Select Letters (continued)

Select Letters (continued)

CHRONOLOGY

354. Augustine born at Tagaste, November 13. 361-363. Julian Emperor. 370. Studies at Carthage. 374. Ambrose becomes bishop of Milan. 376. Teaches rhetoric at Carthage. The Goths cross the Danube. 379-395. Reign of Theodosius. 383. Goes to Rome. 384. Appointed public teacher of rhetoric at Milan. 386. His conversion (July or August). 387. Returns to Milan after a period of retirement at Cassiciacum. Is baptized by St. Ambrose. Sets out for Africa with Monnica, his mother, who dies at Ostia. Returns to Rome. 388. Returns to Africa (July or August). 388-391. Selling his patrimony at Tagaste, Augustine adopts a monastic mode of life with some friends. 391. Ordained presbyter at Hippo Regius. 394. Ordained bishop-coadjutor. 396. On Valerius's death, he becomes sole bishop. 397. Death of St. Ambrose. c. 400. Writes the Confessions. 402-403. Prudentius in Rome. 406. The Germans cross the Rhine. 407. The Roman legions withdrawn from Britain. 408. Death of Claudian. Execution of Stilicho. 410. Sack of Rome by Alaric, August 23. 411. Conference at Carthage with the Donatists (June). 412. First writings agamst the Pelagians. 420. Death of Jerome. 425-455. Valentian HI. Emperor in the West. 426. Augustine nominates his coadjutor as successor.

427. Revolt of Count Boniface. 429. The "\^andals enter Africa and besiege Hippo. 430. Death of Augustine, August 28. 431. Death of Paulinus of Nola. 439. The Vandals capture Carthage. xliii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

See, in general, the bibliograpliies in M. Schanz, Geschichte der romischen Litteratur, iv. 2 (Munich, 1920), pp. 454-457 ; Otto Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirch Uchen Literatur iv. (Freiburg-im-Breisgaii, 1924), pp. 497-500 ; Bihliotheque Nationale : Catalogue des ouvrages de s. Augustin conserves au departement des imprimes (Extrait du tome v du Catalogue general) (Paris, 1901) ; Paul Monceaux, Histoire litteraire de VAfrique chretienne, tome vii " Saint Augustin et le Donatisme " (Paris, 1923), pp. 129146 (" Lettres d'Augustin relatives au Donatisme ") and pp. 279-286 ("Tableau chronologique des lettres d'Augustin relatives au Donatisme "). The longer studies of St. Augustine may often be consulted with advantage, especially that by Portalie in the Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique,\o\. i., cols. 2268-2472, but on the whole they pay little attention to the letters. The best recent,general bibliography of studies on Augustine is that of Etienne Gilson, " Bibliographie des principaux travaux relatifs a la philosophic de saint Augustin jusqu'en 1927," which forms pp. 309-331 of his Introduction a I'etude de Saint Augustin (Paris, 1929).

I. Manuscripts Owing to the great number and variety of the manuscripts, no account of them can be attemj)ted here. For full information see Goldbacher's fifth volume {Corpus Scriptorum Eccl. Lat., vol. Iviii. : *S'. Augustini Epistulae, pars V. Vienna-Leipzig, 1923), pp. xi-lxxx, which supersedes his early study, " Ueber d. Handschriften der Briefe xliv

BIBLIOGRAPHY

des hi. Augustinus " {Sitzungsherichte der ki. Akad. Wien

Hist.-Phil. Klasse. Bd. Ixxiv. (1873) pp. 275-284). For manuscripts of recently discovered letters see Morin, under " Editions," below, and for an English manuscript see Cowper, H. S., "A thirteenth - century manuscript of the Epistolae of St. Augustine, formerly belongmg to Conishead Priory " {Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, N.S. vol. 27, 1926-7? pp. 48-53).

There is an interesting paper by Henri Bordier, " Restitution d'un manuscrit du VP siecle mi-parti entre Paris et Geneve, contenant des lettres et des sermons de S. Augustin " {Memoires et documents de la Societe d'histoire de Geneve, tome xvi., 1869, pp. 82-126 ; also in Etudes paleographiques et lustoriques, bv L. Delisle, A. Rillier, H.

Bordier, Geneve et Bale, 1866).'

II. Editions

The earliest editions (Johannes de Amerbach, 1493

Erasmus, 1528, 1569) possess only a bibliographical interest. The editors of the Louvain edition of the complete works of Augustine (1576) added 29 new letters, some of which are found also as anecdota in the Supplementum to Augustine by Hieronymus Vignier (Paris, 1654-1655). A separate edition of the Letters was given in 1668 by L. F. Reinhart, who added seven more to the corpus. But an epoch-making recension and re-arranging appeared just a hundred years later, in the edition of the complete works prepared by the Benedictines of St. Maur. They added 16 letters, making a total of 270, of which number 53 were addressed to Augustine, the remainder being written by him, sometimes in conjunction with others. These 270 the Maurist editors arranged in four groups, as nearly chronological as they could place them. The first (Epp. i.-xxx.) belongs to the years before his elevation to episcopal rank (a.d. 386-395) ; the second (Epp. xxxi.-cxxiii.) to the years 396-410 ; the third (Epp. cxxiv.-ccxxxi.) xlv

BIBLIOGRAPHY

from 411-430 ; and the last group (Epp. ccxxxii.-cclxx.) contams the letters that cannot be dated.

The Maurist edition was several times reprinted, the best-known reprint being that of Gaiime (Paris, 1836). Goldbacher's edition began to appear in 1895, after twentytwo years of preparation ; in the Vienna Corpus Scriptorum Eccl. Latinorum it forms vols. 34 (parts 1 and 2, containing Epp. i.-xxx. and xxxi.-cxxiii., 1895, 1898), 44 (part 3, Epp. cxxiv.-clxxxiv., 1904) and 57 (Epp. clxxv.-cclxx., 1911). The final volume, contauiing prefaces and indices, was not issued untU 1923, fifty years after the editor had begun his long task.

Meanwhile, the original corpus of 270 letters had been increased by several fortunate, if meagre, discoveries. Goldbacher inserted between Epp. clxx. and clxxi. a portion of a letter preserved in the Commentary of Primasius on the Apocalypse ; this fragment was reedited after Goldbacher by Haussleiter in Zahn's Forschungen zur Geschichte d. neutest. Kanons, fasc. iv. (Erlangen, 1891) ; and also twO letters (Epp. clxxxiv. and ccii.A) published by G. Bessel in 1732 and 1733. Further, Goldbacher found two letters (Epp. xcii.A and clxxiii.A) Avhich he first published in Wieyier Studien, Bd. xvi.

(1894) pp. 72-77In the Revue Benedictine, vol. xiii.

(1896) pp. 481-486, Dom Germain Morin published the text of an unprinted letter addressed to Valentinus, abbot of Hadrumetum (see No. 50 infra), of which, by the discovery of another manuscript, he was able to give a better text in the same review, vol. xviii. (1901) pp. 241-244. This letter has unfortunately found no place in Goldbacher's edition.

In the present year two small volumes have been announced (.S. Eusehii Hieronymi et Aurelii Augustini epistulae mutuae, ed. Jos. Schmid, and S. Aurelii Augustini liber de videndo Deo, seu Epistula 11^7, ed. Michael Schmans = Florilegium Patristicum, Nos. xxii. and xxiii.). Of these only the second has ayjpeared at the time of going to press ; it is a faithful reproduction of Goldbacher's text, with a slight introduction and the minimum of textual notes. xlvi

BIBLIOGRAPHY

III. Translations

(a) English

Letters of Saint Augustine. Translated by the Rev. J. G. Cunningliam. Edinburgh, 1872-1875. 2 vols. Pp. 440, 480. [Contams 160 letters. An American edition was published by Scribners.] Letters of St. Augustine. Selected and translated by Mary H. Allies. London, 1890. Pp. 342. [Contains 33 letters.]

(b) French

Epistres choisies de S. Augusfin, traduites en frangois par

Monsieur Giry. Paris, 1653. Les Epistres choisies de S. Aiigustin, mises en fran9ois par le sieur Picard de La Cande. Paris, 1653. 8vo. Les Lettres de saint Augustin, traduites en francois sur

I'edition nouvelle des Peres Benedictins . . . (par Ph. Goibaud Du Bois). Paris, 1684. 2 vols., folio. [There was an edition of 1684 in 6 vols. 8vo, and later editions in 1701, 1707, 1718, 1737.] Lettres nouvelles de saint Augustin, traduites en francois [par dom J. Martin], accompagnees de notes critiques, historiques et chronologiques. Paris, 1734. 8vo. Lettres de saint Augustin, traduites en francais et precedees d'une introduction, par M. Poujoulat. Paris, 1858. 4 vols., 8vo. La Vie heureuse. Lettres choisies de S. Augustin. Orleans, 1873. 16mo.

(c) German

Kranzfelder, Th. Augustinus. Ausgewdhlte Briefe. Kempten, 1878-1879. 2 vols. (Bibliothek der Kirchenviiter.) Hoffmann, Alfred. Des hi. Augustinus ausgeivdhlte Briefe. Kempten and Munich, 1917. 2 vols. Pp. 484, 440. (Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, 29, 30.) [A revision of Kranzfelder.] xlvii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

{d) Italian

S. Agostbw. Lettere scelte e di altri a lui scritte fra cut di

S. Gerolamo. Torino, 1871-1873. 2 vols.

Agostino. Lettere ococcciii. Traduzione di Giov. Neapoli. Torino, 1887. Pp. xxxii. + 272.

IV. Studies

(a) GENERAL

Banks, J. S. " Augustine as seen in his letters " {Loiidon Quarterly Review, vol. ccxi., 1914, pp. 86-97). de Bruyne, Donatien. " Notes sur les lettres de s. Augustin " {Revue Benedictine, t. xxiii, 1927, pp. 523-

530). Dubelman, J. F. P. Das Heidenthum in Nordafrika nach den Briefen des hi. Augustinus. Bonn, 1859, 4to. Pp. 26.

Ginzel, J. A. " Der Geist des hi. Augustinus in seinen Briefen," in his Kirchenhistorische Schri/ten, Bd. i. OVien, 1872) pp. 123-245. Karsten, H. T. " De brieven van den kerkvader Augustinus " (Verslagen en mededeelingen d. k. Akad. van Wetenschappen, Vierde Reeks, Tiende Deel, 1911, pp. 226-258). [On Neoplatonic influences in the Letters.] Montgomery, W. " Augustine's correspondence," in his ;S. Augustine : Aspects of his life and thought. London, 1914, pp. 66-98. Moorrees, F. D. De Organisatie van de christelike Kerk van Noord-Afrika in het licht van de brieven van Augustinus. Groningen-Hagne, 1926. Pp. 122. Parsons, Wilfrid. A Study of the Vocabulary and Rhetoric of the Letters of St. Augustine. Washington, 1923. Pp. 281.

[See my review in Bulletin Du Cange, t. i., 1924-5. Pp. 251-254.] xlviii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sparrow-Sinipson, ^y. J. The Lettprs of St. Ainjustine. London, 1919. Pp. 336. Tliinime, W. Auguthi : Eln Lehensund Characterbild, auf Grund seiner Br'iefe. Gottingen, 1910. Pp. 206.

SPECIAL (1) On Augustine s Correspondence with Jerome

Barberiis, Philippe de. Discordantiae SS. Hieronymi et Augustini. Rome, 1481. Bindesboll, Severiii. August inus et Hieronymus de s. Scriptura ex Hebraeo interpretanda disputantes. Copenhagen, 1825. Dufey, A. " Controverse entre s. Jerome et s. Angustin d'apres lem-s lettres " {Revue du Clerge francais, tome XXV., 1901, pp. 141-149). Dorsch, Aem. " St. Augustinus und Hieronymus iiber die Wahrheit der biblischen Geschichte " {Zeitschrift fur Katholische Theologie, 1911, pp. 421-448. 601-664). Haitjema, Th. " De Briefwisseling tuischen Augustinus en Hieronymus " {Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, vol. xxxvi., 1921, pp. 1.59-198). Malfatti, E. " Una controversia tra S. Agostino e S. Girolamo " {La Scuola Cattolica. 1921, pp. 321-338, 402-

426). Mohler, J. A. " Hieronymus und Augustinus im Streit iiber Gal. 2. 14 " in his Gesammelte Schri/ien und Aufsdtze, Bd. i., Regensburg, 1839, pp. 1-18, Overbeck, F. Cebpr die Aujfassung des Streites des Paulus mit Petrus in Antiochen hei den Kirchenmtern. Basel, 1877.

" Aus dem Briefwechsel des Augustinus mit Hieronymus " {Historische Zeitschrift, Bd. vi., 1879, pp. 222-

259). Tourscher, F. E. " The Correspondence of St. Augustine and St. Jerome " {American Ecclesiastical Review, 1917, vol. Ivii. pp. 476-492, 1918, vol. Iviii. pp. 45-56). xlix

BIBLIOGRAPHY

(2) 071 Particular Letters Epp. xvi.-xvii, :

Baxter, J. H. " The Martyrs of Madaura, a.d. 180 "

of Theological Studies, vol. xxvi., 1924, pp. 21-37). Beyerhaus, Gisbert. " Philosophische Aussetzungen in Augiistins Briefen " {Rheinisches Museum, N.F. vol.

Ixxv., 1926, pp. 6-45). Usener, H. " Vergessenes " {Rheinisches Museum, N.F. vol. xxviii., 1873, pp. 407-409).

Ep. xxvi. :

Zelzner, M. De carmine Licentii ad Augustinum.

(Dissertation.) Arnsberg, Westphalia, 1915.

Ep. xxviii. 6 : Weyman, Carl, " Infinitiv auf -uiri bei Augustin "

{Archiv fur lat. Leocikographie u. Grammatik, vol. ix., 1896, p. 492).

Ep. xli. :

Georges, Karl Ernst. " Miscellen " {Jahrhiicher filr class. Philologie, vol. 123, 1881, p. 807).

Ep. xlviii. : The Judgement of the learned and pious St. Augustine concerning penal laws against conventicles and for Unity in Religion. Deliver 'd in his 48th Epistle to Mncentius. London, 1670.

Ep. Ixviii. 2 :

Schenkl, R. " Zu Hieronymus s. Augustinus Epist.

Ixviii., § 2 " {Wiener Studien, Bd. xix, 1897, p. 317).

Ep. xciii. : Herzog, E. " Ein Schreiben Augustins iiber kirchenpolitischen Zwang " {Internat. kirchliche Zeitschrijl, vol. 6, 1916, pp. 1-26). Ep. cii. 6 : Rottmanner, Odilo. " S. Augustin, Epist. 102, 6 "

{Revue Benedictine, tome xvii., 1900, p. 315).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Epp. ciii.-cvi. (also Epp. cli., cliii. 20, cclxviii.) : Martroye, F. " S. Augiistin et la legislation " {Bulletin de la Societe nationale des Antiquaires de France, 1915, pp. 166-168, 223-229 ; 1917, p. 101 ; 1918, pp. 108-

Ep. cxxv. : Daux, C. " Un Incident a la BasHique d'Hippone en 411 " {Revue des Questions Historiques, tome Ixxx., 1906, pp. 31-73).

Ep. clix. :

Toursclier, F. E. " Some letters of St. Augustine. A Study " {American Ecclesiastical Review, 1919, vol.

Ixix. 'pp. 609-625).

Ep. clxiv. :

Hundhausen, L. J. Die beiden Pontificalschreiben des

Apostelfiirstens Petrus. Mainz, 1873, pp. 3-43 ff.

Ep. clxxxix.

Moffatt, J. " St. Augustine's Advice to an Army Officer "

{E.rpositor, vol. xi. series 8, 1916, pp. 409-420).

Ep. ccxi. (The " Rule ") :

The literature on the Rule is too lengthy to be given here, but reference may be made to the article " Regie de S. Augustin " in Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique, vol. 1, cols. 2472-2483, and to an interesting paper by Eliz. Speakman, " The Rule of St. Augustine" in Historical Essays . . . Owens College, Manchester

The following studies are directly concerned with Augustine's letter in itself, not as the foundation-statute of an order.

Baxter, J. H. " St. Augustine's Rule " {Journal of Theological Studies, vol. xx., 1919, pp. 352-355).

[A reply to V. M'Nabb, below.]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baxter, J. H. " On a place in St. Augustine's Rule "

of Theological Studies, vol. xxiii., 1922, pp. 188-190). [On the readijig Deo natis in § 4.] Capelle, B, " L'Epitre 21 P et la Regie de Saint Angustin " (Analecta Praemonstratensia, tome iii., 1927, pp. 369-378). [A criticism of Goldbacher's text.] Lambot, C. "La Regie de s. Augustin et s. Cesaire "

Benedictine, t. xli., 1929, pp. 333-341). McNabb, Vincent. " Was the Rule of St. Augustine. written, for St. Melania the Younger ? " {Journal of Theological Studies, vol. xx., 1919, pp. 242-249). Schroeder, P. " Die Augustinerchorherrenregel : Entstehung, kritischer Text und Einfiihrung der Regel "

{Archiv fiir Urkundenforschung, 1926, pp. 271-306).

