Chapter 26 of 28

NOTES

NOTES

NOTES

THE SUMMA THEOLOGICA, I-II

QUESTION 90

1Rom. vii. 23.

2S. I-II, Q. 57.

3Ibid., Q. 9, A. I.

4Digest i ff. I.

5S. I-II, Q. 17, A. I.

6Ibid., Q. I, A. I ad 3.

7Phys. ii.

8S. I-II, Q. 13, A. 3; Q. 76, A. I.

9Eth. vii. 3.

10S. I-II, Q. 17, A. I.

11Etym. v. 3.

12Ibid., 21.

13S. I-II, Q. 2, A. 7; Q. 3, A. I.

14Eth. v. I.

15Rom. ii. 14.

16Eth. ii. I.

17Etym. v. 10.

18Eth. x. 9.

19Codex i. 7.

20Etym. v. 3; ii. 10.

QUESTION 91

1De lib. arb. i. 6.

2S. I, Q. 22, Aa. 1, 2.

3De lib. arb. i.

4Ps. iv. 6.

5S. I-II, Q. 10, A. 1.

6De lib. arb. i.·6.

7Ibid.

8De invent. rhet. ii.

9Ecclus. xv. 14.

10S. I-II, Q. 14, A. I.

11Ps. cxviii. 33.

12S. I-II, Q. S, A. 5.

13De lib. arb. i. 5, 6.

14Heb. vii. 12.

15S. I, Q. 30, A. 3.

16Gal. iii. 24, 25.

17Exod. iii. 8, 17.

18Matth. iv. 17.

19Contra Faust. iv.

20Contra Adimant. xvii.

21Etym. v.

22Rom. vii. 23.

QUESTION 92

1S. I-II, Q. 55, A. 4.

2Pol. iii. 6.

3Eth. ii. 1.

4Pol. i.

5S. I-II, Q. 63, A. 2.

6Ibid., A. 1.

7Conf. iii.

8Pol. iii. 2.

9Digest i. 3.

10Contra duas epist. pelag. ii.

11Etym. v. 19.

12S. I-II, Q. 18, A. 8.

13I Cor. vii. 12.

QUESTION 93

1Qq., qu. 46.

2S. I, Q. 34, A. 1.

3De vera relig. xxx.

4De lib. arb. i. 6.

5S. I, Q. 14, A. 8.

6Ibid., Q. 103, A. 5.

7Ibid., Q. 15, A. 2.

8De Trin. xv. 14.

9S. I, Q. 16, A. 1.

10I Cor. ii. 11.

11De lib. arb. i. 6.

12De vera relig. xxxi.

13De lib. arb. i. 6.

14De vera relig. xxxi.

15Rom. viii. 7.

16De lib. arb. i. 5.

17Prov. viii. 15.

18De lib. arb. i. 6.

19De vera relig. xxxi.

20Metaph. v. text. 6.

21Prov. viii. 29.

22S. I-II, Q. 1, A. 2.

23S. I, Q. 22, A. 2.

24Gal. v. 18.

25Rom. viii. 7.

26De lib. arb. i. 6.

27De civ. Dei xix. 12.

28De lib. arb. i. 15.

29De catech. rud. xviii.

30II Cor. iii. 17.

31S. I-II, Q. 85, A. 2.

QUESTION 94

1Eth. ii. 5.

2D. F.: De fide orthod. iv. 22.

3S. I, Q. 79, A. 12.

4De bono conjug. xxi.

5De Hebdom.

6De fide orthod. iii. 4.

7Ibid., ii. 30.

8Dist. 1. [Decretum i. 1.]

9Rom. x. 16.

10Etym. v. 4.

11De bello Gall. vi.

