vi. Montanism . , : 2 : : j
INTRODUCTION
regeneration.
Inthe concluding paragraph of Adv. Prax. he seems to say that the purpose of the Incarnation was the revelation of the divine Trinity: this might have been cause enough, since it is only through the Son and in the Holy Spirit that the Father will consent to be worshipped.
But the Incarnation, having a redemptive purpose, has a bearing on man's status and forma as well as on his knowledge, and of that fact Tertullian was not ignorant:
De carne Christi, 17: haec est nativitas nova, dum homo nascitur in deo. in quo homine deus natus est carne antiqui seminis suscepta sine semine antiquo, ut illam novo semine, id est spiritaliter, reformaret exclusis antiquitatis sordibus expiatam.
The new birth takes place when manhood is born in God.
In this manhood God was born, taking to him flesh of the ancient seed without the agency of the ancient seed, so that by new seed (that is, spiritually) he might reshape it, having first by sacrifice expelled the ancient defilements.
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VI. MONTANISM
The authors of most ancient heresies alleged that they had discovered (or inherited by a secret tradition) the authentic teaching of our Lord, which the apostolic Churches had either corrupted or failed to receive.
Montanism frankly claimed to be a new revelation supplementing the original Gospel given to the Apostles, and by them to the Church.
Montanus had been a priest of Cybele, whose disreputable bands of dervishes were a byword even among the heathen.!
After he became a Christian he began (or continued) to have ecstatic visions, in consequence of which he declared himself the agent of the third and final revelation.
The movement spread from Phrygia to the neighbouring provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia and Syria, in all of which it survived as late as the sixth century.
It just failed to obtain a footing in Rome.
Apparently about 180 the brethren in Gaul, hearing of the various opinions which were held concerning the prophecies of Montanus, Alcibiades and Theodotus, sent letters expressing their own judgement and expounding letters written in prison by their martyrs, to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia and to Eleutherus, bishop of Rome (177-192), Ths Tov 1 So Appuleius, and his imitator [pseudo-]Lucian: the former at least had no objection to religion, even if only moderately respectable.
76 | TERTULLIAN'S TREATISE AGAINST PRAXEAS
exkhyoav eipyvyns éveka mpeao[Bevovres.
Eleutherus, according to Tertullian,? refused to countenance the movement; but some twenty years later Victor, ignorant of his predecessor's policy, or preferring to disregard it, was inclined to approve of the prophets, until Praxeas arrived in Rome and, while giving him fresh information to their discredit, reminded him of his predecessor's ruling; whereupon he changed his mind.
At the beginning of the third century there were many Montanists in proconsular Africa, of whom the most notable was Tertullian: possibly the martyrs Felicity and Perpetua belonged to the sect.?
In the fourth century there were great numbers of them in Constantinople.
There is some evidence that the "spiritual gifts", which were so impressive (though so potentially troublesome) a characteristic of apostolic Christianity, had by no means disappeared by the end of the second century.
Tertullian in his pre-Montanist days appears to say that the existence of prophets in the Church is a proof that it is the true Church, as opposed to Marcion's church which cannot produce prophets.* Certainly St Irenaeus knew of the existence of the whole galaxy of apostolic charismata: his words are:
In his name his true disciples, receiving grace from him, accomplish for the benefit of other men as each one of them has received from him the gift. Some with finality and truth drive out devils, so that oftentimes those who have been cleansed: from evil spirits even become believers, and are in the Church.
Some also have foreknowledge of things to come, ar.d visions, and prophetic narrations.
Some by the imposition of hands ! Eusebius, H.E. v. 3. On this passage of Eusebius, Valesius has a curious note, in which (a) he conjectures that the advice given to the Asiatic brethren was to treat the prophets kindly by exhorting them to repentance, and if they should return to their senses admitting them to the Church; but if they should remain pertinacious in their error to cut them off from the Church : and (b) he affirms that the Gallic Churches in this matter studied to respect the prerogatives of the Roman bishop, so that by his authority the Asiatic dissension might be set at rest.
This is almost the opposite of the truth: the language of Eusebius leaves it at least possible that the advice of the Gallic
Churches was to allow the ** prophecy ", and he clearly states that these Churches were not asking for the Pope's ruling but giving him theirs, or rather that of their martyrs.