Ep. cclxii. :

Lettre de saint Augustin (262™^). Saint Augustin adresse des reproches et des conseils a unefemme mariee. Lvon, 1861. 8vo.

SELECT LETTERS OF

ST. AUGUSTINE

S. AURELI AUGUSTIXI EPISTULAE

No. 1 (Ep. II)

ZENOBIO AUGUSTINUS

Bene inter nos convenit, ut opinor, omnia, quae corporeus sensus adtingit, ne puncto quidem temporis eodem modo manere posse, sed labi, effluere et praesens nihil obtinere, id est, ut latine loquar, non esse. Horum itaque amorem perniciosissimum poenarumque plenissimum vera et divina philosophia monet frenare atque sopire, ut se toto animus, etiam dum hoc corpus agit, in ea, quae semper eiusdem modi sunt neque peregrino pulchro placent, feratur atque aestuet. Quae cum ita sint et cum te veruin ac simplicem, qualis sine ulla solhcitudine amari potes, in semet ipsa mens videat, fatemur tamen congressum istum atque conspectum tuum, cum a nobis corpore discedis locisque seiungeris, quaerere nos eoque, dum licet, cupere fratribus. Quod profecto vitium, si te bene novi, amas in nobis et, cum omnia bona optes carissimis et familiarissimis " Written at Cassiciacum towards the end of 386, while Augustine was still in retirement and immersed in philosophical studies. In these Zenobius was keenly interested, and to him Augustine dedicated the treatise L>e Ordine (a.d. 386). He afterwards became a keeper of public records {magister memoriae Ep. cxvii.).

LETTERS OF ST. AUGUSTINE

Xo. 1 (Ep. II)

AUGUSTINE TO ZENOBIUS'»

We are quite agreed. I think, that everything that is the object of our bodily senses is incapable of remaining a single moment in the same state, but is in motion and transition and possesses no actuality, that is, in plain language, has no real existence. In consequence, true, divine philosophy admonishes us to check and mitigate our affection for such things, as being verv baneful and productive of detriment, so that even while in control of this mortal body, the soul may with intensity and fervour pursue those things that are ever the same and satisfy with no transient charm. Although this is true and although mv mind envisages you in your simple and unalloyed character, as an individual who may be loved M"ithout disquietude, still I must confess that when you are absent in body and distant in space, I miss the pleasure of meeting and seeing you, and desire it, when it can be had, for the brethren. This fault, if I know you aright, you are glad to find in me, and, although you pray for every good thing for your dearest and closest

ST. AUGUSTINE

tuis, ab hoc eos sanare metuis. Si auteni tarn potenti animo es, ut et agnoscere hunc laqueuni et eo captos inridere valeas, ne tu niagnus atque alius. Ego quidem quamdiu desidero absentem, desiderari me volo.

Invigilo tamen, quantum queo, et nitor, ut nihil amem, quod abesse a me invito potest. Quod dum officio, commoneo te interim, qualiscumque sis, inchoatam tecum disputationem perficiendam, si curae nobismet ipsis sumus. Nam eam cum Alypio perfici nequaquam sinerem, etiam si vellet. Non vult autem ; non enim est humanitatis eius non mecum operam dare, ut in quam multis possemus litteris te nobiscum teneamus nescio qua necessitate fugientem.

No. 2 (Ep. IV)

NEBRIDIO AUGUSTINUS

1 Mirum admodum est, quam mihi praeter spem evenerit, quod, cum require, quibus epistulis tuis mihi respondendum remanserit, unam tantum inveni, quae me adhuc debitorem teneret, qua petis, ut tanto nostro otio, quantum esse arbitraris tecum aut nobis- " Alypius was born, like Augustine, at Tagaste, but was slightly younger. He attended Augustine's lectures in Carthage, became a Manichee when he did, followed him to Italy and was present during the struggle that preceded Augustine's conversion. They were baptized together, then shared the monastic life at Tagaste from 391 to 394, when Alypius visited Jerome at Bethlehem. Alypius Ijecame bishop of Tagaste some months before Augustine's elevation to Hippo, and held that post till his death about 430.

Xebridius, born near Carthage, had accompanied Augustine to Rome and Milan, "for no other reason than 4

NO. 1 (Ep. II)—NO. 2 (Ep. IV) friends, you are reluctant to see them cured of it. But if you have attained such strength of mind that you can both discern this pitfall and make mockery of those who have fallen into it, then you are indeed great and different from me, for I want my absent friend to miss me as long as I miss him. Yet, as far as I can, I watchfully strive to set my affections upon nothing that can cause me regret by its absence. Though engaged in this preventive course, I remind you in the meantime, whatever be your state of mind, that we must, if we care for each other, finish the discussion

I had begun Mith you, for I should certainly not allow Alvpius '^ to help in finishing it. even if he wanted to, which he doesn't. His kindly nature would make him second my efforts to keep contact with you by as many letters as I can send, even when your duties drive you farther away from us.

No. 2 (Ep. I\^ (a.d. 387) AUGUSTINE TO NEBRIDIUS

It is quite curious how surprised I am to dis1 cover, on inquiring what letters of yours I have still to answer, that I am in your debt for only one. In it you ask me to tell you what progress I have made, with the abundant leisure you think I have or wish, as that he might live with me in the most ardent pursuit of truth and wisdom " {Confessions, vi. 17). He had not joined the party at Cassiciacum, and this and the following letter show his anxiety to be beside Augustine, sharing his life and studies. He died soon after Augustine's conversion.

ST. AUGUSTINE

cum cupis, iiidicemus tibi, quid in sensibilis atque intellegibilis naturae discernentia profecerimus. Sed non arbitror occultum tibi esse, si falsis opinionibus tanto quisque inseritur magis, quanto magis in eis familiariusque volutatur, multo id facilius in rebus veris animo accidere. Ita tamen paulatim ut per aetatem profieimus. Quippe cum plurimum inter puerum et iuvenem distet, nemo a pueritia cotidie interrogatus se aliquando iuvenem dicet. 2 Quod nolo in eam partem accipias, ut nos in his rebus quasi ad quandam mentis iuventutem firmioris intellegentiae robore pervenisse existimes. Pueri enim sumus, sed, ut dici adsolet, forsitan belli ; et non male. Nam plerumque perturbatos et sensibilium plagarum curis refertos ilia tibi notissima ratiuncula in respirationem levat, mentem atque intellegentiam oculis et hoc vulgari aspectu esse meliorem. Quod ita non esset, nisi magis essent ilia, quae intellegimus, quam ista, quae cernimus. Cui ratiocinationi utrum nihil valide inimicum sit, peto mecum consideres. Hac ego interim recreatus, cum deo in auxilium deprecate et in ipsum et in ea, quae verissime vera sunt, adtolli coepero, tanta non numquam rerum manentium praesumptione compleor, ut mirer interdum ilia mihi opus esse ratiocinatione, ut haec esse credam quae tanta insunt praesentia, quanta sibi quisque ipse fit praesens. Recole tu

This phrase is difficult : I take arbltraris tecum to mean "think within yourself," on the analogy of rogltare tecum (for which see, e.g.^ Vulgate, Gen. xx. 11, Mark xi. 81, etc.), and nobi Hcum cup'ot as "join me in wishing." But XeViridius's desire to share Augustine's monastic life (see infra) makes it possible that nobiscum cupia means " desire to enjoy in my company."

" Or, perhaps, " and the phrase is not inappropriate."

I do, that I had,^ in discriminating between nature as jDerceived by the senses and as known to the intellect.

I think, however, you are not unaware that, if one becomes more thoroughly enmeshed in false opinions the more deeply and familiarly one wallows in them, the same happens much more readily to the mind in things that are real. My progress is gradual, like the advance of age. There is a very great difference between a boy and a mature man, yet no one, if asked each day from boyhood on, will at any given time declare that he has reached maturity.

I don't want you to take this to mean you are 2 to assume that, through the vigour of a more robust understanding. I have attained in such matters a kind of mental maturity. I am still mentally a boy ; let us hope a fine, strapping one, as the phrase goes, but I am not badly off either.^ For generally, when I am unsettled and oppressed with the anxieties arising from the impingement of sensations, I am raised to a fresher atmosphere by this brief reasoning, which you know so well : " The mind and understanding are superior to the eyes and the common faculty of sight. That would not be so, unless the things we conceive were more real than those we perceive." Please examine with me whether there be anything that strongly conflicts with this line of reasoning. For the present I find it stimulating ; yet, when I have asked God's help and have begun to rise towards Him and towards those things that are most really real, I am sometimes filled with such a foretaste of the things that abide, that I occasionally wonder at my needing the help of this reasoning to believe in the existence of those things that are as real within me as any man can be to himself,

ST. AUGUSTINE

quoque ; nam te fateor huius rei esse diligentiorem, ne quid forte nesciens rescriptis adhuc debeam. Nam mihi non facit fidem tam multorum onerum, quae aliquando numeraveram, tam repentina depositio, quamvis te accepisse litteras meas non dubitem, quarum rescripta non habeo.

NEBRIDIO AUGUSTINUS Numquam aeque quicquam tuarum inquisitionum me in cogitando tenuit aestuantem atque illud, quod recentissimis tuis litteris legi, ubi nos arguis quod consulere neglegamus, ut una nobis vivere liceat. Magnum crimen et, nisi falsum esset, periculosissimum. Sed cum perprobabilis ratio demonstrare videatur hie nos potius quam Carthagini vel etiam in rure ex sententia posse degere, quid tecum agam, mi Nebridi, prorsus incertus sum. Mittaturne ad te accommodissimum tibi vehiculum ? Nam basterna innoxie te vehi posse noster Lucinianus auctor est. At matrem cogito, ut quae absentiam sani non ferebat, inbecilli multo minus esse laturam. Veniamne ipse ad vos ? At hie sunt, qui neque venire mecum queant et quos deserere nefas putem. Tu enim potes et apud tuam mentem suaviter habitare ; hi vero ut idem possint, satagitur. Eamne crebro et redeam et nunc tecum, nunc cum ipsis sim ? At hoc neque simul neque ex sententia vivere est. Non " By the autumn of 388 Augustine had retired to his native town, Tagaste, where he was practising the monastic life with a few friends. Nebridius was now at Carthage, but was still anxious to join the company.

Try you to remember, for I admit that you are more attentive to such details, in case I still owe you replies without knowing it. I can hardly believe I have so speedily discharged tasks I had once reckoned so numerous. Yet I am sure you must have had letters from me, to which I have received no answers.

No. 3 (Ep. X) (a.d. 389) AUGUSTINE TO NEBRIDIUS «

Never has any of your problems kept me so 1 troubled in mind as the remark you made in your last letter, reproaching me for failing to plan how we may live together. A serious charge, and were it not untrue, very threatening to our friendship. But since quite satisfactory reasons seem to show that we can lead our ideal life here better than at Carthage or in the country, I am altogether in doubt how I should deal with you, Nebridius. Am I to send you our most suitable conveyance ? Our friend Lucinianus tells me that you can now ride in a sedan chair without any harm. But then your mother comes to my mind : if she cannot endure your absence when you are well, she will endure it much less when you are ill. Am I to come to you myself ? But there are people here who cannot come with me and whom I think it criminal to leave behind. For you can be happily at home with your own mind, while these others are only striving towards that attainment. Am I to make frequent journeys back and forward, living with you part of the time and the other part with them ? But that is neither living together nor living the ideal hfe. The

ST. AUGUSTINE

enim brevis est via, sed tanta oninino, cuius peragendae negotium saepe suscipere non sit ad optatum otium pervenisse. Hue aeeedit infirmitas eorporis, qua ego quoque, ut nosti, non valeo, quod volo, nisi oninino desinam quicquani plus velle, quam non valeo.

2 Profectiones ergo, quas quietas et faciles habere nequeas, per totani cogitare vitani non est honiinis de ilia una ultima, quae mors vocatur, cogitantis, de qua vel sola intellegis vere esse cogitandum. Dedit quidem deus paucis quibusdam, quos ecclesiarum gubernatores esse voluit, ut et illam non solum expectarent fortiter, sed alacriter etiam desiderarent et harum obeundarum labores sine ullo angore susciperent ; sed neque his, qui ad huius modi administrationes temporalis honoris amore raptantur, neque rursum his, qui cum sunt privati, negotiosam vitam appetunt, hoc tantum bonum concedi arbitror, ut inter strepitus inquietosque conventus atque discursus cum morte familiaritatem, quam quaerimus, faciant ; deificari enim utrisque in otio licebat. Aut si hoc falsum est, ego sum omnium ne dicam stultissimus, certe ignavissimus, cui nisi proveniat quaedam secura cessatio, sincerum illud bonum gustare atque amare non possum. Magna secessione a tumultu rerum labentium, mihi crede, opus est, ut non duritia, non audacia, non cupiditate inanis gloriae, non superstitiosa credulitate fiat in honiine nihil timere. Hinc enim fit illud etiam sohdum gaudium nullis omnino laetitiis ulla ex particula conferendum.

NO. 3 (Ep. X) journey is not short, sufficiently long, in fact, that the effort to perform it often would prevent our having the leisure we long for. In addition, there is my physical weakness ; because of it, as you know, I am not able to do what I wish, unless I altogether give up wishing to do anything that I am not strong enough for. To go through life planning journeys that cannot 2 be undertaken without disturbance and trouble does not become one who is planning for that last journey we call death ; with it alone, as you are aware, should our real plans be concerned. It is God's gift to some few men, whom He has appointed to rule over churches, not only to await death manfully but even to desire it eagerly, and to undertake the toil of those other journeys without any vexation. But in my opinion neither those who are impelled to such administrative tasks by love of worldly position, nor those who, though occupying no public post, hunger for a life of afl Pairs, have been granted the great boon of acquiring amid their clamour and their restless running hither and thither that familiarity with death that we are seeking ; both classes might have become godly in retirement. If this be untrue, then I am of all men, I won't say the most foolish, but certainly the most slothful, for I cannot relish and enjoy that real boon, unless I obtain release from work and worry. Complete withdrawal from the turmoil of transitory things is, believe me, essential before a man can develop that fearlessness in the face of death which is based neither on insensibility nor on foolhardy presumption, neither on the desire for empty glory nor on superstitious credulity. It is that which is the origin of that solid joy with which no pleasure from any transitory source is in any way to be compared.

ST. AUGUSTINE

3 Quod si in natura hiimana talis vita non cadit, cur aliquando evenit ista securitas ? Cur tanto evenit crebrius, quanto quisque in mentis penetralibus adorat deum ? Cur in actu etiam humano plerumque ista tranquillitas manet, si ex illo adyto ad agendum quisque procedat ? Cur interdum et cum loquimur, mortem non formidamus, cum autem non loquimur, etiam cupimus ? Tibi dico, non enim hoc cuilibet dicerem, tibi, inquam, dico, cuius itinera in superna bene novi, tune, cum expertus saepe sis, quam dulce vivat, cum amori corporeo animus moritur, negabis tandem totam hominis vitam posse intrepidam fieri, ut rite sapiens nominetur ? Aut banc af Fectionem, ad quam ^ ratio nititur, tibi accidisse umquam, nisi cum in intimis tuis ageres, asserere audebis ? Quae cum ita sint, restare unum vides, ut tu quoque in commune consulas, quo vivamus simul. Quid enim cum matre agendum sit, quam certe frater

non deserit, tu multo melius calles quam ego. Alia scribere, ne te ab ista cogitatione averterem, nolui.

No. 4 (Ep. X\^ ROMANIANO AUGUSTINUS

1 Non haec epistula sic inopiam chartae indicat, ut membranas saltem abundare testetur ? Tabellas eburneas, quas habeo, avunculo tuo cum litteris misi. Tu enim huic pelliculae facilius ignosces, quia dif Ferri

^ quam Goldbacher: ad quam A. Souter.

A wealthy citizen of Tagaste, who had shown great generosity to Augustine when studying in Carthage, and also later. To him Augustine dedicated his Contra Academicos (a.d. 386) and the JJe Vera Religione, mentioned below. 12

But if human nature does not admit of such a 3 hfe, why does that cahiiness of spirit ever befall us ? Why does it befall us more frequently in proportion as each man worships God in the secret places of his mind ? Why even amid ordinary mortal concerns does that peace, as a rule, linger on, when one goes forth from that inner shrine to do his part ? Why is it that sometimes, even in conversation, death has no terrors for us, and, when conversation is stilled, it even allures us ? I say to you (and I would not say it to everyone)—I say to you, knowing well, as I do, your journeyings to the upper world, will you, after frequent experience of the sweet life the soul lives when it dies to bodily affections, deny that a man's whole life can at length become so exempt from fear that he may rightly be called wise ? Or will you venture to maintain that that state of mind, towards which reason strives, has ever befallen you, save when you were communing Avith your own heart ? This being so, you see this one thing only remains for you—to consider for our mutual advantage how we may live together. You know much better than I do what is to be done with your mother ; in any case your brother Victor is not leaving her, I write no more, for fear of diverting you from consideration of that problem.