12D.F. tr.: and among these it is proper to man to be inclined to act according to reason. Now the process of reason is from the common to the proper, as stated in Phys. i. The speculative reason, however, is differently situated in this matter, from the practical reason. For, since the speculative reason is busied chiefly with necessary things, which cannot be otherwise than they are, its proper conclusions, like the universal principles, contain the truth without fail. The practical reason, on the other hand, is busied with contingent matters, about which human actions are concerned; and consequently, although there is necessity in the general principles, the more we descend to matters of detail, the more frequently we encounter defects. Accordingly then in speculative matters truth is the same in all men, both as to principles and as to conclusions, although the truth is not known to all as regards the conclusions, but only as regards the principles which are called common notions. But in matters of action, truth or practical rectitude is not the same for all, as to matters of detail but only as to the general principles; and where there is the same rectitude in matters of detail, it is not equally known to all.

It is therefore evident that, as regards the general principles whether of speculative or of practical reason, truth or rectitude is the same for all, and is equally known by all. As to the proper conclusions of the speculative reason, the truth is the same for all, but is not equally known to all: thus it is true for all that the three angles of a triangle are together equal to two right angles, although it is not known to all. But as to the proper conclusions of the practical reason, neither is the truth or rectitude the same for all, nor, where it is the same, is it equally known by all. Thus it is right and true for all to act according to reason: and from this principle it follows as a proper conclusion, that goods entrusted to another should be restored to their owner. Now this is true for the majority of cases: but it may happen in a particular case that it would be injurious, and therefore unreasonable, to restore goods held in trust; for instance if they are claimed for the purpose of fighting against one’s country. And this principle will be found to fail the more, according as we descend further into detail, e.g., if one were to say that goods held in trust should be restored with such and such a guarantee, or in such and such a way; because the greater the number of conditions added, the greater the number of ways in which the principle may fail, so that it be not right to restore or not to restore.

Consequently we must say that the natural law, as to general principles, is the same for all, both as to rectitude and as to knowledge. But as to certain matters of detail, which are conclusions, as it were, of those general principles, it is the same for all in the majority of cases, both as to rectitude and as to knowledge; and yet in some few cases it may fail, both as to rectitude, by reason of certain obstacles (just as natures subject to generation and corruption fail in some few cases on account of some obstacle), and as to knowledge, since in some the reason is perverted by passion, or evil habit, or an evil disposition of nature ; thus formerly theft, although it is expressly contrary to the natural law, was not considered wrong among the Germans, as Julius Caesar relates (De Bello Gall. vi).

13Gen. xxii. 2.

14Exod. xii. 35.

15Osee i. 2.

16Etym. v. 4.

17Dist. 5. [Decretum i. 5.]

18S. I, Q. 105, A. 6 ad 1.

19Conf. ii.

20S. I-II, Q. 77, A. 2.

21Rom. i.

QUESTION 95

1Eth. v. 4.

2Etym. v. 20.

3Pol. i. 2.

4Rhet. i. I.

5Eth. v. 7.

6Etym. v. 4.

7Eth. v. 7.

8Ibid.

9D.F.: Digest i. 3. 5.

10Rhetor. ii.

11De lib. arb. i. 5.

12Eth. vi. 11.

13Etym. v. 21.

14De offic. vii. [De offic. i. 7.]

15Etym. ii. 10.

16D.F.: Digest xxv. 3.

17Etym. v. 4 ff.

18Ibid., 9.

19Pol. iii. 10.

20Etym. v. 4 ff.

QUESTION 96

1Eth. v. 7.

2Digest i. 3. 2.

3Etym. v. 21.

4De civ. Dei ii. 21; xxii. 6.

5Eth. v. 7.

6Metaph. x. text. 4.

7Eth. i. 3.

8Etym. v. 20.

9Ibid., 21.

10Prov. xxx. 33.

11Matth. ix. 17.

12De lib. arb. i. 5.

13Eth. v. 1.

14S. I-II, Q. 54, A. 2; Q. 60, A. 1; Q. 62, A. 2.

15I Pet. ii. 19.

16De lib. arb. i. 5.

