "et quae non cederet," but Harvey prefers "quae non accederet" (for "accideret"), and remarks that the corresponding Greek would be kai ou tuxon, which we have translated as above.
116 Ps. lxviii. 18; Eph. iv. 8.
117 Luke x. 19; [Mark xvi. 17, 18.]
118 Though the reading "substituit" is found in all the mss. and editions, it has been deemed corrupt, and "sustinuit" has been proposed instead of it. Harvey supposes it the equivalent of upesthse, and then somewhat strangely adds "for apesthse." There seems to us no difficulty in the word, and consequently no necessity for change.
119 Compare, in illustration of this sentence, book i. 4, 1, and i. 4, 5.
123 This passage is hopelessly corrupt. The editors have twisted it in every direction, but with no satistactory result. Our version is quite as far from being certainly trustworthy as any other that has been proposed, but it seems something like the meaning of the words as they stand. Both the text and punctuation of the Latin are in utter confusion.
125 "Si" is wanting in the mss.MSS;. and early editions, and Harvey pleads for its exclusion, but the sense becomes clearer through inserting it.
126 This clause is, of course, an interpolation by the Latin translator.
127 The words are loosely quoted memoriter, as is the custom with Irenaeus. See Hesiod, Works and Days, i. 77, etc.
128 Latin, of course, in the text.
129 There is here a play upon the words Lhtw and lhqein, the former being supposed to be derived from the latter, so as to denote secrecy.
130 This clause is probably an interpolation by the translator.
132 "Coelet Demiurgo," such is the reading in all the mss.MSS;. and editions. Harvey, however, proposes to read "celet Demiurgum;" but the change which he suggests, besides being without authority, does not clear away the obscurity which hangs upon the sentence.
133 Comp. Pindar, Olymp., i. 38, etc.
134 "Compuncti" supposed to correspond to kekauthriasmenoi: see 1 Tim. iv. 2. The whole passage is difficult and obscure.
135 Harvey wishes, without any authority, to substitute "tacitus" for "tacitos," but there is no necessity for alteration. Irenaeus is here playing upon the word, according to a practice in which he delights, and quietly scoffs at the Sige (Silence) of the heretics by styling those Aeons silent who were derived from her.
142 John v. 1, etc. It is well known that, to fix what is meant by the eorth, referred to in this passage of St. John, is one of the most difficult points in New Testament criticism. Some modern scholars think that the feast of Purim is intended by the Evangelist; but, upon the whole, the current of opinion that has always prevailed in the Church has been in favour of the statement here made by Irenaeus. Christ would therefore be present at four passovers after His baptism: (1) John ii. 13; (2) John v. 1; (3) John vi. 4; (4) John xiii. 1.
146 Harvey strangely remarks here, that "the reading audiret, followed by Massuet, makes no sense." He gives audiretur in his text, but proposes to read ordiretur. The passage may, however, be translated as above, without departing from the Benedictine reading audiret.
147 "Neque solvens suam legem in se humani generis." Massuet would expunge "suam;" but, as Harvey well observes, "it has a peculiar significance, nor abrogating his own law."
148 "Renascuntur in Deum." The reference in these words is doubtless to baptism, as clearly appears from comparing book iii. 17, 1.
149 It has been remarked by Wall and others, that we have here the statement of a valuable fact as to the baptism of infants in the primitive Church.
152 [That our Lord was prematurely old may be inferred from the text which Irenaeus regards as proof that he literally lived to be old. St. John viii. 56, 57; comp. Is. liii. 2.]
154 The Latin text of this clause is, "Quia autem triginta annorum aetas prima indolis est juvenis"-words which it seems almost impossible to translate. Grabe regarded "indolis" as being in the nominative, while Massuet contends it is in the genitive case; and so regarding it, we might translate, "Now that the age of thirty is the first age of the mind of youth," etc. But Harvey re-translates the clause into Greek as follows: Oti de h twn triakonta etwn hlikia h prwth thsdiaqesewj esti neaj-words which we have endeavoured to render as above. The meaning clearly is, that the age of thirty marked the transition point from youth to maturity.
155 With respect to this extraordinary assertion of Irenaeus, Harvey remarks: "The reader may here perceive the unsatisfactory character of tradition, where a mere fact is concerned. From reasonings founded upon the evangelical history, as well as from a preponderance of external testimony, it is most certain that our Lord's ministry extended but little over three years; yet here Ireneaus states that it included more than ten years, and appeals to a tradition derived, as he says, from those who had conversed with an apostle"
156 Trajan's reign commenced A.D. 98, and St. John is said to have lived to the age of a hundred years.
158 "Sed veritas"-literally, "the truth."