2 Tertullian, Adv. Prax. 1.
3 J. A. Robinson, Texts and Studies, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 6. 51.
4 Tertullian, Adv. Marc. v.15.
The above is probably his meaning: but there is just a chance that by the Church's prophets he means the Old Testament prophets, whom Marcion repudiated.
INTRODUCTION
| 7] heal the sick and restore them whole.
And, as I have said, it has been known for dead men to be raised, and to remain with us a number of years.
Indeed it is not possible to tell the number of the charismata which the Church in all the world, by the gift of God, in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, accomplishes every day for the benefit of the gentiles, neither deceiving any nor exacting a price: for as it has freely received from God, freely it also ministers.
It is therefore hardly correct to represent Montanism as an attempt to restore spirituality to a lifeless Church, or to revive the Church's latent spiritual powers.
"There seems to have been something pathological about the movement from the beginning.
The writers quoted by Eusebius,? who were acquainted with the immediate disciples of Montanus, and give the impression of being observant men, without apparent collusion concur in this.
One of them, Miltiades the apologist, writes:
The false prophet speaks in artificial ecstasy, which produces boldness and lack of restraint: he begins with a voluntary ignorance, and ends in an involuntary madness of the soul.
The writings of Montanus and his adherents consisted chiefly of collections of prophecies, which have disappeared except for a few quotations.
The Church writers ? say that, apparently about 170, Montanus, who was accompanied by two women named
Prisca and Maximilla, claimed to be the organ of the revelation of "the Paraclete.
Apparently he made a distinction between the Holy Spirit who came at Pentecost, and the Paraclete promised
1 Trenaeus, Haer. ii. 49.3.
His judgement on Montanism is given at iii.
11. 12, where Zahn, without MS. authority, has altered the text to make Irenaeus favour the Montanists.
According to Harvey's text he appears to be criticising the sect (without naming them) for rejecting St John's Gospel because it records our Lord's promise to send the Paraclete, for denying that prophecy exists within the Church, and for separating themselves from the Church on that account.
He suggests that in consistency with themselves they ought to reject St Paul, seeing that in the epistle to the Corinthians he speaks of the prophetic charismata and is aware of both men and women prophesing in the Church.
Irenaeus, it appears, approves of prophecy, but not when it calls itself ** new "', or rejects one of the four Gospels, or goes into schism.
2 Eusebius, H.E. v. 3 and 16-19.
3 The references are collected by Bonwetsch, Kleine Texte, no. 129. . The writers are (a) contemporaries of Montanus, or nearly so, viz. Irenaeus : Gaius,
Apollinarius, Miltiades, Apollonius, Sarapion (these five quoted by Eusebius) :
Hippolytus : Origen : Tertullian : (b) in the fourth century, PseudoTertullian,
Epiphanius, Philastrius, Didymus, Jerome.
I have not been able to consult de Labriolle, La Crise montaniste.
TERTULLIAN'S TREATISE AGAINST PRAXEAS
by our Lord (John 14. 16)—a promise only now being fulfilled.
This explains the statements that the Montanists accept the Old and New Testaments and (like the Church) believe in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and the resurrection of the dead; but that they blaspheme when they say that the Apostles indeed
. had the Holy Spirit, but that the Paraclete said more and better and greater things in Montanus than Christ revealed in the Gospel.
'There is no need to believe that Montanus himself claimed to be the Paraclete: such a saying as I am the Lord
God Almighty come down into a man"! was probably to be understood as the voice of the Paraclete speaking in the prophet.
'The most notorious of his prophecies was that New Jerusalem would shortly come down from heaven and settle on a certain mountain-top near the obscure village of Pepusa in Phrygia: from that place Christ would reign on earth for a thousand years, and after that the end would come.
In expectation of that millennium multitudes of people collected at Pepusa and at the neighbouring village of Tymium, and Montanism became the occasion of a good deal of unhealthy religious excitement.
This excitement was one of the grounds of complaint against Montanus and his prophetesses.
Other criticisms were that through excess of asceticism they separated husbands and wives, and instituted additional fasts besides those prescribed by the Church.?
Montanus organised a system of church dues, with collectors who had power to demand payment, as well as making additional demands under the guise of "freewill offerings". He paid his preachers a fixed salary, and (most shocking of all) some of his preachers were women.?
The prophetesses wore fine clothes and jewels, and used cosmetics, and Montanist preachers had been known to play at dice, dye their hair, and lend money on usury.