17Rom. xiii. 1, 2.

18I Tim. i. 9.

19D.F.: Decretals, causa 19, qu. 2. [Decretum ii. 19. 2. 2.]

20Rom. viii. 14.

21D.F.: Digest i. 3. 31.

22Rom. xiii. 1.

23Ibid., ii. 14, 15.

24Extra, De constitutionibus, cap. Cum omnes. [This refers to the Decretals of Gregory IX, Book I, tit. 2, c. 6.]

25D.F.: Dionysius Cato, Disticha de Moribus. [Book I, preface.]

26Matth. xxiii. 3, 4.

27De vera relig. xxxi.

28Prov. viii. 15.

29De Trinit. iv.

30D.F.: Digest i. 3.

QUESTION 97

1Eth. v. 5.

2De lib. arb. i. 6.

3Ibid.

4Dist. 12. 5. [Decretum 12. 5.]

5D.F.: Digest i. 4.

6Pol. ii. 5.

7Ep. ad Casulan.

8Synon. ii. 16.

9Etym. v. 21.

10Eth. i. 2.

11Deut. i. 17.

12Etym. v. 3.

13I Cor. ix. 17.

14Luke xii. 42.

QUESTION 105

1Pol. iii. 4.

2Exod. xviii. 21.

3Num. xi. 16.

4Deut. i. 13.

5Timaeus ii. [Steph. 29.]

6Deut. xvii. 14, 15.

7III Kings xi. 29 ff.

8I Kings viii. 11.

9Num. xxiv. 5.

10Pol. iii. 5.

11Deut. i. 15.

12Exod. xviii. 21.

13Deut. i. 13.

14Ibid., vii. 6.

15Num. xxvii. 16.

16Judges iii. 9, 10, 15.

17Eth. iv. 3.

18I Kings viii. 7.

19Deut. xvii. 14 ff.

20Osee xiii. 11.

21Ibid., viii. 4.

THE SUMMA THEOLOGICA, II-II

QUESTION 42

1Etym. x.

2S. II-II, Q. 39, A. 1.

3II Cor. xii. 20.

4S. II-II, Q. 40, A. 1.

5II Cor. xii. 20.

6De civ. Dei ii. 21.

7S. II-II, Q. 41, A. 1.

8Ibid., Q. 40, A. 1.

9Pol. iii. 5; Eth. viii. 10.

QUESTION 57

1D.F.: Digest i. 1. 1.

2Etym. v. 3.

3D.F.: Eth. vi. 8.

4De mor. Eccl. xv.

5Etym. v. 2.

6Ibid.

7Eth. v. 1.

8Etym. v. 1.

9Eth. v. 7.

10Ibid.

11Isa. x. 1.

12D.F.: Digest. i. 1. 1.

13Pol. i. 2.

14Etym. v. 4.

15Ibid.

16Pol. ii. 2.

17D.F.: Digest i. 1. 1.

18Ibid.

19Pol. i. 2.

20De offic. min. i. 24.

21Eth. v. 6.

22Ibid.

23D.F.: Cf. Eth. viii. 11.

24Ephes. v. 28.

25Eth. v. 6.

QUESTION 58

1D.F.: Digest i. 1. 10.

2Eth. v. 1.

3De verit. xii.

4De mor. Eccl. xv.

5Etym. x.

6Eth. ii. 4.

7Ibid., iii. 4.

8Ibid., v. 5.

9Tract, in Ioan. xl.

10Eth. v. 4.

11S. II-II, Q. 25, A. 1.

12Rom. iii. 22.

13De mor. Eccl. xv.

14De offic. i. 7.

15Eth. v. 11.

16S. I-II, Q. 113, A. 1.

17Luke xvii. 10.

18De offic. min. ii. 6.

19Metaph. ix.

20Moral. ii. 49.

21D.F.: Eth. 11. 6.

22De offic. 1. 7.

23Wis. viii. 7.