159 [This statement is simply astounding, and might seem a providential illustration of the worthlessness of mere tradition unsustained by the written Word. No mere tradition could be more creditably authorized than this.]
161 Latin, of course, in the text.
164 The text of this sentence is very uncertain. We follow Massuet's reading, "negotio Aeonum," in preference to that suggested by Harvey.
165 "Sive confusionem" is very probably a marginal gloss which has found its way into the text. The whole clause is difficult and obscure.
167 Thus: Swthr ( j = 200, w = 800, t = 300, h = 8, r = 100) = 1408.
169 This is one of the most obscure passages in the whole work of Irenaeus, and the editors have succeeded in throwing very little light upon it. We may merely state that w#$
seems to be regarded as containing in itself the initials of the three words hwhy
, Jehovah; sym
, heaven; and Cd)y
, and earth.
170 Nothing can be made of these words; they have probably been corrupted by ignorant transcribers, and are now wholly unintelligible.
171 "Literae sacerdotales,"-another enigma which no man can solve. Massuet supposes the reference to be to the archaic Hebrew characters, still used by the priests after the square Chaldaic letters had been generally adopted. Harvey thinks that sacerdotales represents the Greek leitourgika, "meaning letters as popularly used in common computation."
172 The editors have again long notes on this most obscure passage. Massuet expunges "quaeque," and gives a lengthened explanation of the clause, to which we can only refer the curious reader.
, Baruch, blessed, one of the commonest titles of the Almighty. The final r
178 Only six branches are mentioned in Ex. xxv. 32.
186 Some such supplement as this seems requisite, but the syntax in the Latin text is very confused.
187 Matt. xiv. 19, 21; Mark vi. 41, 44; Luke ix. 13, 14; John vi. 9, 10, 11.
190 St. John is here strangely overlooked.
193 "Fines et summitates;" comp. Justin Mart., Dial. c. Tryph., 91.
194 "Juvenis," one in the prime of life.
195 It has been usual in the Christian Church to reckon four commandments in the first table, and six in the second; but the above was the ancient Jewish division. See Joseph., Antiq., iii. 6.
197 Ex. xxvii. 1; "altitudo" in the text must be exchanged for "latitudo."
201 [Note the manly contempt with which our author dismisses a class of similitudes, which seem, even in our day, to have great attractions for some minds not otherwise narrow.]
202 365 (the days of the year)-12 x 30 + 5.
203 These hours of daylight, at the winter and summer solstice respectively, correspond to the latitude of Lyons, 45° 45' N., where Irenaeus resided.
204 "Alluding," says Harvey, "to a custom among the ancients, of summing the numbers below 100 by various positions of the left hand its fingers; 100 and upwards being reckoned by corresponding gestures of the right hand. The ninety and nine sheep, therefore, that remained quietly in the fold were summed upon the left hand, and Gnostics professed that they were typical of the true spiritual seed; but Scripture always places the workers of iniquity of the left hand, and in the Gnostic theory the evil principle of matter was sinistral, therefore," etc., as above.
205 "Levamen," corresponding probably to the Greek anapausin.
206 Agaph (a = 1, g = 3, a = 1, p = 80, h = 8) = 93.
207 Alhqeia ( a = 1, l = 30, h = 8, q = 9, e = 5, i = 10, a = 1) = 64.
208 Some read XX., but XXX. is probably correct.
209 Harvey proposes "commentitum" instead of "commentatum," but the alteration seems unnecessary.
210 The syntax is in confusion, and the meaning obscure.
212 "Errantes ab artifice." The whole sentence is most obscure.
213 Alluding to the imaginary Aeon Anthropos, who existed from eternity.
215 "Aut;" h having been thus mistakenly rendered instead of "quam."
216 [This seems anticipatory of the dialects of scholasticism, and of its immense influence in Western Christendom, after St. Bernard's feeble adhesion to the Biblical system of the ancients.]
219 [Illustrated by the history of modern thought in Germany. See the meritorious work of Professor Kahnis, on German Protestantism (translated). Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1856.]
221 We read "veritatis corpus" for "a veritate corpus" in the text.
222 Some such expression of disapproval must evidently be supplied, though wanting in the Latin text.
224 The text is here elliptical, and we have supplied what seems necessary to complete the sense.
225 It is doubtful whether "demonstravimus" or "demonstrabimus" be the proper reading: if the former, the reference will be to book i. 22, or ii. 2; if the latter, to book iii. 8.