No. 4 (Ep. X\0 (a.d. 390) AUGUSTINE TO ROMANIANUS'^

Does this letter not show that, if we are short of 1 papyrus, we have at least abundance of parchment ? The ivory tablets I possess I have sent to your uncle with a letter ; you will the more easily forgive this

ST. AUGUSTINE

non potuit, quod ei scripsi, et tibi non scribere etiam ineptissimum existimavi. Sed tabellas, si quae ibi nostrae sunt, propter huius modi necessitates mittas peto. Scripsi quiddam de catholica rcligione, quantum dominus dare dignatus est, quod tibi volo ante adventum meum mittere, si charta interim non desit. Tolerabis enim qualemcumque scripturam ex officina

Maiorini. De codicibus praeter libros de Oratore totum mihi excidit. Sed nihil amplius rescribere potui, quam ut ipse sumeres, quos liberet, et nunc in eadem maneo sententia. Absens enim quid plus faciam, non invenio.

2 Gratissimum mihi est, quod in ultima epistula me participem domestici tui gaudii facere voluisti. Sed mene salis placidi vultum fluctusque quietos ignorare iubes ? quamquam nee me iubeas nee ipse ignores. Quare si ad melius cogitandum quies aliqua data est, utere di\ano beneficio. Nee enim nobis debemus, cum ista proveniunt, sed illis, per quos proveniunt, gratulari, quoniam iusta et officiosa et pro suo genere pacatior atque tranquillior rerum temporalium administratio recipiendorum aeternorum meritum gignit, si non teneat, cum tenetur, non implicet, cum multiplicatur, si non, cum . . . putatur, involvat.

" His treatise l)e Vera Religione, written at Tagaste, 389-390. " The allusion is unknown.

Cicero's, no doubt; the fact that it had survived Augustine's many journeys may be explained by the supposition that he used it as a text-book during his career as a public teacher of rhetoric.

^ Virg. A en. v. 848-849.

The text here is doubtful : Goldt)acher marks the lacuna, but perhaps amputatur would satisfy the palaeography and the sense.

NO. 4 (Ep. X\^ bit of skin, since my message to him could not be postponed, and I considered it very impolite not to write to you. If you have any tablets of mine beside you, please send them back for such emergencies as this. I have written something, as far as the Lord has deigned to grant me, on the Catholic Religion ^ ; I want to send it to you before I come, if meanwhile paper does not fail me, for you will tolerate any kind of ^\Titing from the workshop of Majorinus.^ Of the manuscripts everything has disappeared except the books 0?i the OratorShut I could not do any more in my reply than tell you to take those you wanted, and I am still of the same mind. I don't know what more I can do in my absence.

It gave me very great pleasure that in your last letter you wanted to give me a share in your personal happiness, but bid'st thou me Ignore the portent of the sea's still face And slumbering waves ?

Yet you don't bid me, nor do you ignore it. So, if you do obtain some quietness for deeper reflection, avail yourself of what is a heavenly boon. For when such good fortune befalls us, we should not congratulate ourselves, but those through whom it has befallen us. If men discharge their temporal duties in a manner that is just and scrupulous and, considering their nature, more than ordinarily serene and composed, they grow more worthy of having eternal things committed to them, provided always that such temporal duties, when laid hold of, do not lay hold of them, do not enfold as they grow manifold, do not enmesh when they are pruned.^ It has been

ST. AUGUSTINE

Ipsius enim veritatis ore dictum est : Si in alieno

Jideles Jion fuisfis, vestrum quis dabit vohis ? Laxatis ergo curis mutabiliuni rerum bona stabilia et certa quaeramus, supervolemus terrenis opibus nostris. Nam et in mellis copia non frustra pennas habet apicula ; necat enim haerentem.

No. 5 (Ep. XVI)

[AUGUSTINO MAXIMUS]

1 Avens crebro tuis af Fatibus laetificari et instinctu tui sermonis, quod me paulo ante iucundissime salva caritate pulsasti, paria redhibere non destiti, ne silentium meum paenitudinem appellasses. Sed quaeso, ut, si haec quasi seniles artus esse duxeris, benignarum aurium indulgentia prosequaris. Olympum montem deorum esse habitaeulum sub incerta fide Graecia fabulatur. At vero nostrae urbis forum salutarium numinum frequentia possessum nos cernimus et probamus. Et quidem unum esse deum summum sine initio, sine prole naturae ceu patrem magnum atque magnificum quis tam demens, tarn mente captus neget esse certissimum ? Huius nos virtutes per mundanum opus diffusas multis vocabulis invocamus, quoniam nomen eius cuncti proprium videlicet ignoramus. Nam deus omnibus religionibus

° Luke xvi. 12.

Maximns is otherwise unknown, l)ut probably he had been one of Augustine's teachers at Madaura, the town to which his letter refers. Most notable as the birthplace of Apuleius, Madaura was a noted centre of pagan life and culture, and paganism seems to have lingered there long and tenaciously (see Ep. ccxxxii. infra). 16

NO. 4 (Ep. XV)—NO. 5 (Ep. XVI) said by the mouth of Truth Himself : If ye have not been faithful in that n-hich is another's, ?rho shall give yon that which is your onii ? ^ Let us then relax our anxiety for transitory things and seek goods that are abiding and sure. Let us soar above our earthly possessions, for even when honey is abundant, the bee has not its wings for nothing : for if it stick in the honey, it dies.

No. 5 (Ep. XM) (a.d. 390) MAXIMUS THE GRAMMARIAN TO AUGUSTINE

I find interest and pleasure in frequent talk 1 with you and in your provocative conversation, so, since you recently attacked me without unpleasantness and without disturbing our friendly relations, I make haste to give you back as good as you gave : otherwise you might have thought my silence implied a change of mind. But I beg you, if you consider my reply shows the stiffness of old age, to attend to it with a kindly ear. There is no sure e\'idence for the Greek fable that Mount Olympus is the dwelling-place of the gods, but we see and feel sure that the market-place of our own town is occupied by a crowd of beneficent deities. And indeed, who is so foolish, so mentally astray, as to deny the very certain truth that there is one supreme god, without beginning, without natural offspring, like a great and splendid father ? His powers that permeate the universe he has made we call upon by many names, since to all of us his right name is of course unknown. For god is a name c 17

ST. AUGUSTINE

commune nomen est. Ita fit, iit, dum eius quasi quaedam membra carptim variis supplicationibus prosequimur. totum colere profecto videamur.

2 Sed inpatientem me esse tanti erroris dissimulare non possum. Quis enim ferat lovi fulmina vibranti praeferri Migginem, luiioni, Minervae, Veneri Vestaeque Sanamem et cunctis, pro nefas ! diis inmortalibus archimartyrem Namphamonem ? Inter quos Lucitas etiam haud minore cultu suspicitur atque alii interminato numero, diis hominibusque odiosa nomina, qui conscientia nefandorum facinorum specie gloriosae mortis scelera sua sceleribus cumulantes dignum moribus factisque suis exitum maculati reppererunt. Horum busta, si memoratu dignum est, relictis templis, neglectis maiorum suorum manibus stulti frequentant, ita ut praesagium vatis illius indigne ferentis emineat inque deum templis iurabit Roma per umbras.

Sed mihi hac tempestate propemodum videtur bellum Actiacum rursus exortum, quo Aegyptia monstra in Romanorum deos audeant tela vibrare minim e duratura.

3 Sed illud quaeso, vir sapientissime, uti remoto facundiae robore atque exploso, qua cunctis clarus es, omissis etiam, quibus pugnare solebas, Chrysippeis argumentis postposita paululum dialectica, quae

Namphamo is commonly described by the text-books of Church history as one of the earliest Christian martyrs in Africa, and his date is given as circa a.d. 180. I have shown, in the Journal of Theological Studies, vol. xxvi. (1924), pp. 21-37, that this view is untenable, that his correct date is probably about the middle of the fourth century, and that NO. 5 (Ep. XVI) common to all cults, and so it is that while ^Wth differing prayers we pursue, as it were, his members piecemeal, we seem, in truth, to worship him entire.

But I cannot disguise my impatience with such a misconception as yours. For who could bear to see

Misfffo esteemed above Jove, wielder of thunderbolts, Saname above Juno, Minerva, Venus, and Vesta, and your head-martyr, Namphamo ^ (save the mark !), above all the immortal srods ? Anions these Lucitas is honoured with a cult hardly inferior ; and others endless in number, names hateful to gods and men, who, villains that they were, and heaping crime on crime, met an end befitting their character and deeds, vaunting of their death as glorious though inwardly well aware of their unspeakable offences. Fools flock to their tombs, Fm ashamed to say, forsaking the temples and abandoning the worship of their ancestors, so that the prediction of the scornful bard is clearly fulfilled : And in God's temples Rome shall swear by shades.*

This time seems to me to be almost another battle of Actium. in which the monsters of Egypt are daring to brandish against the Roman gods weapons doomed to speedy destruction.

But I beg you, my learned friend, to reject, as unworthy of you, that ^'igorous eloquence which has brought you to universal fame, to abstain from those Stoic arguments that are your usual weapons, and to renounce for a while the logic which devotes all he was a Donatist or Circiimcellion. The others mentioned here with him are not known, but were probably of the same party. On the arguments advanced by Maximus see p. 30, note.

^ Liican, B.C. vii. 459.

ST. AUGUSTINE

nervorum suorum luctamine nihil certi cuiquani re linquere nititur, ipsa re adprobes, qui sit iste deus, quern vobis Christiani quasi proprium vindicatis et in locis abditis praesenteni vos videre componitis. Nos etenim deos nostros luce palani ante oculos atque aures omnium mortalium piis precibus adoramus et per suaves hostias propitios nobis efficimus et a cunctis haec cerni et probari contendimus. i Sed ulterius huic certamini me senex invalidus subtraho et in sententiam Mantuani rhetoris libenter pergo : trahat sua quemqiie voluptas.

Post haec non dubito, vir eximie, qui a mea secta deviasti, hanc epistulam aliquorum furto detractam flammis vel quolibet pacto perituram. Quod si accident, erit damnum chartulae, non nostri sermonis, cuius exemplar penes omnes religiosos perpetuo retinebo. Dii te servent, per quos et eorum atque cunctorum mortalium communem patrem universi mortales, quos terra sustinet, mille modis concordi discordia veneramur et colimus.

No. 6 (Ep. XVII) [MAXIMO AUGUSTINUS]

1 Seriumne aliquid inter nos agimus, an iocari libet ? Nam sicut tua epistula loquitur, utrum causae ipsius infirmitate, an morum tuorum comitate sit factum, ut " A very common charge against the Christians, arising no doubt from a misunderstanding of their private celebration of the Eucharist. It is made by Pliny and Fronto, among others, and is discussed and repudiated by all the Apologists, until in the third century it gradually disappears.

^ Virg. Buc. ii. 65. 20

NO. 5 (Ep. XVI)—NO. 6 (Ep. XVII) the strength of its sinews to robbing every man of certainty. Prove by the facts themselves who is that god whom you Christians claim as your peculiar property and whose presence you feign to see in secret places.^ We indeed \Wth reverent prayers worship our gods in daylight, openly before the eyes and ears of all mortals, and we earn their favour by acceptable sacrifices, taking pains to let our actions be seen and approved by everyone.

But I am a feeble old man, so I withdraw from 4 any further contest and gladly give my adherence to that sentiment of the eloquent Mantuan : Let each man be drawn by his own pleasure.

After this, my distinguished friend, seceder that you are from my own faith, I fully expect that some thieves \W11 steal this letter and that it will be burned or otherwise destroyed. In that event, it will only be the papyrus that will be lost, not what I have said, for I shall for ever keep a copy of it accessible to all the devout. Mav the gods keep you ! Through them all we mortals whom earth bears worship and adore in a thousand ways and with harmonious variance one who is the common father both of the gods and of all mortal men.

No. 6 (Ep. XVII) (a.d. 390) AUGUSTINE TO MAXIMUS THE GRAMMARIAN

Is it a serious discussion we are engaged in, or 1 do you want only to be amused ? The tone of your letter leaves me wondering whether your preference for humorous remarks to studied arguments is the

ST. AUGUSTINE

malles esse facetior quam paratior, incertum habeo.

Prinio enim Olympi niontis et fori vestri comparatio facta est, quae nescio quo pertinuerit, nisi ut me commonefaceret et in illo monte lovem castra posuisse, cum adversus patrem bellum gereret, ut ea docet historia, quam vestri etiam sacram vocant, et in isto foro recordarer esse in duobus simulacris unum

Martem nudum, alterum armatum, quorum daemonium infestissimum civibus porrectis tribus digitis contra conlocata statua humana comprimeret. Ergone umquam ego crediderim mentione illius fori facta numinum talium memoriam mihi te renovare voluisse. nisi iocari potius quam serie agere maluisses ?

Sed illud plane, quod tales deos quaedam dei unius magni membra esse dixisti, admoneo, quia dignaris, ut ab huius modi sacrilegis facetiis te magnopere abstineas. Si quidem ilium deum dicis unum, de quo, ut dictum est a veteribus, docti indoctique consentiunt, huiusne tu membra dicis esse, quorum iam immanitatem vel, si hoc mavis, potentiam mortui hominis imago compescit ? Plura hinc possim dicere ; vides enim pro tua prudentia, quam late locus iste pateat reprehensioni. Sed me ipse cohibeo, ne a te rhetorice potius quam veridice agere existimer.

2 Nam quod nomina quaedam mortuorum Punica co Uegisti, quibus in nostram religionem festivas, ut tibi visum est, contumelias iaciendas putares, nescio, NO. 6 (Ep. XVII) result of your having a feeble case, or simply of your affability. First you make a comparison between Mount Olympus and your oai market-place, the point of which I fail to see ; unless it was your intention to remind me that it was in that mountain Jove pitched his campM'hen fighting against his father, according to the tale your co-religionists call sacred, and to remind me of the two images of Mars in that same market-place, one of them armed, the other in his tunic, while a human statue, standing over against them, uses three outstretched fingers to curb their evil influence that threatens your townsmen so direfully. So should I ever have believed that in mentioning your market-place you wanted to revive my recollection of such deities, if it had not been your intention to be facetious rather than to have a serious discussion ? But as to your statement that such gods are portions of one great god, I give you plain warning : please refrain altogether from such irreverent jocularity. If you are really referring to the unity of that god about whom, as the ancients have it, learned and unlearned are in agreement, do you describe as portions of him those whose frightfulness, or, if you prefer the word, power, is kept in check by the statue of a single dead man ? I could say a good deal more about this point : you are intelligent enough to see how far that remark of yours lays you open to censure. But I refrain, in case you imagine that I am quarrelling about words rather than seeking truth.

You have gathered together some Punic names 2 of dead people, with the intention of making use of them to cast on our religion what you supposed to be wittv abuse : I am not sure if I should refute your

ST. AUGUSTINE

utrum refellere debeam, an silentio praeterire. Si enim res istae tarn videntur leves tuae gravitati, quani sunt, iocari mihi non multum vacat ; si autem graves tibi videntur, miror, quod nominum absurditate commoto in mentem non venerit habere vos at in sacerdotibus Eucaddires et in numinibus Abaddires. Non puto ego ista tibi, cum seriberes, in animo non fuisse, sed more humanitatis et leporis tui commonefacere nos voluisti ad relaxandum animum, quanta in vestra superstitione ridenda sint. Neque enim usque adeo te ipsum oblivisci potuisses, ut homo Afer scribens Afris, cum simus utrique in Africa constituti, Punica nomina exagitanda existimares. Nam si ea vocabula interpretemur, Namphamo quid aUud significat quam boni pedis hominem ? Id est, cuius adventus adferat aUquid fehcitatis, sicut solemus dicere secundo pede introisse, cuius introitum prosperitas ahqua consecuta sit. Quae Ungua si inprobatur abs te, nega Punicis Ubris, ut a viris doctissimis proditur, multa sapienter esse mandata memoriae ; paeniteat te certe ibi natum, ubi huius linguae cunabula recalent. Si vero et sonus nobis noster non rationabihter disphcet et me bene interpretatum illud vocabulum recognoscis, habes quod suscenseas Vergiho tuo, qui Herculem vestrum ad " Abaddir is a Phoenician deity, probably to be identified with Baal Addir or Baal Hammon ; the word itself is Punic for "Mighty Father." The Eucaddires were perhaps the priests of that cult, but the word is not found elsewhere.

Punic was still widely spoken, and Augustine several times speaks of the need for priests speaking that tongue. Arnobius Junior, writing in the fifth century, says Punic was still the language of the people of the little Syrtes, and a bilingual inscription has been found as late a.s 539 {Corpus 24

NO. 6 (Ep. XVII) taunts or pass them over in silence. If such matters appear to a man of your sense to be as unimportant as they really are, I have not much time to spare for such pleasantry ; if they appear to you important, I am surprised that if absurd names appeal to you, you did not remember that among your priests you have the Eucaddires, and among your deities the Abaddires.^

I do not suppose that these did not occur to you when you were WTiting, but in your usual genial and witty way you wanted to amuse me by reminding me how many laughable things are to be found in your superstitions. Nor could you have forgotten yourself so far as to imagine that Punic names were to be railed at, when you, an African, were writing to Africans and seeing that we are both living in Africa. If we interpret those words, what does Namphamo mean but" the man v.ith the lucky foot " ? That is, the man whose coming brings some good fortune, just as we say that one whose arrival has been attended by some stroke of luck has entered with a prosperous foot. If you disapprove of Punic as a language, then you must refuse to admit that many wise things have been recorded in Punic books, as is declared by learned men ; you must even feel shame that you were born in a district in which the cradle of that language is still warm.^ If it is unreasonable that the sound of our own tongue should give us offence and if you grant that I have rightly interpreted that name, you have just cause to feel annoyed with your friend Virgil, Inscr. Lat. viii. 4677). Of Punic liierature only a few specimens are mentioned : Varro and Columella refer with praise to a treatise on Agriculture by Mago; Sallust had Punic chronicles translated to him, and Suidas cites one Charon of Carthage who wrote biographies.