24Eth. i. 13.

25De verit. xii.

26S. I, Q. 81, A. 2.

27Eth. v. 1.

28Ibid.

29I John iii. 4.

30Eth. v. 1.

31Ibid.

32ibid.

33Pol. iii. 2.

34Hom. in Matth. xxv.

35Pol. i. 1.

36Ibid., 2.

37Qq., qu. 61.

38Eth. v. 2.

39Ibid., ii. 6.

40S. I-II, Q. 61, Aa. 3, 4.

41Eth. ii. 3.

42D.F.: S. I-II, Q. 23, A. 4; Q. 31, A. 1; Q. 35, A. 1.

43Eth. v. 1.

44S. I-II, Q. 22, A. 3; Q. 59, A. 4.

45Eth. vii. 11.

46Ibid., i. 8.

47Ibid., v. 5.

48Ibid., ii. 6.

49Ibid.

50Ibid., ii. 6; v. 4.

51D.F.: Didot ed., ix. 5. Cf. Eth. v. 4.

52De Trin. xiv. 9.

53De offic. i. 7.

54De offic. min. i. 24.

55S. II-II, Q. 80, A. 1.

56Eth. v. 4.

57De offic. i. 7.

58Eth. v. 1.

59Rhet. i. 9.

QUESTION 66

1Luke xii. 18.

2D.F.: Hom. in Luc. xii. 18.

3De Trin. i. D.F.: De Fide ad Grat. i. 1.

4Ps. viii. 8.

5S. II-II, Q. 64, A. 1.

6Pol. i. 3.

7Gen. i. 26.

8D.F.: Serm. 64 (81), De tempore.

9D.F.: Dist. 47, canon Sicut hi. [The passage referred to is in the Decretum i. 47. 8.]

10De haeres. 40.

11I Tim. vi. 17, 18.

12Hom in Luc. xii. 18.

13Isa. iii. 9.

14D.F.: Serm. 64 (81), De tempore.

15D.F.: Dist. 47, canon Sicut hi. [Decretum i. 47. 8.]

16Etym. x.

17S. I-II, Q. 1, A. 3; Q. 18, A. 6.

18Etym. x.

19Eth. v. 2.

20Ecclus. xv. 21.

21Exod. xii. 35, 36.

22D.F.: Institutes ii. 47.

23Exod. xx. 15.

24WiS. x. 19.

25D.F.: Digest i. 8; Institutes ii. 1.

26D.F.: Institutes, loc. cit., 39; Codex x. 15.

27Matth. xiii. 44.

28D.F.: Institutes, loc. cit., 47.

29D.F.: Digest xli. 1. 9; Institutes, loc. cit., 48.

30Serm. 178. D.F.: Cf. also Digest xiv. 5.

31Prov. vi. 30.

32S. II-II, Q. 59, A. 4; I-II, Q. 72, A. 5.

33Rom. ii. 2.

34Tract. 1, super Ioan.

35Exod. xxi. 16.

36Extra, De furtis, canon 3. [The Decretals of Gregory IX, Book V, tit. 18, c. 3.]

37Eth. ii. 6.

38Contra mendac. vii.

39D.F.: Serm. 64 (81), De tempore.

40D.F.: Dist. 47, can. Sicut hi. [Reference is to the Decretum i. 47. 8.]

41De Patr. 4. D.F.: De Abraham i. 3.

42Ep. ad Vincent. Donat. 93.

43Serm. 82, De verb. Dom. 19.

44De civ. Dei iv. 4.

45Ezech. xxii. 27.

46S. II-II, Q. 55, Aa. 4, 5.

QUESTION 77

1Codex iv. 44. 8, 15.

1aDe Trin. xiii. 3.

2Eth. viii. 13.

3Matth. vii. 12.

4De offic. iii. 15.

5Pol. i. 3.

6D.F.: Codex iv. 44. 2, 8.

7De Trin. xiii. 3.