The heads of the Montanist ministry were the patriarchs, ! Quoted by Epiphanius, Haer., 48. 11, from the Montanist collection of prophecies.
* This and the following are from Apollonius (ap. Euseb. loc. cit.), who wrote forty years after the beginning of the movement.
The Church fast days were Wednesdays and Fridays: the Montanists extended the Friday fast until the evening of Saturday.
At one time apparently the Roman Church adopted this innovation, traces of which survive four times a year at the Ember Days. This and the doctrine of Purgatory (see below) seem to be the only permanent effects of the prophetic movement.
* For this innovation the Montanists cited as precedent the four daughters of Philip the Evangelist.
The Church writers replied that there is no evidence that they or Miriam or Deborah or Hannah or Huldah or the blessed Virgin
Mary ever prophesied in public, though all of these were prophetesses.
INTRODUCTION
whose seat was at Pepusa, under whom were officials known as "fellows" (kowwvoi), so that the bishops were reduced to insignificance.!
According to Hippolytus? one section of the Montanists (not apparently very numerous) adopted the heresy of Noetus: Didymus and Jerome accuse Montanists in general of Sabellianism, which may have been true in the fourth century, but certainly was not true in the second and third.
It was also pointed out that after the death of Montanus and Prisca and Maximilla the sect ceased to give evidence of prophetic powers: though since Montanus had professed to be the last of the prophets, this is hardly a legitimate complaint.?
Such was Montanism in the eyes of its opponents.
But there can be no doubt that Tertullian was too great a man to have become a member of a sect of mere freaks, and we must surmise that the New Prophecy as it reached Africa was in many respects a different thing from the movement in its original home.
Tertullian would have had no toleration for women preachers.
Moreover, he was in no sense unorthodox, and nowhere makes any claim that the new prophecy supersedes the apostolic faith: rather he says that it confirms and illuminates the old faith, while it imposes a new and more stringent moral code. Nor is he likely
1 Jerome, Epistle 41.
? Hippolytus, Philos. viii. 19. Montanists in general róv uév marépa ràv b\w Oedv kai mávrwv kríoTwyv omotws TH €kkNgoíg ÓpoXoyoüc. Kal boa Td evayyédAtoy epi
ToÜ Xpiorod ,waprupel, Kawwifovor.
0& vyorelas kai éopràs Kal inpopaylas xai papavogayias, dáckovres brs TOv yuvaluv dediddxGar. tives 0€ avray Tj TÓV Nonriavav aipécer cuvriépevor tov marépa abrüv elvac tov vidy AMéyovot, xai ToÜrov brd yéverw kal máÜ0os kal Odvarov édydrvOdvar.
Pseudo-Tertullian, Adv. omn. haer. 7, names the former sect Cata Proclum, the latter Cata Aeschinem.
3 For completeness the following information is recorded.
Gaius, during the episcopate of Zephyrinus, composed a dialogue against Proclus, then leader of the sect, in which he rebuked their boldness and rashness in composing new scriptures.
An unnamed author, writing thirty years after the death of Maximilla, says that after much consideration the Asiatic bishops expelled the prophets from the Church : he has stories (which he does not know whether to credit) that Montanus and afterwards Maximilla hanged themselves, and that 'Theodotus, practising levitation with the help of an evil spirit, fell to the earth and was killed.
This author quotes Miltiades, who wrote fourteen years after the death of Maximilla, rept rod uy detv mpopyrny év ékcráce: dadetv (in which occurs the sentence quoted above, p. 77).
Apollonius said that Prisca and Maximilla had deserted their husbands: that a certain Themiso bought his release from prison and then boasted of his confessorship, and had the audacity to write a catholic epistle as though he were an apostle : that Alexander, a famous confessor of theirs, was a man of bad life and rapacious habits, but that the prophet during many years' companionship never found him out: and that a certain Zoticus tried to exorcise Maximilla's evil spirit but was prevented by her adherents.
Serapion, Bishop of Antioch, tells this last story, but of Priscilla.
TERTULLIAN'S TREATISE AGAINST PRAXEAS
to have thought that the millennial reign of Christ would be established at an obscure barbarian village: he probably expected that the New Jerusalem would descend upon Mount Zion, as did many others of quite unimpeached orthodoxy.