ST. AUGUSTINE

sacra, quae illi ab Evandro celebrantur, invitat hoc modo : et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra secundo.

Secundo pede optat ut veniat. Ergo venire optat Herculem Namphamonem, de quo tu multum nobis insultare dignaris. Verum tamen si ridere delectat. habes apud vos magnam materiam facetiarum : deum Stercutium, deam Cluacinam, Venerem Calvam, deum Timorem, deum Pallorem, deam Febrem et cetera innumerabilia huiusce modi, quibus Romani antiqui simulacrorum cultores templa fecerunt et colenda censuerunt. Quae si neglegis, Romanos deos neglegis, ex quo intellegeris non Romanis initiatus sacris, et tamen Punica nomina tamquam nimium Romanorum altaribus deditus contemnis ac despicis.

3 Sed mihi videris omnino plus quam nos fortasse ilia sacra nihili pendere, sed ex eis nescio quam captare ad huius vitae transitum voluptatem, quippe qui etiam non dubitaveris ad Maronem confugere, ut scribis, et eius versu te tueri, quo ait : trahit sua quemque voluptas.

Nam si tibi auctoritas Maronis placet, sicut placere significas, profecto etiam illud placet : primus ab aetherio venit Saturnus Olynipo arma lovis fugiens et regnis exul adernptis et cetera, quibus eum atque huius modi deos vestros

*" Virg. Buc. ii. Qo.

" Virg. Aen. viii. 303.

Virg. Aen. viii. 319-320^ 26

NO. 6 (Ep. XVII) v.ho in these words invites your Hercules to the rites celebrated in his honour by Evander : Us and thy rites with prosperous foot approach, In favouring mood.*' He prays him to come " with prosperous foot " is, he wants Hercules to come as Namphamo, in whom it pleases you to find much to taunt us with. But if you do take delight in jests, you have in your own religion ample material for ridicule : Stercutius. your god of manure, Cluacina, your goddess of purification, Bald ^^enus, your god Fear, your god Pallor, your goddess Fever, and countless others of the same kind, to whom the ancient Romans, worshippers of idols, built temples and thought worship should be offered.

If you neglect them, you are neglecting Roman gods, thereby making it understood that you were not initiated into Roman rites, and yet you scorn and despise Punic names like one excessively devoted to the altars of Rome.

But altogether your depreciation of those rites seems perhaps greater than ours, though you gain from them some vague pleasure for life's journey. You had no hesitation even in invoking the authority of \'irgil, as you say, and in shielding yourself by that line in which he says : Each man is drawn by his own pleasure.

If you are satisfied with Mrgil's authority, as you indicate that you are, then you will certainly be satisfied -vdth these lines too : From high Olympus first came Saturn down. Fleeing Jove's arms, an exile from his realm, and so on. By these lines the poet wants to show that

ST. AUGUSTINE

vult intellegi homines fuisse. Legerat enini ille mythicami historiam vctusta auctoritate roboratam, quam etiam Tullius legerat, qui hoc idem in dialogis plus, quam postulare auderemus, commemorat et perducere in hominum notitiam, quantum ilia tempora patiebantur, molitur.

4 Quod autem dicis eo nostris vestra sacra praeponi, quod vos publice colitis deos, nos autem secretioribus conventiculis utimur, primo illud abs te quaero, quo modo oblitus sis Liberum ilium, quem paucorum sacratorum oculis committendum putatis. Deinde tu ipse iudicas nihil aliud te agere voluisse, cum publicam sacrorum vestrorum celebrationem commemorares, nisi ut nobis decuriones et primates civitatis per plateas vestrae urbis bacchantes ac furentes ante oculos quasi specula poneremus. In qua celebritate si numine inhabitamini, certe videtis quale illud sit, quod adimit mentem ; si autem fingitis, quae sunt ista etiam in publico vestra secreta ? Vel quo pertinet tarn turpe mendacium ? Deinde cur nulla futura eanitis, si vates estis ? Aut cur spoliatis circumstantes, si sani estis ?

5 Cum igitur haec nos et alia, quae nunc praeter-

^ Mss. multam, Goldbacher mysticam.

° Of. l)e nat. dforum i. 42, 119.

Though forbidden by the Senate in 186 b.c. (Livy xxxix. 8-19), the BacchanaHa were later revived, and are often attacked by Christian writers. The celebration was confined to the initiate, who, feigning frenzy, claimed the indwelling presence of their god and practised many cruel and orgiastic rites. The language of Arnobius {Adv. Nat. v. 19) closely resembles Augustine's, and adds several other details " Bacchanalia etiam praetermittemus inmania quibus nomen Omophagiis graecum est, in quibus furore mentito et sequestrata pectoris sanitate circumplicatis vos anguibus atque ut vos plenos dei numine ac maiestate doceatis, caprorum 28

NO. 6 (Ep. XVII)

Saturn and such-like gods of yours M'ere once men ; he had read that mythical tale confirmed by ancient authority and known to Tully as well, for in his Dialogues " he draws attention to the same fact more explicitly than we should yenture to ask, and tries, as far as those days allowed, to put it before men's notice.

Then again, you state that your rites are to be 4 preferred to ours, on the ground that your worship is public, while we use more secret places of meeting.

First, I ask you how it comes that you haye forgotten your god Bacchus ; you think he should be entrusted only to the eyes of the few who are initiated. Then you con\ict yourself of haying had no other intention, in mentioning the public celebration of your rites, than that of making us enyisage, as in a mirror, your senators and notable townsmen raging and reyelling through your city streets. If in that celebration you haye the presence of a deity ^^ithin you, you sur6ly see what kind of being he is, when he destroys your reason. But if this is only an assumed madness, what are those secret rites that you actually practise in public ? Or what is the object of so yile a piece of deceit ? Or again, if you are inspired seers, why do you foretell no future eyents ? Or why do you rend the clothes of the bystanders, if you are in your right mind ? ^

Since your letter has recalled to me these facts 5 reclamantium viscera cruentatis oribus dissipatis " (and also infra). See, too, Aug. C.I), vi. 9 and xviii. 13. There seems little evidence for this rending of bystanders' clothes, but probably this is what is implied in Plautus, Bacch. 974 sqq. and Auhil. 408 " neqiie ego umquam nisi hodie ad Bacchas veni in bacchanal coquinatum, | ita me miserum et meos discipulos fustibus male contuderunt."

ST. AUGUSTINE

mittenda existimo, per epistulam tuam feceris recordari. quid nos derideamus deos vestros, quos abs te ipso subtiliter derideri nemo non intellegit, qui et ingenium tuuni no\it et legit litteras tuas ? Itaque si aliquid inter nos de his rebus vis agamus, quod aetati prudentiaeque tuae congruit, quod denique de nostro proposito iure a carissimis nostris flagitari potest, quaere aliquid nostra discussione dignum et ea pro vestris numinibus cura dicere, in quibus non te causae praevaricatorem putemus, quod nos magis commoneas, quae contra illos dici possint, quam pro eis aliquid dicas. Ad summam tamen ne te hoc lateat et in sacrilega convicia inprudentem trahat, scias a Christianis catholicis, quorum in vestro oppido etiam ecclesia constituta est, nullum coli mortuorum, nihil denique ut numen adorari, quod sit factum et conditum a deo, sed unum ipsum deum, qui fecit et condidit omnia. Disserentur ista latius ipso vero et uilo deo adiuvante, cum te graviter agere velle " In addition to the Donatists. Note.—The two precedinjcr letters are amonr the best known and most frequently cited of Augustine's correspondence. \'oltaire, for example, several times {Diet. Ph'doi<ophique, s.vv. " Dieu,"" " Idole "; Tra'ite sur la Tolerance, ch. 9; "Notice sur Maxinie de Madaure" at the head of his Sophronime et Adelos) quotes Maxinius as evidence that the polytheism of his time was tolerant, philosophical, and deistic. The monotheistic explanation was by now current among the better educated pagans {rf. P.L. iii. 1 107 " gentiles quamvis idola colant, tamen summum Deum Patrem creatorem cognoscunt et confitentur ": Maximus's own words are almost a literal translation of the verse quoted by Lactantius, Inst. \. 6. 15 els debs, 6$ fxavos apxi, VTrepfjLeyeOijs, dyeuv Tos) ; but it was largely inspired by the struggle against Christianity and it was 30 '

NO. 6 (Ep. XMI) and others which I think it better to pass over for the present, why should I make fun of your gods, when anyone who knows your type of mind and reads your letter can see that you yourself poke stealthy fun at them ? So, if you want us to discuss this topic in a manner befitting your age and good sense and answering the just demands of my close friends from one of my profession, look for some theme worthy of debate between us, and do your best to put forward on your gods' behalf arguments that will not make me think you are betraying your own case ; for you certainly did suggest to me what can be said against them, rather than advance any statement on their behalf. Finally, I want to tell you something you should know, to keep you from being inadvertently drawn into irreverent gibes : Catholic Christians, who have a church established in your town too," worship no dead man and adore nothing as a deity that was made and created by God ; they worship only God himself, who made and created everything.

I shall enlarge on these facts by the help of our one true God, when I am assured that you want to treat them seriously. never more than a controversial argrument, forgotten in polytheistic practice. His case for paganism is largely aesthetic and sentimental ; in attacking Christianity he undoubtedly strikes at the weakest point of its popular observance, the cult of saints and martyrs, the concession made by Christianity to local, polytheistic hero-worship. But he confuses Donatism, strong in the region round Madaura, with orthodox C'hristianity, and his remarks about the villainous character of those popular objects of veneration are beside the mark. Augustine in reply attacks the disreputable cults and practices of paganism and treats Maximus's arguments, both for paganism and against Christianity, with contempt.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 7 (Ep. XXI) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET VENERABILI ET IN CONSPECTU DOMINI SINCERA CARITATE CARISSIMO PATRI VALERIO EPISCOPO AUGUSTINUS PRESBYTER IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Ante omnia peto, ut cogitet religiosa prudentia tua nihil esse in hac vita et maxime hoc tempore facihus et laetius et hominibus acceptabihiis episcopi aut presbyteri aiit diaconi officio, si perfunctorie atque adulatorie res agatur, sed nihil apiid deum miserius et tristius et damnabilius ; item nihil esse in hac vita et maxime hoc tempore difficilius, laboriosius, periculosius episcopi aut presbyteri aut diaconi officio, sed apud deum nihil beatius, si eo modo militetur, quo noster imperator iubet. Quis autem iste sit modus, nee a pueritia nee ab adulescentia mca didici. Et eo tempore, quo discere coeperam, vis mihi facta est merito peccatorum meorum—nam quid aliud existimem nescio,—ut secundus locus gubernaculorum mihi traderetur, qui remum tenere non noveram.

2 Sed arbitror dominum meum propterea me sic emendare voluisse, quod multorum peccata nautarum, antequam expertus essem, quid illic agitur, quasi doctior et melior reprehendere audebam. Itaque posteaquam missus sum in medium, tunc " Valerius was bishop of Hippo when Augustine returned to Africa in 388. By birth a Greek, he had difficulty in preaching in Latin. When Augustine was visiting lIii)po in 391, he was forcibly ordained to assist Valerius, and this letter was written soon after the ordination, probably from Tagaste, whither Augustine had no doubt returned to terminate his affairs there. Augustine always speaks of 32

NO. 7 (Ep. XXI)

Xo. 7 (Ep. XXI) (a.d. 391) TO BISHOP VALERIUS," MY LORD MOST SAIXTLY

AND VENERABLE, MY FATHER WARMLY CHERISHED BEFORE THE LORD WITH SINCERE AFFECTION, AUGUSTINE, PRIEST, SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

First and foremost, I beg your wise Holiness to I consider that there is nothing in this life, and especially in our own day, more easy and pleasant and acceptable to men than the office of a bishop or priest or deacon, if its duties be discharged in a mechanical and sycophantic way, but nothing more worthless and deplorable and meet for chastisement in the sight of God ; and, on the other hand, that there is nothing in this life, and especially in our own day, more difficult, toilsome and hazardous than the office of a bishop or priest or deacon, but nothing more blessed in the sight of God, if our service be in accordance with our Captain's orders.^ But how that is to be done I learned neither in my boyhood nor in my youth, and just as I had begun to learn, I was compelled by reason of my sins to assume the second place at the helm, although I did not know how to hold an oar. But I imagine that it was my Lord's intention 2 to chastise me because I was bold enough to rebuke many sailors for their faults, as though I were a wiser and a better man, before experience had taught me the nature of their work. So, on being sent into their midst, I then began to realize how presump-

with great respect and affection. Valerius retired in 396, and Augustine succeeded him.

" 1 Tim. i. 18-19 ; 2 Tim. ii. 4.

ST. AUGUSTINE

sentire coepi temeritates reprehensionum mearuni, quamquani et antea periculosissimuni iudicareni hoc ministerium. Et hinc erant illae lacrimae, quas me fundere in no\'itate ordinationis meae nonnulli fratres animadverterunt, et nescientes causas doloris mei quibus potuerunt sermonibus, qui omnino ad vulnus nieum non pertinerent, tamen bono animo consolati sunt. Sed multo, valde niulto amplius expertus sum, quam putabam, non quia novos aliquos fluctus aut tempestates vidi, quas ante non videram vel non audieram vel non legeram vel non cogitaveram, sed ad eas evitandas aut perferendas sollertiam et vires meas omnino non noveram et alicuius momenti arbitrabar. Dominus autem inrisit me et rebus ipsis ostendere voluit me ipsum mihi.

3 Quod si non damnando, sed miserando fecit—hoc enim spero certe vel nunc cognita aegritudine mea, —debeo scripturarum eius medicamenta omnia perscrutari et orando ac legendo agere, ut idonea valitudo animae meae ad tam periculosa negotia tribuatur. Quod ante non feci, quia et tempus non habui ; tunc enim ordinatus sum, cum de ipso vacationis tempore ad cognoscendas divinas scripturas cogitaremus et sic nos disponere vellemus, ut nobis otium ad hoc negotium posset esse. Quod verum est, nondum sciebam, quid mihi deesset ad tale opus, quale me nunc torquet et conterit. Quod si propterea in re ipsa didici, quid sit homini necessarium.

This was early in 391 {cf. § 4 "until Easter"), •when Augustine was in his thirty-sixth year. Among his earliest actions at Hippo was the founding of a monastery—his second, that at Tagaste remaining in the charge of Alypius. For other accounts of this forcible ordination see Serm.

NO. 7 (Ep. XXI) tuous were my rebukes, although even before that time I had concluded that this occupation was fraught with great hazards. That was the cause of those tears which some of the brethren noticed me shedding when I was newly ordained ^ ; they said all they could to console me, but, though their intentions were good, their words had no bearing whatever on my trouble, as they did not know the reasons for my grief. But experience has revealed the hazards far, far more fully than even anticipation ; it is not that I have observed some new breakers or storms unknown to me by previous observation or report or reading or meditation, but that I completely miscalculated my ability and strength to avoid them or endure them and reckoned it to be of some worth. But the Lord mocked me and by actual experience sought to show me just what I am.

If He did this in mercy and not in judgement, as I 3 confidently hope now that I at last recognize my weak points, it is my duty to investigate all the remedies to be found in His Scriptures and to see that prayer and study procure for my soul adequate strength for such dangerous tasks. I had no time before the ceremony, so I failed to do it then : I was ordained just when I was planning for a period of leisure in order to make myself acquainted with the Holy Scriptures, and when I was arranging to obtain some spare time for that task. The truth is, I did not realize my lack of qualifications for the duties that now vex and harass me.

If experience has taught me what is requisite for one ccclv. 2 and Possid. Vit. Aug. iv. Ordination by compulsion Avas at this time not uncommon : Ambrose, Martin of Tours, Chrysostom and Paulinus were ordained by force, as was also Jerome's brother, Paulinianus.

ST. AUGUSTINE

qui populo ministrat sacramentum et verbum dei, iit iam mihi non liceat adsequi, quod me non habere cognovi, iubes ergo, ut peream, pater \\ileri ? Ubi est caritas tua ? Certe diligis me ? Certe diligis ipsam ecclesiam, cui me sic ministrare voluisti ? Et tamen certus sum, quod et me et ipsam diligis. Sed putas me idoneum, cum ego melius me noverim, qui tamen nee ipse me nossem, nisi experiendo didicissem.