QUESTION 78

1Luke xix. 23.

2Ibid., vi. 35.

3Exod. xxii. 25.

4Eth. v. 5; Pol. i. 3.

5Ezech. xviii. 8.

6D.F.: Institutes ii. 4.

7Pol. i. 3.

8Ezech. xviii. 17.

9Eth. iv. i.

10Rom. xi. 16.

11Extra, De usuris in the Decretal, Cum tu sicut asseris. [Reference is to the Decretals of Gregory IX, Book V, tit. 79, c. 5]

12Rom. i. 32.

13S. II-II, Q. 43, A. a.

14Eth. v. II.

15Ibid., 5.

16Epistle 47.

17Jerem. xii. 8.

QUESTION 104

1Heb. xiii. 17.

2Moral. xxxv.

3De Parad. viii.

4Moral. xxxv.

5S. II-II, Q. 80.

6De nat. boni iii. D.F.: Cf. S. I, Q. 5, A. 5.

7S. I-II, Q. 94, A. 3.

8S. I-II, Q. 102, A. 2.

9Eth. v. 4.

10Moral. xxxv.

11D.F: Cf. Q. 82, A. 2.

121 Kings xv. 22.

13S. II-II, Q. 81, A. 6.

14Moral. xxxv.

15Ibid.

16Ibid.

17Ibid.

181 John ii. 4, 5.

19Moral. xxxv.

20Ibid.

21Matth. ix. 30, 31.

22Gen. xxii.

23Exod. xi.

24Osee iii.

25S. I-II, Q. 19, A. 10.

26Exod. xxiv. 7.

27S. I-II, Q. 9, A. 6.

28Moral. xix.

29Coloss. iii. 20, 22.

30Gal. iv. 14.

311 Thess. ii. 13.

32Acts v. 29.

33D.F.: Cf. St. Augustine, De verb. Dom. viii.

34De benef. iii.

35Rom. vii. 4.

36De civ. Dei iv.

37Titus iii. 1.

38I Pet. ii. 13, 14.

39Rom. vii. 23.

ON KINGSHIP

CHAPTER ONE

1Pol. i. 2.

2Hist. anim. i. 1; Eth. i. 5; ibid., ix. 9; Pol. i. 2. The Aristotelian formula is always that man is a political animal. Unless special reason suggested to Aquinas the exact textual reproduction of this Aristotelian principle, he generally prefers to say that man is a social animal (De benef. vii.. 1. 7). The combination social and political animal is also found in S. I-II, Q. 72, A. 4; In De interp. i. 2.

3The source of the teaching in §§ 5-7 is not the Aristotelian Politics but Avicenna, De anima v. 1; cf. C.I. v. See also In Eth. prologue 4, where St. Thomas, following more closely the Aristotelian doctrine of Pol. i. 2, no longer believes the Avicennian reasoning to be capable of demonstrating the conclusion that man is a political animal. Avicenna’s argument is used by Aquinas in IV Sent. 26. 1. 1; Quodl. vii. 17; C.G. iii. 85; and ibid., 128, 129, 136, 147; S. I-II, Q. 95. A. 1 (see pp. 55-57).

4De part. anim. iv. 10. Cf. III Sent. 1. 2. sol. 1 ad 3; C.I. v; Quodl. vii. 17; S. II-II, Q. 187, A. 2 c. and ad 1.

5Hist. anim. i. 1.

6Eccles. iv. 9.

7Prov. xi. 14.

8Cf. S. I, Q. 96, A. 4.

9Pol. i. 5. In Metaph. prologue; In I Tim. ii. 3; S. I, Q. 96, A. 4.

10Cf. C.G. iii. 23, 78.

11S. I, Q. 81, A. 3 ad 2; I-II, Q. 9, A. 2 ad 3; Q. 17, A. 2 ad 2, A. 7 c. and often elsewhere.

12Metaph. iv. 1; In Metaph. v. 1.