His view is that so long as the Rule of the Faith is not infringed, other matters. of discipline and order admit of corrective innovation, "since the grace of God operates and progresses unto the end".
Is it reasonable, he asks, that while the devil is always active to invent devices of iniquity, God's works should have come to an end and progress ceased?
It is for no other reason that the Lord has sent the Paraclete, ''so that, since human infirmity could not receive all things at once, discipline might be by degrees directed and ordered and brought to perfection by the Lord's deputy the Holy
Spirit... . For what is the administration of the Paraclete except this, that discipline is directed, the Scriptures are revealed, understanding is reformed, and progress is made? . . . In this way also righteousness was first rudimentary, fearing God by nature: then through the law and the prophets it moved forward to infancy: thereafter through the Gospel it bubbled up into youth: now through the Paraclete it is settling down to maturity."
Before this new revelation Church custom must prove its validity, or else give way: dominus noster Christus veritatem se, non consuetudinem, cognominavit.?
Tertullian is quite unaware of the existence of a Noetian group among the Montanists.
"The new prophecies", he says, "are set at nought, not because Montanus and Prisca and Maximilla preach another god, or because they 'resolve Jesus Christ'
(1 John 4. 3), or because they subvert any rule of faith and hope, but because they specifically teach men to fast more often than they marry."'® Again, "for no other reason are they compelled to deny the Paraclete, than because they regard him as the establisher of a new discipline, and one very grievous to themselves". Quoting John 16. 12, 13, "I have yet many things to say ... he will guide you into all truth", he remarks, "He sufficiently indicates that the Paraclete will do things which may be
1 Cf. De res. carn, 22, where he discusses the Lucan apocalypse (maintaining that on scriptural evidence there can be no resurrection until the Lord's coming), without any reference to the new prophecy, and pointing out that there are yet no signs of the approach of the end.
He appears to have disregarded this aspect of Montanist teaching.
2 De virg. vel. 1.
* De ieiunio, 1.
INTRODUCTION
regarded as new .
. and sometimes burdensome".
Is it then possible for every burdensome discipline to be ascribed to the Paraclete, whatever its source?
Certainly not: for false prophets always begin by falsifying the faith, quae prior est disciplina, whereas the Paraclete always glorifies Christ.
In this vexed question of "second marriages, "why should not the Paraclete have taken away the permission which Paul granted?
Hardness of heart reigned even unto Christ: let infirmity of the flesh end its reign at the dispensation of the Paraclete." ? Moreover, this discipline is not entirely new: there is a sense in which, even in ethical matters, the Paraclete is potius restitutor quam institutor?
This is a sufficiently large claim. Before he became a Montanist Tertullian had declared that the existence of prophecy in the Church, or the Church's possession of the Scriptures of the prophets, proved it to be the true Church, in contrast with Marcion's church, which had no prophets.
As a Montanist he seceded from the Church of Carthage, of which possibly he had been a presbyter. He now speaks with contempt of its members: they are psychic, the natural men, who cannot understand the things of the Spirit of God, while the Montanists are the spiritual men, who understand all things.
But when we ask what was this new revelation of which he makes so much, we meet with some disappointment.
Certainly it demanded the adoption (or, if you will, the restoration) of a stringent moral code, by which second marriages were to be forbidden and there was to be no remission of capital sins: for the Paraclete is supposed to have said, by one of the prophets, "The Church can forgive the sin, but I will not do it, lest they also commit other sins".*
On doctri att * he claims to be zzstructior per paracletum: but of specific facts all that he mentions are the doctrine of purgatory (which he indicates was a Montanist innovation),° the elucidation of scriptural obscurities (he does not state which),® the three illustrations of 1 De monogamia, 2.
; .
2 Ibid. 14: regnavit duritia cordis usque ad Christum, regnaverit et infirmitas carnis usque ad paracletum.
3 Ibid. 3.
4 De pud. 21: ipsum paracletum in prophetis novis habeo dicentem, Potest ecclesia donare delictum, sed non faciam, ne et alia delinquant.
é 5 De anima, 55:
Perpetua fortissima martyr sub die passionis in revelatione paradisi solos illic commartyres suos vidit .
. habes etiam de paradiso a nobis libellum, quo constituimus omnem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem domini : ibid. 58 omnes ergo animae penes inferos .
. . supplicia iam illic et refrigeria.
* De res. carn., 63.
F \