Sed dicit fortasse sanctitas tua : vellem, scire, quid desit instructioni tuae. Tarn multa autem sunt, ut facilius possim enumerare quae habeam, quam quae habere desidero. Auderem enim dicere scire me et plena fide retinere, quid pertineat ad salutem nostram. Sed hoc ipsum quo modo ministrem ad salutem aliorum non quaerens, quod mihi utile est, sed quod multis, ut salvi jiant ? Et sunt fortasse aliqua, immo non est dubitandum esse in Sanctis libris conscripta consilia, quibus cognitis et adprehensis possit homo dei rebus ecclesiasticis ordinatioribus ministrare aut certe inter manus iniquorum vel vivere conscientia saniore vel mori, ut ilia vita non amittatur, cui uni

Christiana corda humilia et mansueta suspirant. Quo modo autem hoc fieri potest, nisi, quern ad modum ipse dominus dicit, petendo quaerendo pulsando, id est orando legendo plangendo ? Ad quod negotium mihi parvum tempus velut usque ad pascha impetrare volui per fratres a tua sincerissima et vx'nerabili caritate et nunc per has preces volo.

5 Quid enim responsurus sum domino iudici ? Non " Matt. vii. T-8 ; Luke xi. 9-10.

NO. 7 (Ep. XXI) who dispenses God's word and sacrament to the people, only now to be debarred from acquiring what I know

I do not possess, are you, Father Valerius, simply decreeing my ruin? Where is your affection for me ? Do you really love me ? Do you really love the Church which you want me to serve with this poor equipment ? Yet I am sure that you love us both, but you think me quite well equipped, though I know myself better ; but I should not have acquired this knowledge, had it not been taught me by experience.

But perhaps your Holiness replies : "I should like 4 to know wherein your training is deficient." It has so many deficiencies that it would be easier for me to enumerate the things I have acquired than those I want to acquire. I might venture to say that I know and hold with complete trust what belongs to our salvation. But how am I to minister even that for the salvation of others, not seeking mine own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved " ? Perhaps there are some admonitions written in the holy books—nay, it is certain that there are—which, if a man of God grasp and apply them to himself, will enable him to discharge his more ordinary clerical duties, or at least amidst the kicked to keep so sound a conscience that, whether living or dying, he lose not that life for which alone humble and gentle Christian hearts long. But how can this be done, except, as the Lord Himself says, by asking, seeking and knocking,^ that is, by prayer, study and beating of the breast ?

It was for this task that I sought through my brethren to obtain from your dear Reverence a short space of time, say until Easter, and to that I now add this present supplication.

For what answer am I to make to the Iord, when 5

ST. AUGUSTINE

poteram ista iam quaerere, cum ecclesiasticis negotiis impedirer ? Si ergo mihi dicat : serve neqtiam, si villa ecclesiae caluniniosiini aliquem pateretur, cuius fructibus co Uigendis magna opera inpenditur neglecto agro, quern rigavi sanguine meo, si quid agere pro ea posses apud iudicem terrae, nonne omnibus consentientibus, nonnu Uis etiam iubentibus et cogentibus pergeres et, si contra te iudicaretur, etiam trans mare proficiscereris ? Atque hoc modo vel annuam vel amplius absentiam tuam nulla querella revocaret, ne alius possideret terram non animae sed corpori pauperum necessariam, quorum tamen famem vivae arbores meae multo facilius mihique gratius, si diligenter colerentur, explerent. Cur ergo ad discendam agriculturam meam vacationem temporis tibi defuisse causaris ? Die mihi, quid respondeam ; rogo te an forte vis dicam : senex \^alerius dum me omnibus rebus instructum esse credidisset, quanto amplius me dilexit, tanto minus discere ista permisit ?

6 Adtende omnia ista, senex Valeri ; obsecro te per bonitatem et severitatem Christi, per misericordiam et iudicium eius, per eum, tantam qui tibi inspiravit erga nos caritatem, ut ne te nee pro lucro animae nostrae audeamus offendere. Sic autem mihi dominum et Christum testem facis innocentiae et caritatis et sinceri af Fectus quem circa nos habes, quasi ego non de his iurare omnibus possum. Ipsam ergo

« Matt, xviii. 32 ; Luke xix. 22.

In Africa and Spain the title Sfji.r was given to the Metropolitan, since the senior Bishop in those two countries usually held that dignity. The Bishop of Carthage was Primate from his possession of that see, but from 305 there was a Primate of Nnmidia as well, and later of Tripolitana, the Mauretanias, and Byzacenum. Cf. Leo Magn. Ep. iv. " in singulis Africae provinciis antiquitus primates] institue38

NO. 7 (Ep. XXI)

He judges me? That I had no opportunity for self improvement in the embarrassment of clerical duties ?

If He were to say to me: "Thou wicked servant,^ if some rogue were preying upon the Church's property, the fruits of which are gathered with great expenditure of effort, and your intervention before an earthly bar could be of some avail, would not everyone agree and some even command and compel you to abandon the field that I watered with My own Blood and proceed to court, and if the verdict were unfavourable, even to make the journey across the sea ? You might spend a year or more \vithout being recalled by grumbling, in preventing the land needful for the bodily, not the spiritual, welfare of the poor from falling into other hands ; yet their hunger would be appeased much more easily and more satisfactorily to Me, by My living trees, if they were carefully tended. Why then do you complain that you had no leisure to learn My husbandry ? " Tell me, what answer could I make ? I Monder if you would like me to say : "But the Senior \^alerius thought my training was complete and, out of his great love for me, gave me all the less opportunity to acquire what I lacked " ? Consider all these points. Senior Valerius ; I en6 treat you by the goodness and severity of Christ, by His mercy and judgement, by Him who inspired you with such affection for me that even to gain my own soul I would not venture to displease you. You call upon the Lord and Christ to bear witness to me of the single-mindedness and liking and warm affection you have towards me, as if I could not take an oath myself on them all. To that liking and affection bantur non secundum potentiam alicuius civitatis, sed secundum tempus suae ordinationis."

ST. AUGUSTINE

caritateni et affectum inploro, ut miserearis mei et concedas mihi ad hoc quod rogavi, tempus quantum rogavi, atque adiuves me orationibus tuis, ut non sit inane desiderium meum nee infructuosa ecclesiae Christi atque utilitati fratrum et conservorum meorum absentia mea. Scio quod illam caritatem pro me orantem maxime in tali causa non despicit dominus et earn sicut sacrificium suavitatis accipiens fortassis brexdore tempore, quam postula\-i, me saluberrimis consiliis de scripturis suis reddet instructum.

No. 8 (Ep. XXII) AURELIO EPISCOPO AUGUSTINUS PRESBYTER

1 I. Qua gratia responderem litteris sanctitatis tuae, cum diu haesitans non reperirem—omnia enim vicit affectus animi mei, quem iam sponte surgentem lectio epistulae tuae multo ardentius excitavit,—commisi me tamen deo, qui pro viribus meis operaretur in me, ut ea rescriberem, quae utrique nostrum studio in domino et cura ecclesiastica pro tua praestantia et mea obsecundatione congruerent. Atque illud primum, quod orationibus meis te adiuvari credis, non solum non defugio, verum etiam libenter amplector. Ita enim etsi non meis, at certe tuis me dominus noster exaudiet. Quod fratrem Alypium in nostra coniunctione mansisse, ut exemplo sit fratribus curas mundi huius vitare cupientibus, benivolentissime

Augustine first met Aurelius at Carthage in 388, when Aurelius was a deacon (Civ. Dei xxii, 8. 8), and there were laid the beginnings of a long and close friendship. Aurehus succeeded to the see of Carthage in 391 or 39:2, and was still in office in 426. To him Augustine dedicated his De Trinitate, De Gestis Pelagli, and De Opere Monachorum. 40

NO. 7 (Ep. XXI)—NO. 8 (Ep. XXII)

I appeal : pity me and give me the time I want for the thino; I want ; give me the aid of your prayers, that my desire be not in vain and my absence not without fruit to the Church of Christ and the welfare of my brethren and fellow-servants. I am sure that the Lord does not despise such affection when it expresses itself in prayer for me, especially in a matter of this kind. He will accept it as a sweet sacrifice, and perhaps in a shorter time than I have asked for will provide from the health-giving counsels of His Scriptures the instruction I need.

No. 8 (Ep. XXII) (a.d. 392) TO BISHOP AURELIUS « FROM AUGUSTINE,

PRIEST

I. After long hesitation I have not discovered how 1 most gratefully to reply to your Holiness 's letter, for all my efforts were thwarted by my heartfelt emotion, which rising of its own accord Mas much more warmly stirred by the reading of your letter. But I cast myself upon God that He might work in me according to my strength, so that I should reply to you as befitted our mutual zeal in the Lord and our care for His church, you in your exalted station and I in my subordinate post. And, first, so far from declining your assurance that you believe my prayers avail for you, I gladly welcome it, for in this way the Lord will hear and answer me, if not through my own prayers, then certainly through yours. I am more grateful to you than I can well express for your kindly approval of brother Alypius's action in remaining a member of our fellowship, as an example to the brethren who

ST. AUGUSTINE

accepisti, ago gratias, quas nullis verbis explicare possim ; deus hoc rependat in animam tuarn. Omnis itaque fratrum coetus, qui apud eos coepit coalescere, tanta tibi praerogativa obstrictus est, ut locis terrarum tantum longe disiunctis ita nobis consulueris tamquani praesentissimus spiritu. Quapropter preeibus, quantum valemus, incumbimus, ut gregem tibi commissum tecum dominus sustinere dignetur nee te uspiam deserere, sed adesse adiutor in opportunitatihus faciens cum ecclesia sua misericordiam per sacerdotium tuum, qualem spiritales viri ut faciat lacrimis eum gemitibusque interpellant.

2 Scias itaque, domine beatissime et plenissima caritate venerabilis, non desperare nos, immo sperare nos vehementer, quod dominus et deus noster per auctoritatem personae, quam geris, quam non carni, sed spiritu tuo inpositam esse confidimus, multas carnales foeditates et aegritudines, quas Africana ecclesia in multis patitur, in paucis gemit . . . conciliorum gravi ense et tua gravitate posse sanari. Cum enim apostolus tria breviter genera vitiorum detestanda et vitanda uno in loco posuerit, de quibus innumerabilium peccatorum exsurrexit seges, unum horum, quod quidem secundo loco posuit, acerrime in ecclesia vindicatur ; duo autem reliqua, id est primum et ultimum, tolerabilia videntur hominibus atque ita paulatim fieri potest, ut nee vitia iam putentur. Ait enim vas electionis : Non in comissationihus et ehrietatihus , non in cubilibus et inpudicitiis, non

Ps. Lx. 10 ; xvii. 51.

There is an anacoluthon here, and Goldbacher has marked a lacuna. The last clause (ronciliorufn . . . sanari) is a locus vexatisshnus, and the variants so numerous that the textual critic must be referred to Goldbacher's apparatus, 42

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) wish to withdraw from the cares of this world. May God recompense your soul for this ! The whole company of brethren that has begun to form around them is therefore bound to you with great gratitude, for you looked after our interests as if yery present in spirit, although our abode is so far remoyed from yours in space. So we deyote our best strength to praying that the Lord \W11 deign to uphold with you the flock committed to your care and that He will neyer leaye you but be a present help in time of trouble," showing \\'ith His Church such mercy through your ministry as spiritual men implore Him with tears and groanings to show.

Let me assure you, therefore, my Lord most 2 reyered, worthy of all deyotion and of oyerflowing affection, that we are not without hope—nay, are rather strongly hopeful—that through the authority you bear, laid, as we trust, not on your flesh, but on your spirit, our Lord and God may use the weighty sword of councils and your own weight for the healing of the many carnal sores and disorders which the African Church is suffering in so many quarters and lamenting in so few.'' In one passage the Apostle has set down to be hated and shunned three classes of yice from which has sprung an incalculable crop of sins. One of them, which he places only in the second rank, the Church punishes most seyerely ; the other two, the first and the last-mentioned, appear to men to be quite tolerable, and so they may gradually come to be looked upon as not sins at all. The words of the Chosen Vessel'' are these : "Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and " St. Paul, so called from the words of Acts ix. 15.

ST. AUGUSTINE

in coiitentione et zelo ; sed induite vos dominum lesum ChrisUim et camis curam nefeceritis in concupiscentiis.

3 Horum ergo trium cubilia et inpudicitiae ita magnum crimen putatur, ut nemo dignus non modo ecclesiastico ministerio, sed ipsa etiam sacramentorum communione videatur, qui se isto peccato maculaverit. Et recte omnino. Sed quare solum ? Comissationes enim et ebrietates ita concessae et lieitae putantur, ut in honore etiam beatissimorum martyrum non solum per dies sollemnes, quod ipsum quis non lugendum videat, qui haec non carneis oeulis inspicit, sed etiam cotidie celebrentur. Quam foeditatem, si tantum flagitiosa et non etiam sacrilega esset, quibuscumque tolerantiae viribus sustentandam putaremus. Quamquam ubi est illud, quod cum multa vitia enumerasset idem apostolus, inter quae posuit ebriosos, ita conclusit, ut diceret : cum talihus nee panem edere ? Sed feramus haec in luxu et labe domestica et eorum conviviorum quae privatis parietibus continentur, accipiamusque cum eis corpus Christi, cum quibus panem edere prohibemur : saltem de sanctorum corporum sepulcris, saltem de

Rom. xiii.

This practice of drunkenness at the martyrs' tom})S was widespread (Ps.-Cypr. JJupL Martyr. 25 " armon videmus ad martyrum memorias Christianum a Christiano cogi ad ebrietatem?" Ambr. Ihlia xvii. 62 " ca Hces ad sepulchra martyrum deferunt atque illic in vesperam bil)unt," etc.).

It was a survival of the old pagan custom of celebrating Parentalia or Feralia on the tombs of the dead, but, as Augustine says, the Church attempted to arrest this licence, not by complete suppression, but by converting the offering of bread and wine laid on the tombs (see (,'onf. vi. 2) to a nobler use. I'he martyr's tomb was made an altar, round which was built the chapel dedicated to him and called by his name; this explains why, in the fourth century, churches 44

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) wantonness, not in strife and envying ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof."" Of these three classes, chambering and wantonness 3 are considered so great an offence that no one who lias defiled himself with that sin is considered worthy not merely of holding office in the Church, but even of participation in the sacraments. And quite rightly so, but why single out these ? Rioting and drunkenness are considered so permissible and tolerable that they are practised not only on holy days, when the blessed martyrs are honoured,—a lamentable sight to anyone who looks on such festivities with more than a carnal eye,—but even on any and every day. Were this depravity only immoral and not sacrilegious as well, we might think of putting up with it with what power of endurance we could. And yet, what about the same Apostle's statement, when he ends his lengthy list of vices, among which drunkenness finds a place, by saying : " With such an one not even to eat bread " ^' ? Are we to put up with it in the disgraceful debauchery of private life and of those festivities that are confined to private houses, and receive the Body of Christ in the company of those with whom we are forbidden to eat bread ? At least let such a disgraceful practice be removed from the cemeteries ^ where were built outside the towns, for the cemeteries were there only in the tenth century did the church reach the middle of the town. Further, the martyr's fame and sanctity encouraged burial near him ; hence the habit of burial within the church, and later around it. So throughout the Middle Ages the church and the cemetery were the sacred place of the people : there they held their plays, their dances (Giraldi:s Cambrensis describes one in Wales in 1188, Itln. Kamhr. i. 2), their revels and even their drinking-bouts, in spite of repeated prohibitions by Church Councils.

ST. AUGUSTINE

locis sacranientorum, de domibus orationuni tantum dedecus arceatur. Quis enim audet vetare privatim, quod cum frequentatur in Sanctis locis, honor niartyrum nominatur ?

4 Haec si prima Africa temptaret auferre, a ceteris terris imitatione digna esse deberet ; cum vero et per Italiae maximam partem et in aliis omnibus aut prope omnibus transmarinis ecclesiis, partim quia numquam facta sunt, partim quia vel orta vel inveterata sanctorum et vere de vita futura cogitantium episcoporum diligentia et anirnadversione extincta atque deleta sunt, . . . dubitare quo modo possumus tantam morum labem vel proposito tam lato exemplo emendare r Et nos quidem illarum partium hominem habemus episcopum, unde magnas deo agimus gratias. Quamquam eius modestiae atque lenitatis est, eius denique prudentiae et so Uicitudinis in domino, ut, etiam si Afer esset, cito illi de scripturis persuaderetur curandum, quod licentiosa et male libera consuetudo vulnus inflixit, sed tanta pestilentia est huius mali, ut sanari prorsus, quantum mihi videtur, nisi concilii auctoritate non possit, aut, si ab una ecclesia inchoanda est medicina, sicut videtur audaciae mutare conari quod Carthaginiensis ecclesia tenet, sic magnae inpudentiae est velle servare quod Carthaginiensis ecclesia correxit. Ad banc autem rem quis alius episcopus esset optandus, nisi qui ea diaconus execrabatur ?