13Pol. iii. 6; Eth. vii. 10. In Eth. viii. 10; In Pol. iii. 5.

14Metaph. i. 2.

15Ezech. xxxiv. 2.

16The classification of constitutions in §§ II-12 is owed to Aristotle, Pol. iii. 7. The basis of number, however, on which this classification rests, is found inadequate by Aristotle himself, ibid. In later texts, St. Thomas gradually abandoned it; see In Eth. viii. 10; S. I-II, Q. 95, A. 4 (pp. 62 ff.); Q. 105, A. 1 (pp. 86 ff.); II-II, Q. 50, A. 1 obj. 1; Q. 61, A. 2; In Pol. iii. 6. St. Thomas ends up, just as Aristotle did, with a list of constitutions in which each finds its essential characteristic in a certain qualification on account of which political power is awarded: in monarchy and aristocracy, power is given on account of virtue; in oligarchy on account of riches; in democracy on account of liberty.

17Etym. ix. 19; De civ. Dei v. 19.

18The meaning of this proposition, which is doubtless intended to be a reproduction of Pol. iii. 7, is not clear. [The passage becomes clear, and faithful to Aristotle’s text, if we refer it to another passage of the Politics, viz., 1265b 28, and to the commentary on it by St. Thomas (Bk. II, lectio 7), where he uses exactly the same words that are found here.

The meaning is this: one of the just forms of government (or rather forms of state) is what is called polity, in which the many rule. But a just form of state demands the possession of virtues on the part of the ruling body. And, unfortunately, the virtuous people are few. However, says Aristotle, there is one virtue which is found among the many and that is bravery. This virtue is politically used to constitute the armed forces needed by the state, first and foremost among which was the heavily armed infantry (the hoplites, rich enough to provide themselves with the requisite armament). This is why Aristotle says this polity rests on the prevalence of “heavily armed soldiers.” (Politics, loc. cit.) How highly Aristotle valued these hoplites is shown by what he says in a subsequent passage of the Politics: a state in which there are many laborers (Banausoi) and few hoplites cannot possibly be great. 1326a 23.]

19Cf. Pro P. Sestio 45, 36; De offic. ii. 23. 80.

20Ezech. xxvii. 24.

21Pol. i. 2; In Pol. i. 1. The Aristotelian doctrine is here adapted to medieval realities in almost the same fashion as in some other earlier writings of Aquinas: In Matth. xii. 2; In Ioan. xiv. 1. 3; In I Cor. xi. 4; In Heb. xi. 3. In the later writings, Aquinas (a) more clearly emphasized the fact that the Aristotelian city seeks the satisfaction of not only the material but also the moral needs of man: In Eth. prologue ii; S. I-II, Q. 90, A. 2. Moreover (b) he treats cities and kingdoms not as specifically different communities each having its own essential characteristics, but as formally equal and only materially, i.e., historically different realizations of the same idea of “perfect community.” Proof of this is the use of the combination “city or kingdom” in S. II-II, Q. 47, A. 11; Q. 50, Aa. 1, 2.

22In Latin vicus. This is neither here nor in Pol. i. 1 the Aristotelian clanvillage, but the street of the medieval town, called vicus (e.g., Vicus Straminis). In each street, St. Thomas says In Pol. i. 2, “one craft is exercised, in one the weaver’s, in another the smith’s.” Modern towns still preserve the memory of this medieval arrangement in street names such as Shoemaker Row, Cordwainer Street, Butter Row, etc.