5 Sed quod erat tunc dolendum, nunc auferendum

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) the bodies of the saints are laid, and from the place where the sacraments are celebrated, and from the house of prayer. For who dare forbid the use in private of that which, when practised in holy places, is called a tribute to the martyrs ?

If Africa were the first to attempt the removal of -1 these abuses, she would be worthy of imitation by all other countries. But since they have been repressed and done away with through the greater part of Italy and in all, or nearly all, the other churches across the sea, partly because they were never in use, partly because, when they did arise or were of long standing, the scrupulousness and censure of saintly bishops, truly contemplating the life to come . . . how can we hesitate to correct this grave moral corruption, especially after the precedent set by so many others ? We have, too, as bishop a man belonging to those regions, for which fact we heartily thank God. Yet he is of such moderation and gentleness, such wisdom and zeal in the Lord, that, even if he were an African, he would readily have been persuaded from the Scriptures to undertake the cure of the wound that this dissolute and disorderly custom has inflicted. But the disease wrought by this evil habit has become so chronic that complete recovery seems to me to be impossible, unless by the authority of a council ; or if any one church has to begin the treatment, it appears foolish to try to change anything the Church of Carthage retains, and very presumptuous to desire to keep anything the Church of Carthage has rectified. And to carry through that reform here, what bishop could be more desirable than the one who, as a deacon, denounced such abuses ? But what at that time you could only deplore must 5

ST. AUGUSTINE

est, non aspere sed, sicut scriptum est, in spiritu lenitahs et mansuetudiiiis. Dant enim mihi fiduciam litterae tuae, indices germanissimae caritatis, ut tecum tamquam iiiecuni audeam conloqui. Xon ergo aspere, quantum existimo, non duriter, non modo imperioso ista tolluntur,magisdocendo quam iubendo, magis monendo quam minando. Sic enim agendum est cum multitudine, se Veritas autem exercenda est in peccata paucorum. Et si quid minamur, cum dolore fiat de scripturis comminando vindictam futuram, ne nos ipsi in nostra potestate, sed deus in nostro sermone timeatur. Ita prius movebuntur spiritales vel spiritalibus proximi, quorum auctoritate et lenissimis quidem sed instantissimis admonitionibus cetera multitudo frangatur.

6 Sed quoniam istae in ' cimiteriis ebrietates et luxuriosa convivia non solum honores martyrum a carnali et inperita plebe credi solent, sed etiam solacia mortuorum, mihi videtur facilius illis dissuaderi posse istam foeditatem ac turpitudinem, si et de scripturis prohibeatur et oblationes pro spiritibus dormientium, quas vere aliquid adiuvare credendum est, super ipsas memorias non sint sumptuosae atque omnibus petentibus sine typho et cum alacritate praebeantur neque vendantur ; sed si quis pro religione aliquid pecuniae of Ferre voluerit, in praesenti pauperibus eroget. Ita nee deserere videbuntur memorias suorum, quod potest gignere non levem cordis dolo-

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) now be repressed, not harshly, but as Scripture puts it, in the spirit of gentleness and meekness." Your letter, revealing as it does deep brotherly affection, encourages me to talk to you as I would to myself. It is not by harshness, in my opinion, or by severity, or by overbearing methods, that such evils are removed, but by education rather than by formal commands, by persuasion rather than by intimidation. That is the kind of treatment to use with men in the mass, while severity should be employed against the sins of individuals. If there be any intimidation, let it be done with sorrow by the threats of future punishment from the Scriptures, then the fear we inspire will not be of ourselves or our authority, but of God speaking in us. In this way an impression will first be made on the spiritually minded or on those most nearly so, and by their influence and gentle, but urgent, expostulation the rest of the crowd will be subdued.

But since those drunken revels in cemeteries and 6 those social orgies are usually considered by the carnal and ignorant laity not only to honour the martyrs but also to comfort the dead, they could, I think, be more easily prevailed upon to abandon th it scandalous and vicious practice, if, besides forbidding it on Scriptural grounds, we ensure that the offerings made upon tombs for the spirits of those who have fallen asleep (and we must surely believe that they are of some avail) be not extravagant and be tendered without ostentation or reluctance to any who seek them, but be not sold. If any person wishes from religious motives to make an offering in coin, let him distribute it to the poor on the spot. In this way people will not have the appearance of neglecting their own burial-places, which might pro-

ST. AUGUSTINE

rem, et id celebrabitur in ecclesia, quod pie honesteque celebratur. Haec interim de comissationibus et ebrietatibus dicta sint.

7 11. De contentione autem et zelo quid me attinet dicere, quando ista vitia non in plebe, sed in nostro numero graviora sunt t Horum autem morborum mater superbia est et humanae laudis aviditas, quae etiam hypocrisin saepe generat. Huic non resistitur, nisi crebris divinorum librorum testimoniis incutiatur timor et caritas dei, si tamen ille, qui hoc agit, se ipsum praebeat patientiae atque humilitatis exemplum minus sibi adsumendo, quam of Fertur, sed tamen ab eis, qui se honorant, nee totum nee nihil accipiendo et id, quod accipitur laudis aut honoris, non propter se, qui totus coram deo esse debet et humana contemnere, sed propter illos accipiatur, quibus consulere non potest, si nimia deiectione vilescat. Ad hoc enim pertinet, quod dictum est

Nemo iuventutem tuam contemnat, cum ille hoc dixerit, qui alio loco ait : Si hominihus placere vellem, Christi servus non essem.

8 Magnum est de honoribus et laudibus hominum non laetari, sed et omnem inanem pompam praecidere et, si quid inde necessarium retinetur, id totum ad utilitatem honorantium salutemque conferre. Non enim frustra dictum est : Deus confringet ossa hominihus placere volentium. Quid enim languidius, quid tam sine stabilitate ac fortitudine, quod ossa significant, quam homo quem male loquen-

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) duce no slight heart-soreness, and the ceremonies in church will be conducted with piety and decorum. So mucli then, meanwhile, for rioting and drunkenness.

II. Then again, concerning strife and envying, what 7 right have I to speak, since such sins are more serious among ourselves than among the laity ? These e\ils are the offspring of pride and eagerness for the praise of men, which often begets hypocrisy as well. The only way they can be resisted is by instilling the fear and love of God with repeated arguments from the holy books, provided that one who follows this method shows himself a pattern of patience and humility, arrog-atino' to himself less honour than is offered him and yet accepting from those who pay him honour neither everything nor nothing, but accepting whatever honour and praise is offered him. not on his own behalf, since he ought to be living with a sole eye to God and to despise merely mortal rewards, but for their sakes whose welfare he cannot promote if he depreciate himself so much that he loses men's esteem. That is the point of the saying, " Let no man despise thy youth,"" although he who said those words remarks in another place, " If I yet pleased men, I should not be the servant of Christ." ^

It is a great matter not to rejoice in human praise 8 and honours but to discard all empty ostentation, and, if any of it must be kept, to turn it all to the use and the well-being of those who honour us. Not for nothing has it been said, " God will break the bones of those who seek to please men"^; for what is more feeble, more lacking in steadfastness and strength (for this is what " bones " symbolize), than an individual who is unnerved by the voice of slander, when he knows that

ST. AUGUSTINE

tium lingua debilitat, cum sciat falsa esse quae dicuntur ? Cuius rei dolor nullo modo animae viscera dilaniaret, si non amor laudis eius ossa confringeret. Praesumo de robore animi tui ; itaque ista quae tecum confero, mihi dico ; dignaris tamen, credo, mecum considerare quam sint gravia, quam difficilia.

Non enim huius hostis vires sentit, nisi qui ei bellum indixerit. quia, etsi cuiquam facile est laude carere, dum denegatur, difficile est ea non delectari, cum offertur. Et tamen tanta mentis in deum debet esse suspensio, ut, si non merito laudemur, corrigamus eos, quos possumus, ne arbitrentur aut in nobis esse, quod non est, aut nostrum esse, quod dei est, aut ea laudent, quae quamvis non desint nobis aut etiam supersint, nequaquam tamen sint laudabilia, velut sunt bona omnia, quae vel cum pecoribus habemus communia vel cum impiis hominibus. Si autem merito laudamur propter deum, gratulemur eis quibus placet verum bonum, non tamen nobis quia placemus hominibus, sed si coram deo tales sumus, quales esse nos credunt, et non tribuitur nobis sed deo, cuius dona sunt omnia quae vere meritoque laudantur. Haec mihi ipse canto cotidie vel potius ille cuius salutaria praecepta sunt, quaecumque sive in divinis lectionibus inveniuntur sive quae intrinsecus animo suggeruntur. Et tamen vehementer cum adversario dimicans saepe ab eo vulnera accipio, cum delectationem oblatae laudis mihi auferre non possum.

9 Haec propterea scripsi, ut, si tuae sanctitati iam

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) what is being said against him is untrue ? The pain of receiving such treatment would certainly not rend his inmost soul, unless the love of praise were " breaking his bones." I have every confidence in your strength of mind, so what I am discussing with you

I am applying to myself ; still, you are good enough, I think, to consider with me how serious and difficult a matter this is. Only one who has declared war on that foe realizes his power, for, although it is easy to do without praise, when it is denied us, it is hard not to take pleasure in it, when it is offered. And yet our minds ought to be so completely uplifted to God that, if we are undeservedly praised, we may correct those we can, lest they should think we possess gifts that are not ours, or that the gifts we have from God are our own, or praise qualities we do possess and even possess in a marked degree, but which are in no way niatters for praise, for example all those advantages we share with animals or with unchristian men. But if we are deservedly praised for God's sake, we should congratulate those who find pleasure in what is truly good, and not ourselves for pleasing men, and that only if we are in the eyes of God what they take us to be and offer the praise not to us, but to God ; for everything that is truly and deservedly praised is a gift from Him. This is what I keep on saying to myself each day, or rather He does, from whom come whatever salutary counsels are found in Scripture readings or are suggested to the mind from within. Yet, strenuously as I struggle with the adversary, I often receive wounds from him, since I cannot rid myself of delight in the praise that is offered me.

Your Holiness may have no further need for

ST. AUGUSTINE

non sunt necessaria, sive quod plura ipse huius modi cogites atque utiliora sive quod tuae sanctitati medicina ista non opus sit, mala tamen mea nota sint tibi sciasque. unde pro mea infirmitate deum rogare digneris. Quod ut inpensissime facias, obsecro per humanitatem illius, qui praeceptum dedit, ut in\-icem onera nostra portemus. Multa sunt, quae de nostra vita et conversatione deflerem, quae nollem per litteras ad te venire, sed inter cor meum et cor tuum nulla essent ministeria praeter

OS meum et aures tuas. Si autem venerabilis nobis omniunique nostrum tota sinceritate carissimus, cuius in te vere fraternam, cum praesens essem, benignitatem studiumque perspexi, senex Saturninus si dignatus fuerit, quando opportunum videbit, ad nos venire, quicquid cum eius sanctitate et spiritali af Fectu conloqui potuerimus, aut nihil aut non multum distabit, ac si cum tua dignatione id ageremus. Quod ut nobiscum ab eo petere atque impetrare digneris, tantis precibus posco, quantis verba nulla sufficiunt. Absentiam enim meam tantum longe Hipponienses vehementer nimisque formidant neque ullo modo mihi sic volunt credere ut et ego vobis.

Agrum fratribus datum provisione et liberalitate tua didicimus ante epistulam tuam per sanctum fratrem et conservum nostrum Parthenium, a quo multa alia, quae audire desiderabamus, audivimus. Praestabit dominus, ut etiam cetera, quae adhuc desideramus, impleantur.

<" Gal. vi. 2.

NO. 8 (Ep. XXII) counsels of this kind, either because your own reflection has suggested a richer store of beneficial principles, or else because your Holiness has passed the stage of requiring remedies of this kind. My purpose in writing as I have done is to make you aware of my vices and to let you know what, in view of my weakness, you might ask God for. I beseech you by the humanity of Him who has laid down the rule that we should bear each other's burdens,^ to do this most earnestly. There is much in my life and conduct that I deplore, but I should prefer that it should not reach you by letter ; between my heart and your heart there should be no intermediary save my mouth and your ears. If our venerated Senior, Saturninus, whom we all regard with very genuine affection, and whose really brotherly kindness and concern for you I saw when I was with you, will deign to visit us when he sees it convenient, any conversation I may have ^vith that holy and warm-hearted and spiritually-minded man will be little, if any, different from what I might have with your Grace. With entreaties that surpass all expression I urge you to be good enough to join me in asking and obtaining a visit from him. The people of Hippo are much afraid, indeed excessively so, to let me go so far away from them, and they are in no wise willing to trust me, as I trust you.

Before your letter reached me, I learned through our saintly brother and fellow-servant, Parthenius, of the ground provided for our brethren by your forethought and generosity. He gave us besides much news that we were anxious to have. The Lord ^vill grant the fulfilment of the other things also for which we are still anxious.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 9 (Ep. XXVIII)

DOMINO DILECTISSIMO ET CULTU SINCERISSIMO CARITATIS OBSERVANDO ATQUE AMPLECTEXDO FRATRI ET CONPRESBYTERO HIERONYMO AUGUSTINUS

1 I. Numquani aeque quisquam facie cuilibet innotuit quam mihi tuorum in domino studiorum quieta laetitia et vere exercitatio liberalis. Quamquam ergo percupiam omnino te nosse, tamen exiguum quiddam tui minus habeo, praesentiam videlicet corporis. Quam ipsam etiam, posteaquam te beatissimus nunc episcopus tunc vero iam episcopatu dignus frater Alypius vidit remeansque a me visus est, negare non possum magna ex parte mihi esse relatu eius inpressam et ante reditum, cum te ille ibi videbat, ego videbam sed oculis eius. Non enim animo me atque ilium sed corpore duos, qui noverit, dixerit, Concordia dum taxat et familiaritate fidissima, non meritis, quibus ille antecellit. Quia ergo me primitus communione spiritus, quo in unum nitimur, deinde illius ex ore iam diligis, nequaquam inpudenter quasi aliquis ignotus commendo germanitati tuae fratrem Profuturum, quem nostris conatibus, deinde adiu-

Written from Hippo. Jerome was at Bethlehem, but through a series of mishaps this letter was not delivered until nine years later.

Profuturus was a member of Augustine's monastery at Hippo. He was prevented from setting out with this 56

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII)

No. 9 (Ep. XXVIII) (a.d. 39i or 395) AUGUSTINE TO JEROME, MY BELOVED LORD, MY BROTHER AND FELLOW-PRIEST, WORTHY OF ESTEEM AND HONOUR AND DEVOTED AFFECTION «

I. Never did any man know another's features 1 as well as I have come to know what peaceful joy you find in your studies in the Lord and what truly noble application you give to them. My desire for thorough acquaintance with you is of the strongest, yet I lack only one small portion of you, namely your bodily presence. But, I can assure you, even that has been to a large extent imprinted on my mind by the account given me by brother Alypius, now a much revered bishop, but even then, when he saw you, well worthy of that office. I saw him on his return, but even before then, while he was seeing you there, I too saw you, though with his eyes. For anyone who knows us both would say that he and I are distinct individuals in body only, not in mind ; I mean in our harmoniousness and trusty friendship, not in merit, in which he far outstrips me. So it is not presumptuous of me, as if I were a stranger to you, since you already cherish affection for me from the unity of spirit, first of all, that makes us strive for one common end and then, from what Alypius has told you of me, to commend to your fraternal kindness our brother Profuturus ^ ; it is my hope that through my efforts on his behalf and then letter by his appointment to the see of Cirta and died before 403 (Ep. Ixxi. 2). To him is addressed No. 13 infra.

ST. AUGUSTINE

torio tuo, vere profuturum speramus, nisi forte quod talis est, ut ipse tibi per eum fiam commendatior quam ille per me. Hactenus fortasse scribere debuerim, si esse vellem epistularum sollemnium more contentus. Sed scatet animus in loquelas communicandas tecum de studiis nostris quae habemus in Christo lesu domino nostro, qui nobis multas utilitates et viatica quaedam demonstrati a se itineris etiam per tuam caritatem non mediocriter ministrare dignatur.

2 II. Petimus ergo et nobiscum petit omnis Africanarum ecclesiarum studiosasocietas,utinterpretandis eorum libris qui graece scripturas nostras quam optime tractaverunt, curam atque operam inpendere non graveris. Potes enim efficere, ut nos quoque habeamus tales illos viros et unum potissimum, quern tu libentius in tuis litteris sonas. De vertendis autem in linguam latinam Sanctis litteris canonicis laborare te no Uem, nisi eo modo quo lob interpretatus es, ut signis adhibitis, quid inter banc tuam et lxx, quorum est gravissima auctoritas, interpretationem distet, appareat. Satis autem nequeo mirari si aliquid adhuc in hebraeis exemplaribus invenitur, quod tot interpretes illius linguae peritissimos fugerit. Omitto enim lxx, de quorum vel consilii vel spiritus maiore

Concordia quam si unus homo esset, non audeo in aliquam partem certam ferre sententiam, nisi quod eis praeminentem auctoritatem in hoc munere sine controversia tribuendam existimo. lUi me plus movent, " Origen. 58

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII) throucrh your assistance he really will '• profit "—except perhaps that he is the kind of man who will give youabetteropinionofme than I have given you of him. At this point I should perhaps have laid down my pen if I were satisfied with the usual formal letter, but so many remarks swarm into my mind that I must exchange \\ith you about the studies with which we are occupied in Jesus Christ, our Lord, who even through your Charity is pleased to provide us, in no stinted manner, with many benefits and, so to speak, resources for the journey He has prescribed.