23The word is of Roman imperial origin, cf. Etym. xiv. 2. 19; and it is also used in medieval Canon Law. In St. Albert’s cosmography (De nat. loc. iii. 1 ff.; ix. 566 ff.) Italy “is a province” but it also “contains several provinces,” viz., Calabria, Apulia, Romana, Emilia, Tuscia, Lombardia. Likewise, Spain is a province and “has several provinces and kingdoms.” See St. Thomas’ use of the word in II Sent. 10. 1. 3 ad 3; IV Sent. 24. 3. 2. sol. 3; S. II-II, Q. 40, A. 1. Nothing is very definite about this notion except that, at any rate, a province is part of a greater and more comprehensive whole. The word is therefore characteristic of a properly medieval type of political thinking which still retains the memory of the Roman Empire. It was soon to be cast out of the political vocabulary; see De pot. reg. et pap. i. 1.

24“Antonomasia” is the figure of speech by which a generic predicate is used to designate an individual because it belongs to this individual in an eminent degree; e.g., Rome is the city (S. II-II, Q. 125, A. 2); divine truth is the truth (C.G. i. 1.).

25Eth. viii. 12; In Eth. viii. 10.

26Eccles. v. 8.

CHAPTER TWO

1C.G. i. 42; iv. 76; S. I, Q. 103, A. 3. This idea is characteristic of Hellenistic political philosophy, according to which the main function of the King-Saviour is considered to be the establishment of order and peace. Cf. P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-rö mische Kultur, pp. 143 ff. Also De civ. Dei xix. 12 ff.; De div. nom. xi.

2Eth. iii. 5; In Eth. iii. 8; C.G. iii. 146; In Matth. xii. 2. In thus tracing back to Aristotle the idea that peace is the chief social good, St. Thomas was misled by the fact that the Latin text of the Ethics translated the Greek eunomia (good laws well obeyed) by peace.

3Ephes. iv. 3.

4C.G. iv. 76; S. I, Q. 103, A. 3.

5In Eth. viii. 10.

6Phys. ii. 2.

7Jerem. xii. 10.

8Ezech. xxxiv. 24; Jerem. xxx. 21.

CHAPTER THREE

1Eth. viii. 12; In Eth. viii. 10.

2Eth. viii. 12.

3De div. nom. iv. 30; R.P. iii. 22.

4Prov. xxix. 4.

5Ezech. xxii. 27.

6Ecclus. ix. 18.

7In Latin: praedicti tyranni. § 27 is a reproduction of Aristotle’s account of the traditional tyrant’s policy of repression, “many of whose characteristics are supposed to have been instituted by Periander of Corinth; but many may also be derived from the Persian government” (Pol. v. 11). It is perhaps not unreasonable to think of the possibility that St. Thomas’ original carried a mention of Periander and the Persian tyrants. On this supposition it would be easier to explain the surprising reference to names or persons which have not been mentioned.

8Although there is no doubt about the fact that Pol. v. 11 is the source of this section, yet the text cannot be shown to depend literally on this source. Cf. Susemihl, ed., Aristotelis Politicorum libri octo cum vetusta translatione Guilelmi de Moerbeka, pp. 573-579. A disturbing feature of this paraphrase is that the author makes if a point of the tyrant’s policy to “forbid marriage.” No trace of such a prohibition is to be found in Aristotle’s account or its medieval version. St. Thomas is usually very accurate even in the most trifling details of his quotations.

9Job XV. 21.

10Eth. ii. 1; In Eth. ii. 1; S. I-II, Q. 95, A. 1, pp. 55 ff.

11Eth. iii. 11; In Eth. iii. 16.

12Tusc. disp. 1, 2, 4.

13Coloss. iii. 21.

14Prov. xxviii. 12.

15Ibid., xxix. 2.

16Ibid., xxviii. 28.

17Ibid., 15.

CHAPTER FOUR

1De civ. Dei v. 12; Bel. Cat. vi. 7.

2Ibid.

3 This and the subsequent propositions are taken from De civ. Dei iii. 19 (Livy xxvi. 36). The golden bulla is an ornament of the noble or rich Roman youth, consisting of a lenticular plate which was worn hanging upon the breast: Pauly-Wissowa III. 1048.

4Cf. De civ. Dei v. 12.

5I Kings iii. 18.

6Ibid., xii. 12, 13.

CHAPTER FIVE

1Cf. Pol. v. 12.

2St. Thomas may here be thinking of the Italian city-republics, where an originally oligarchic constitution was often superseded by the one-man rule and the despotism of a faction-chief, i.e., a Podestà or a Captain (head of either the popolo or the militia). Ezzelino, the Podestà of Padua, who exiled the Dominican Bishop Bartolomeo di Breganza, was Aquinas’ contemporary. See Cambridge Medieval History IV, pp. 178 ff., 875 ff.

3On St. Thomas’ whole doctrine of the superiority of kingship see Gilson, Thomisme, pp. 455 ff.

CHAPTER SIX

1I Kings xiii. 14.

2Cf. S. I-II, Q. 105, A. 1, pp. 86 ff. Carlyle (A History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West, vol. V, p. 94) correctly observes that, if these remarks had been completed, it would have been under terms similar to those on which in the Summa, loc. cit., a mixed constitution is recommended. For a different interpretation see McIlwain, The Growth of Political Thought in the West, pp. 330 ff.

3A similar problem is discussed in II Sent. 44. 2. 2, and S. II-II, Q. 42, A. 2 ad 3; cf. also S. II-II, Q. 64, A. 3. For the history of this problem see Carlyle loc. cit., vol. I, pp. 147 ff., 161 ff., vol. III, pp. 115 ff. The considerations of the present chapter should also be read against the background of the history of the Italian Communes in the thirteenth century; see Cambridge Medieval History VI, pp. 179 ff.

4Val. Max. Fact. vi. 2. Ext. 2 (Spec. Hist. iii. 73).

5Cf. Policrat. viii. 18, 20.

6Judges iii. 14 ff. See Policrat. viii. 20.

7I Pet. ii. 18, 19.

8Acta Sanctorum Septembris, vol. VI, 308 ff.

9IV Kings xiv. 5, 6.

10Prov. xx. 26.

11Chron. ii; De civ. Dei v. 12.

12Chron. ii; De vir. illus. i. 9. See also De civ. Dei. v. 21.

13De bello lud. ii. 80 ff., 93, 111. Archelaus, however, was not exiled to Lugdunum (Lyons) by Tiberius, but to “Vienna (Vienne), a town in Gaul” by Augustus (Ibid., 111; Chron. ii; Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, In Ev. xxiv; Spec. Hist. vi. 103). St. Thomas was probably misled by the Glossa Ordinaria, In Matth. ii. 22. The above statement, however, is somewhat puzzling in view of what Aquinas has said in Catena Aurea; In Matth. ii. 10, and in the commentary to St. Matthew ii. 4.

14Ps. ix. 10.

15Cf. Esther xv. 11.

16Prov. xxi. 1.

17See Esther.

18Dan. iv. 34.

19Ecclus. x. 17.

20Exod. xiv. 23-28.

21Dan. iv. 30.

22Isa. lix. 1.

23Ibid., xiv. 3.

24Ezech. xxxiv. 10.

25Moral. l. 25, 16; Sentent. iii. 48. 11; II Sent. 33. 1. 2 ad 5; S. II-II, Q. 108, A. 4 ad 1.

26Osee xiii. 11.

27Job xxxiv. 30.

CHAPTER SEVEN

1Val. Max. Fact. iv. 7. Ext. 1; Spec. Doctr. v. 84.

2Cf. Eth. viii. 12; In Eth. viii. 12; III Sent. 29. 6; De Perf. xiii; S. II-II, Q. 23, A. 5, et al.

3Div. Iul. 67.

4Div. Aug. 59.

5Prov. xxix. 14.

6For instance Manegold of Lautenbach, Ad Gebhardum Liber, p. 365; See McIlwain, op. cit., p. 210. For other authors see Carlyle, op. cit., vol. III, pp. 130 ff. See above § 49, pp. 190 ff.

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