II. We beg vou then (and we are joined in this by 2 all the companv of students in the African churches) not to refuse to devote toil and trouble to translating the work*^ of those who have so excellently expounded our Scriptures in Greek. You can put us in possession of those notable commentators and of one in particular, whose name you utter in your writings with more than usual pleasure. ° But in translating the holy canonical writings into Latin I should not like you to follow any other method than that in which you translated Job, namely by applying signs to show wherein your translation differs from that of the Seventy, whose authority is of the weightiest. But I should be incredibly surprised if anything is found at this time of day in the Hebrew manuscripts that has escaped so many translators possessing expert knowledge of that language. I leave the Seventy out of account ; of their unanimity of mind or of inspiration, greater than if only one man had been concerned, I should not venture to express a definite opinion in any direction, except that I think there can be no question that in this sphere they must be conceded an outstanding authority. I am more

ST. AUGUSTINE

qui, cum posteriores interpretarentur et verborum locutionumque hebraearuni \'iani atque regulas niordacius, ut fertur, tenerent, non solum inter se non consenserunt, sed etiam reliquerunt multa, quae tanto post eruenda et prodenda remanerent. Si enim obscura sunt, te quoque in eis falli posse creditur ; si manifesta, illos in eis falli potuisse non creditur. Huius igitur rei pro tua caritate expositis causis certum me facias obsecraverim.

3 III. Legi etiam quaedam scripta, quae tua dicerentur, in epistulas apostoli Pauli,quarum ad Galatas cum enodare velles, venit in manus locus ille, quo apostolus Petrus a perniciosa simulatione revocatur. Ibi patrocinium mendacii susceptum esse vel abs te tali viro vel a quopiam, si alius ilia scripsit, fateor, non mediocriter doleo, donee refellantur, si forte refelli possunt, ea quae me movent. Mihi enim videtur exitiosissime credialiquod in libris Sanctis esse mendacium, id est, eos homines per quos nobis ilia scriptura ministrata est atque conscripta, aliquid in libris suis fuisse mentitos. Alia quippe quaestio est, sitne aliquando mentiri viri boni, et alia quaestio est, utrum

This controversy between Augustine and Jerome became famous in the history of the Church. St. Peter's inconsistent conduct at Antioch, in first eating with the Gentiles and later withdrawing from them (Gal. ii. 11-14), was found difficult to explain ; both heretics and pagans used the incident to discredit either Paul or Peter and the Church as well. One commentator, Clement of Alexandria, cut the knot by declaring that the Cephas mentioned in Galatians was not wSt. Petei, but a disciple of the same name; Origen invented the disingenuous and worse theory that the dispute between the two apostles was simulated in order the more severely to condemn the Judaizers. This view found wide acceptance: it was defended and urged by Chrysostom and, in the West, with characteristic vigour, by Jerome. Augustine here and 60

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII) concerned about the later translators ; they are said to have possessed a more thorough grip of the course and the rules of Hebrew words and phrases, and yet they are not only at variance with each other, but have also left many points that have remained to be unearthed and broucjht to lio-ht after so long. For if these points are obscure, then it is quite credible that you too may go astray in them ; if they are clear, it is incredible that they could have gone astray in them. I should like to ask you of your kindness to explain the reasons for this state of things and to give me some assurance about it.

III. I have been reading some books that are said 3 to be by you, on the Epistles of the Apostle Paul ; in seeking to expound Galatians, you reached that passage in which the Apostle Peter is withheld from a piece of pernicious deceit." To see there the defence of falsehood undertaken by a man like you or by some other person (if another person was the author) has caused me, I confess, no small grief, which I shall continue to feel until the objections that trouble my mind are disproved, if they really can be disproved. For it seems to me very disastrous to believe that there can be any falsehood in the sacred books—I mean that those men who MTote and transmitted to us the Scripture, in any way lied in what they wrote. They are two quite different questions, whether it ever accords with a good man's character to lie, and whether a writer of the Holy in other letters denounces this interpretation as subversive of the whole authority of Scripture. Jerome eventually accepted Augustine's view, which became generally accepted. A full account of the controversy is given in Lightfoot's commentary on Galatians, pp. 128-132.

ST. AUGUSTINE

scriptorem sanctarum scripturarum mentiri oportuerit, immo vero non alia, sed nulla quaestio est. Admisso enim semel in tantum auctoritatis fastigium officioso aliquo mendacio, nulla illorum librorum particula remanebit, quae non, ut cuique videbitur vel ad mores difficilis vel ad fidem incredibilis, eadem perniciosissima regula ad mentientis auctoris consilium officiumque referatur.

4 Si enim mentiebatur apostolus Paulus, cum apostolum Petrum obiurgans diceret : Si tu, cum sis ludaeus, gentiliter et non iudaice vivis, quern ad modum Rentes cogis iudaizare ? et recte illi videbatur Petrus fecisse, quem non recte fecisse et dixit et scripsit, ut quasi animos tumultuantium deleniret, quid respondebimus, cum exsurrexerint perversi homines prohibentes nuptias, quos futuros ipse praenuntiavit. et dixerint totum illud, quod idem apostolus de matrimoniorum iure firmando locutus est, propter homines, qui dilectione coniugumtumultuaripoterant, fuisse mentitum, scilicet non quod hoc senserit, sed ut illorum placaretur adversitas ? Non opus est multa commemorare. Possunt enim videri etiam de laudibus dei esse officiosa mendacia, ut apud homines pigriores dilectio eius ardescat. Atque ita nusquam certa erit in Sanctis libris castae veritatis auctoritas. Nonne adtendimus eundem apostolum cum ingenti cura commendandae veritatis dicere : Si autem

Christus non resurrejcit, inanis est praedicatio nostra, " Offic'iosum mendac'ium is difficult to translate: it is a lie told from a sense of duty, from a wish to glorify God.

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII)

Scriptures should have lied—nay, they are not really different questions, there is no question about it. Admit even a single well-meant falsehood ^ into such an exalted authority, and there will not be left a single section of those books which, if appearing to anyone to present difficulties from the point of view of practice or to be hard to believe from the point of view of doctrine, will escape, by the same very baneful principle, from being classified as the deliberate tact of an author who was lying.

If the Apostle Paul was lying when he rebuked 4 the Apostle Peter with the words, " If thou, being a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles and not as do the Jews, why compellest thou the Gentiles to live as do the Jews ? " ^ and he approved of Peter's action while condemning him by word and pen with the ostensible object of soothing the mind of those who were raging against him, what answer shall we make when perverse men arise and forbid marriage (as the Apostle foretold would happen'^), declaring that all that he said about strengthening the marriagebond was a lie told for the sake of those men M'ho from love of their wives might have made an uproar, that clearly those were not his real sentiments, but were meant to allay their antagonism ? There is no need to give many illustrations. There might appear to be well-meant falsehoods even about the praise of God, aiming at inflaming love for Him in men comparatively hard of heart, and on those terms nowhere in the holy books would the authority of unadulterated truth stand unchallenged. Do we not observe the great care with which the same apostle commends truth in the words : " And if Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain and your faith is also

ST. AUGUSTINE

inajiis est et fides vestra. Invenimur autem et falsi testes del, quia testimojiium diximus adversus deum, quod suscitaverit Christum, quern Jion suscitavit ? Si quis huic diceret : " Quid in hoc mendacio perhorrescis, cum id dixeris quod, etiam si falsum sit, ad laudem dei maxime pertinet," nonne huius detestatus insaniam quibus posset verbis et significationibus in luceni penetralia sui cordis aperiret, damans non minore aut fortasse etiam maiore scelere in deo laudari falsitatem quam veritatem vituperari ? Agendum est igitur, ut ad cognitionem divinarum scripturarum talis homo accedat, qui de Sanctis libris tarn sancte et veraciter existimet, ut nolit ahqua eorum parte delectari per officiosa mendacia, potiusque id, quod non intellegit, transeat, quam cor suum praeferat illi veritati. Profecto enim cum hoc dicit, credi sibi expetit et id agit, ut divinarum scripturarum auctoritatibus non credamus.

Et ego quidem qualibuscumque viribus quas dominus suggerit, omnia ilia testimonia quae adhibita sunt adstruendae utilitati mendacii, aliter oportere intellegi ostenderem, ut ubique eorum firm a Veritas doceretur. Quam enim testimonia mendacia esse non debent, tam non debent favere mendacio. Sed hoc intellegentiae relinquo tuae. Admota enim lectioni diligentiore consideratione, multo id fortasse facilius videbis quam ego. Ad hanc autem considerationem coget te pietas, qua cognoscis fluctuare auctoritatem divinarum scripturarum, ut in eis quod " 1 Cor. XV. 14-15. 64

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII) vain ; yea, and we are found false mtnesses of God, because we have testified of God that He raised up Christ ; whom He raised not up " " ? If anyone should say to him : " What is it in this lie that shocks you, when, even if what you say is untrue, it very greatly redounds to the glory of God ? " would he not denounce the madness of such a suggestion and with every available word and sign open to the light the inmost secrets of his heart, declaring that to praise falsehood in God was no less a sin, perhaps even a much greater one, than to cast aspersion upon His truth ? An effort must be made to bring to a knowledge of the sacred Scriptures a man who will have such a reverent and truthful opinion of the holy books that he would refuse to find delight in a well-meant falsehood anywhere in them, and would rather pass over what he does not understand than prefer his own intelligence to their truth. For indeed when he expresses such a preference, he demands credence for himself and attempts to destroy our confidence in the authority of the holy Scriptures.

For my part I would use all the strength the Lord 5 supplies to show that all those texts that are adduced to prove the expediency of falsehood ought to be understood in another sense, so that everywhere their unimpeachable veracity might be made apparent. For just as texts ought not to be lies in themselves, so they should lend no support to lies. But I leave this matter to your own intelligence ; if you apply a more attentive consideration to the reading of them, you will perhaps see this more easily than I do. To that consideration you will be compelled by the reverent spirit that makes you recognize that the authority of the holy Scriptures becomes unsettled, F 65

ST. AUGUSTINE

vult quisque credat, quod non vult non credat, si semel fuerit persuasum aliqua illos viros per quos nobis haec ministrata sunt, in scripturis suis officiose potuisse mentiri, nisi forte regulas quasdam daturus es, quibus noverimus ubi oporteat mentiri et ubi non oporteat. Quod si fieri potest, nullo modo mendacibus dubiisque rationibus id explices quaeso, nee me onerosum aut inpudenteni iudices per humanitatem veracissimam domini nostri. Nam ut non dicam nulla certe non magna culpa meus error veritati favet, si recte in te potest Veritas favere mendacio.

6 IV. Multa alia cum sincerissimo corde tuo loqui cuperem et de christian© studio conferre, sed huic desiderio meo nulla epistula sat est. Uberius id possum per fratrem quem miscendum et alendum dulcibus atque utilibus sermocinationibus tuis misisse me gaudeo. Et tamen, quantum vellem, nee ipse, quod eius pace dixerim, forsitan capit. Quamquam nihilo me illi praetulerim ; ego enim me fateor tui capaciorem, sed ipsum video fieri pleniorem, quo me sine dubitatione antecellit. Et posteaquam redierit, quod domino adiuvante prosperatum iri spero, cum eius pectoris abs te cumulati particeps fuero, non est impleturus quod in me adhuc vacuum erit atque avidum sensorurn tuorum. Ita fiet, ut ego etiam tunc egentior sim, ille copiosior. Sane idem frater

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII) so that anyone may believe what he hkes in them and disbeheve what he does not hke, if it be once admitted that those men through whom they were dehvered to us could in their writings have uttered some well-meant lies. But perhaps you mean to provide us with some rules for discerning when lying is expedient and when it is not. If this can be done, I beg you not to couch your explanation in terms that are false or equivocal, nor, by the very true humanity of our Lord, to consider me burdensome or presumptuous. For a mistake on my part that favours truth is, I will not say no fault at all, but certainly no serious fault, if in you the truth can rightly favour lying.

IV. There are many other matters about wliich 6

I should like to have converse with your friendly spirit and to discuss with reference to Christian studies, but for this desire of mine no letter is sufficient ; I can do that more fruitfully through the brother whom I am glad to send to be admitted to the nurture of your pleasant and profitable conversation. And yet even he (I apologize to him for saying this) has perhaps not the capacity to receive all I should like. But still I should not reckon myself his superior in any respect, for I confess that I have more room for receiving from you than he has ; but I see him becoming fuller of you, and in that there is no doubt that he surpasses me. When he returns, as I trust he will succeed in doing with God's, help, and shares with me his understanding that you have richly stored, he is not likely to satisfy the void and the eagerness that I shall still have for your thoughts and feelings, and so I shall even then be the poorer and he the richer. The same brother, ho Avever,

ST. AUGUSTINE

aliqua scripta nostra fert secum. Qiiibus legendis si dignationem adhibueris, etiam sinceram fraternamque severitatem adhibeas quaeso. Non enim aliter intellego, quod scriptum est : Emendahit me iustus hi misericordia et arguet me ; oleum autem peccatoris non inpinguet caput ineum, nisi quia niagis am at obiurgator sanans quani adulator unguens caput. Ego autem difficillime bonus iudex lego, quod scripserim, sed aut timidior recto aut cupidior. Video etiam interdum vitia mea, sed haec malo audire a melioribus, ne, cum me recte fortasse reprehendero, rursus mihi blandiar et meticulosam potius mihi videar in me quam iustam tulisse sententiam.

No. 10 (Ep. XXIX)

EPISTULA PRESBYTERI HIPPOXIEXSIUM REGIORUM AD ALYPIUM EPISCOPUM TAGASTEXSIUM DE DIE NATALIS LEOXTII QUONDAM EPISCOPI HIPPOXIEXSIS

1 De negotio interim quod non curare non possum, nihil certum scribere potui absente fratre Macario, qui cito dicitur rediturus, et quod deo adiuvante peragi potuerit, peragetur. De nostra autem pro els sollicitudine quamquam fratres nostri cives qui aderant, secures vos facere possent, tamen digna res " Ps. cxl. 5. Translated from the Septuagint.

" Leontius suffered martyrdom about 30S. A church built by him, the basilica Leontiana, is several times mentioned by Augustine (here and Serin. 260, 262). "That festival" (§ 2) is the celel)ration of his martyrdom beside his tomb, with that licence which Augustine has in general terms already denounced in No. 8 above. 68

NO. 9 (Ep. XXVIII)—NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) carries with him some of my writings, to which, if you have the condescension to read them, please apply an unbiased and brotherly severity. 1 or I take the words of Scripture, " The righteous shall correct me with pity and reprove me, but the oil of the sinner shall not anoint my head," " to mean this, that he is the greater friend whose censure heals than he whose flattery anoints the head. When I myself read over what I have MTitten, I find the greatest difficulty in judging it rightly, being either over-cautious or over-rash. I catch occasional sight of my faults, but I prefer to hear of them from better men, lest after censuring myself, perchance rightly, I fall again into self-flattery and think that my judgement of myself was more finical than fair.

No. 10 (Ep. XXIX) (a.d. 395) A LETTER FROM THE PRIEST OF HIPPO REGIUS

TO ALYPIUS, BISHOP OF TAGASTE, CONCERNING THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF LEONTIUS,^ FORMERLY BISHOP OF HIPPO

In the absence of brother Macarius,'^ I can give 1 you no definite news meanwhile about that affair, which cannot fail to concern me. He is said to be returning soon, and what God's help will enable me to carry through, shall be carried through. Although the brethren, our fellow-townsmen, who were with you, could assure you of our zeal on their behalf, still a piece of news deserving of that epistolary con- '^ Macariiis is evidently one of Augustine's monks at Hippo, but his identity is otherwise uncertain.

ST. AUGUSTINE

epistulari conloquio quo nos invicem consolamur, a domino praestita est, in quo promerendo multum nos adiutos esse credimus ipsa vestra sollicitudine, quae profecto sine deprecatione pro nobis esse non potuit.

2 Itaque non praetermittamus vestrae caritati narrare quid gestum sit, ut nobiscum deo gratias agatis de accepto beneficio, qui nobiscum preces de accipiendo fudistis. Cum post profectionem tuam nobis nuntiatum esset tumultuari homines et dicere se ferre non posse, ut ilia sollemnitas prohiberetur quam laetitiam nominantes vinulentiae nomen frustra conantur abscondere, sicut etiam te praesente iam iam nuntiabatur, opportune nobis accidit occulta ordinatione omnipotentis dei, ut quarta feria illud in evangelio capitulum consequenter tractaretur : Nolite dare sanctum canibus Jieqiie proieceritis margaritas vestras ante porcos. Tractatum est ergo de canibus et de porcis, ita ut et pervicaci latratu adversus dei praccepta rixantes et voluptatum carnalium sordibus dediti erubescere cogerentur conclusumque ita ut viderent quam esset nefarium intra ecclesiae parietes id agere nomine religionis, quod in suis domibus si agere perseverarent, sancto et margaritis ecclesiasticis eos arceri oporteret.

" From the close of the second century Wednesday and Friday were held as fast-days {semi-ieiunia or dies statlonum, Tert. Orat. 19, Jeiun. 13), but the observance of Wednesday fell into disuse when Saturday was added to the weekly fast-days.

Not " chapter," for these modern divisions are due only to the thirteenth century Hugo of St. Cher, though much earlier the public reading of Scripture had necessitated the use of sections (\-e0d\aia, irepiKOTrai, capitula). In Augustine, for 70

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) verse which is a solace to us both has been provided by the Lord, in gaining Whose favour I believe I have been much assisted by that very anxiety of yours on my behalf, for it certainly must have been accompanied by intercession for me.

So let me not miss the chance of telling your 2 Charity what has happened, so that, as you joined me in pouring forth prayers for the bestowing of this boon, you may join me in giving God thanks for it, now that it has been bestowed. News was brought me after your departure, as it had been several times while you were here, that people were growing unruly and were saying they could not tolerate the prohibition of that festival, the drunken character of which they try in vain to disguise under the name of a " gaudy." Very appropriately, by a hidden dispensation of Almighty God, it happened that on the Wednesday " I was expounding in its due course that section from the Gospel: "Give not that Mhich is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine." ^' I discoursed about dogs and swine in such a way as to compel those to blush for very shame who were obstinately snarling and brawling against God's commandments and were abandoned to foul carnal pleasures. I ended up by showing them the heinousness of perpetrating within the four walls of the church, in the name of religion, what would necessitate their exclusion from " that which is holy " and the " pearls " of the church, if they persisted in doing it within their own homes. example, Romans viii. 18-24 is a capitulum, as are the first five verses of St. John's Gospel.

' Matt. vii. 6.

ST. AUGUSTINE

3 Sed haec quamvis grate accepta fuerint. tamen quia pauci convenerant, non erat satisfactum tanto negotio. Iste aiitem semio cum ab eis qui aderant pro cuiusque facultate ac studio foris ventilaretur, multos habuit contradictores. Postea vero quani dies quadragesimae inluxisset et frequens niultitudo ad horam tractationis occurrit, lectum est illud in evangelio, ubi dominus de templo expulsis venditoribus animaliuni et eversis niensis numniulariorum dixit domum patris sui pro domo orationuni speluncani latronum esse factam. Quod capitulum, cum eos intentos proposita vinulentiae quaestione feci, et ipse quoque recitavi adiunxique disputationem. qua ostenderem,. quanto commotius et vehementius dominus noster ebriosa con vi via, quae ubique sunt turpia, de templo expelleret, unde sic expulit concessa commercia, cum ea venderentur quae sacrificiis illo tempore licitis essent necessaria, quaerens ab eis quibus similiorem putarent speluncam latronum necessaria vendentibus an inmoderate bibentibus.

4 Et quoniam mihi praeparatae lectiones suggerendae tenebantur, adiunxi deinde ipsum adhue carnalem populum ludaeorum in illo templo ubi nondum corpus et sanguis domini offerebatur, non solum vinulenta sed nee sobria quidem umquam celebrasse convi\ia nee eos publice religionis nomine inebriatos inveniri in historia, nisi cum festa fabricato idolo exsolverent. Quae cum dicerem, codicem etiam accepi et recitavi totum ilium locum. Addidi etiam cum dolore, quo potui, quoniam apostolus ait ad dis- " Matt. xxi. 12-13.

Historia, the historical books of the Bible, which were on a separate codex. « Exod. xxxii. 6. 72

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX)

They took this in quite a good spirit, but as 3 the congregation was small, a matter so important demanded further treatment. When my hearers spread news of my sermon outside, each according to his ability and point of view, it found many to oppose it. But after the morning of Quadragesima had dawned and a considerable crowd had gathered at the time of Scripture exposition, we read that portion from the Gospel where the Lord drove from the Temple the sellers of animals and overthrew the tables of the money-changers, saying that His Father's house had been turned from a house of prayer into a den of thieves." After securing their attention by announcing the subject of drunkenness, I read that section myself and followed it with an address designed to show that, if our Lord drove lawful trade from the Temple, since what was sold Mas requisite for the sacrifices permitted under that dispensation, He would with much greater indignation and violence drive from it drunken revels, which are abominable anywhere. And I asked them which they thought more like a den of thieves, those who sold necessaries or those who drank beyond measure.

The Scripture readings, turned up beforehand, 4 were being held ready to hand up to me, so I went on to say that the Jewish people, though yet carnal, never held even sober feasts, far less drunken ones, in that Temple in which as yet there was no offering up of the body and blood of the Lord, and that as a people they were never found in the Bible ^ drunk in the name of religion, unless when they were celebrating a feast to the idol they had made.'' So saying, I took the book and read all that passage. Reminding them that the Apostle, to distinguish

ST. AUGUSTINE

cernendum populum christianum a duritia ludaeorum epistulam suam non in tabulis lapideis scriptam sed in tabulis cordis carnalihus . cum Moyses famulus dei propter illos principes binas lapideas tabulas confregisset, quo modo non possemus istorum corda confringere, qui homines no\d testamenti sanctorum diebus celebrandis ea vellent sollemniter exhibere, quae populus veteris testamenti et semel et idolo celebravit.

5 Tunc reddito exodi codice crimen ebrietatis, quantum tempus sinebat, exaggerans sumpsi apostolum Paulum et inter quae peccata posita esset, ostendi legens ilium locum : Si quis frater nomineiur aut fornicator aut idolis serviens aut avarus aut maledicus aut ebriosus aut rapax, cum eius modi nee cibum sumere, ingemescendo admonens cum quanto periculo convivaremur cum eis qui vel in domibus inebriarentur. Legi etiam illud quod non longo intervallo sequitur : Nolite errare ; neque fornicatores neque idolis servientes neque adulteri neque molles neque masculorum concubitores nequefores neque avari neque ebriosi neque maledici neque raptores regjium dei possidebunt. Et haec quidem foistis, sed abluti estis, sed iustificati estis in nomine domini lesu Christi et spiritu dei nostri. Quibus lectis, dixi ut considerarent quo modo possent fideles audire sed abluti estis, qui adhuc talis concupiscentiae sordes, contra quas clauditur regnurn caelorum, in corde suo, id est in interiore dei templo esse patiuntur. Inde ventum est ad illud capitulum : Con-

" 2 Cor. iii. 3. ^ Exod. xxxii. 19.

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) the Christian people from the obdurate Jews, speaks of his letter as written " not in tables of stone, but in fleshy tables of the heart,"" I went on to ask Mith all the sorrow I could how it was that, though God's servant, Moses, had broken those two tables of stone ^ because of the rulers of Israel, we found it impossible to break their hearts ; they w ere men of the new covenant, yet they chose, in celebrating their saints' days, to practise such rites as the people of the old covenant had practised only once, and that before an idol.

Then I gave back the book of Exodus and enlarged, 5 as far as time permitted, on the sin of drunkenness, taking the apostle Paul and showing in what class of sins he placed it. I read that passage, " If any man that is called a brother be a fornicator or covetous or an idolater or a railer or a drunkard or an extortioner, with such an one no, not to eat," ^ reminding them with groanings what a risk we ran in carousing with those who got drunk even at home.

I read that passage, too, which follows quite close to the last, " Be not deceived : neither fornicators nor idolaters nor adulterers nor effeminate nor abusers of themselves with mankind, nor thieves nor covetous nor drunkards nor revilers nor extortioners shall inherit the kingdom of God. And such were some of you, but ye are washed, but ye are justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and by the Spirit of our God."^ After which, I bade them consider how the faithful could bear to be told " But ye are washed," when they still tolerated in their heart, that is in the inward Temple of God, such filthy lusts, against which the kingdom of heaven is closed. Then I came to that section, " When

ST. AUGUSTINE

veiiieniihus ergo vohis in unum Ji07i est domuiicam cenam celebrare, unusquisque efiim propriam cenam praesumit in manducaiido et alius quidem esurit, alius ebrius est. Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum et bibendum ? an eccksiam dei contenmitis ? Quo recitato, diligentius commendavi ne honesta quidem et sobria convi via debere in ecclesia celebrari, quando quidem apostolus non dixerit : " Numquid domos non habetis ad inebriandos vos," ut quasi tantum modo inebriari in ecclesia non liceret, sed " ad maiiducandum et bibendum," quod potest honeste fieri sed praeter ecclesiam ab eis qui domos habent ubi alimentis necessariis refici possint. Et tamen nos ad has angustias corruptorum temporum et diffluentium morum esse perductos, uti nondum modesta convivia sed saltem domesticum regnum ebrietatis optemus.

6 Commemoravi etiam evangelii capitulum, quod pridie tractaveram, ubi de pseudoprophetis dictum est : Ex fructibus eorinn cognoscetis eos. Deinde in memoriam revocavi fructus eo loco non appellatos nisi opera. Tum quaesivi inter quos fructus nominata esset ebrietas, et recitavi illud ad Galatas : Manifesta autem sunt opera carnis, quae sunt fornicationes, inmunditiae, luxuriae, idolorum servitus, venejicia, inimicitiae, contentiones , aemulationes , animositates, dissensiones, kaereses, ifividiae, ebrietates, comissationes et his similia ; quae praedico vobis, sicut praediii, qiioniam qui talia agunt, regnum dei non possidebunt. Post quae

1 Cor. xi. 20-22. Matt. vii. 16. ^ Gal. v. 19-21.

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) ye come together into one place, that is not to eat the Lord's Supper ; for in eating every one taketh before other his own supper, and one is hungry, and another is drunken. What ? have ye not houses to eat and to drink in ? or despise ye the Church of God?"" After reading that, I earnestly pressed the point that it was not right that even decorous and sober feasts should be held in church, for the Apostle did not say, " Have ye not houses of your own to get drunk in ? " as though it were only in church that getting drunk was not allowed ; what he did say was " to eat and to drink in," a seemly enough action, provided it be done outside the church by those who have houses in which they can be refreshed by the necessary food. And yet what straits we had fallen into, what corrupt times and lax morals, that we could not yet hope for decorous feasts, but only that the dominion of drunkenness should be confined to the home.

I mentioned, too, a passage in the Gospels which 6

I had expounded the day before, in which it is said of false prophets, " By their fruits ye shall know them." ^ Then I reminded them that there " fruits " meant only " works." Next I asked them what fruits drunkenness was reckoned among, repeating to them that passage in Galatians, " Now the works of the flesh are manifest, which are these : adultery, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, heresies, envyings, drunkenness, revellings, and such like ; of the which I tell you, as I have told you in time past, that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God."

After these words, I asked them how, when

ST. AUGUSTINE

verba interrogavi quo modo de fructu ebrietatis agnosceremur christiani, quos de fructibus agnosci dominus iussit. Adiunxi etiam legendum quod sequitur : Fructus autem spiritus est caritas, gaudiuffi, pax, longajiimitas, henignitas, honitas, fides, mansuetudo, conh7ientia, egique ut considerarent quam esset pudendum atque plangendum, quod de illis fructibus carnis non solum privatim vivere, sed etiam honorem ecclesiae deferre cuperent et, si potestas daretur, totum tarn magnae basilicae spatium turbis epulantium ebriorumque complerent ; de spiritalibus autem fructibus ad quos et divinarum scripturarum auctoritate et nostris gemitibus invitarentur, nolunt adferre deo munera et his potissimum celebrare festa sanctorum.

Quibus peractis, codicem reddidi et imperata oratione, quantum valui et quantum me ipsum periculum urguebat et vires subministrare dominus dignabatur, constitui eis ante oculos commune periculum, et ipsorum qui nobis commissi essent, et nostrum, qui de illis rationem reddituri essemus pastorum principi, per cuius humilitatem, insignes contumelias, alapas et sputus in faciem et palmas et spineam coronam et crucem ac sanguinem obsecravi ut, si se ipsi aliquid offendissent, vel nostri misererentur et cogitarent venerabilis senis Valerii circa me ineffabilem caritatem, qui mihi tractandi verba veritatis tam periculosum onus non dubitarit propter

A better rendering than " bidding the people pray." The congregation sometimes exercised the right of demanding a sermon.

Probably this is the right meaning here, not " pierced

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) the Lord has enjoined that Christians be recognized by their fruits, we could ever be so recognized by the fruits of drunkenness. I added that we must read too the verse that follows, " But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance," ^ and I urged them to consider how shameful and lamentable it was that they were not satisfied with practising those fruits of the flesh at home, but actually wanted to honour the church with them and, if they were only allowed, to fill up all the space of a church of this great size with crowds of banqueters and drunkards ; yet they would not offer to God the tribute of those spiritual fruits, to which they were invited both by the authority of the Holy Scriptures and by our groanings, and with them rather than any others celebrate the saints' days.

After that, I handed back the manuscript and, 7 being asked to speak, ^ I set before their eyes, as far as I could and as far as the danger itself impelled me and the Lord was pleased to afford me strength, our common danger, theirs, who were entrusted to our care, as well as ours, who were to render an account of them to the Chief Shepherd. I implored them by His humiliation, the unequalled insults, buffetings, and spitting on the face that He endured, by the blows on His face ^ and His crown of thorns and cross and blood, to have pity at least for me, if they had any reason for personal displeasure, and to consider the inexpressible affection felt for me by the venerable Senior, Valerius, who for their sakes had not hesitated to lay upon me the dangerous burden of expounding hands." Cf. ^^llgate, Matt. xxvi. 67 " alii palmas in faciem ei dederunt."

ST. AUGUSTINE

eos inponerC; eisque saepe dixerit quod orationes eius exauditae essent de nostro adventu, quos non iitique ad communem mortem vel spectaculum mortis illormii sed ad communem conatum in aeternam vitam ad se venisse laetatus est. Postremo etiam dixi certum esse me et fidere in eum qui mentiri nescit, qui per OS prophetae sui pollicitus est de domino nostro lesu Christo dieens : Si reliquerint Jilii eius legem meam et in praeceptis meis ?iO}i amhidaverint, si iustijicatio7ies meas profanaverint, visitaho in virga facinora eorum et ill jiagellis delicta eorum ; misericordiam autem meam jion auferam, in eum ergo me fidere, quod, si haec tanta quae sibi essent lecta et dicta, contemnerent, visitaturus esset in virga et in flagello nee eos permissurus cum hoc mundo damnari. In qua conquestione sic actum ut pro negotii atque periculi magnitudine tutor et gubernator noster animos facultatemque praebebat. Non ego illorum lacrimas meis lacrimis movi, sed cum talia dicerentur, fateor, eorum fletu praeventus meum abstinere non potui. Et cum iam pariter flevissemus, plenissima spe correct] onis illorum finis sermonis mei factus est.

8 Postridie vero, cum inluxisset dies cui solebant fauces ventresque se parare, nuntiatur mihi nonnullos eorum etiam, qui sermoni aderant, nondum a murmuratione cessasse tantumque in eis valere vim pessimae consuetudinis, ut eius tantum voce uterentur et dicerent : " Quare modo ? Non enim

This was contrary to the custom of the western church : in episcopal churches presbyters were forbidden to preach. For his violation of this rule Augustine was severely criticized by some of his colleagues, but Jerome describes the restriction as " a verv bad practice " (Ep. lii.).

" Ps. kxxviii. 3f-34.

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) the words of truth « and had often said to them that my coming had been an answer to his prayers ; but his rejoicing was surely that I had come to him not to share or to behold their death, but to share their efforts towards eternal life. Finally, I told them that I had trust and confidence in Him who cannot lie, vv'ho made by the mouth of His prophet a promise concerning our Lord Jesus Christ, in the words, " If His children forsake My law and walk not in My judgements ; if they break My statutes and keep not My commandments ; then will I yisit their transgression with the rod and their iniquity with stripes ; nevertheless My loving-kindness will I not utterly take from Him "^— I had confidence therefore in Him that if they despised the grave warnings that had been read and addressed to them. He would visit them with the rod and with stripes, but would not leave them to condemnation along with the world. Throughout this protest I acted as our Defender and Ruler, to meet the importance of the matter and the greatness of the danger, provided me with courage and ability. I did not move them to weep by first weeping myself, but while such remarks were being addressed to them, their own tears came first and I confess that I could not keep back my own. After we had thus wept together, I concluded my sermon in the full anticipation of their amendment.

But on the morrow, when the day dawned for which it was the habit of their throats and stomachs to prepare, I was told that some of those who had been present at my sermon had not even then given over complaining, and were so much under the influence of that vile custom that they were speaking in terms of it alone and saying, " Why thus late in G 81

ST. AUGUSTINE

antea, qui haec non prohibuerunt, Christiani non erant." Quo audito, quas sicut maiores commovendi eos machinas praepararem, omnino nesciebam ; disponebam tamen, si perseverandum putarent, lecto illo loco de propheta Ezechiele : " Explorator absol-

si periculum denuntiaverit, etiam si illi, quibus denuntiatur, cavere noluerint," vestimenta niea excutere atque discedere. Turn vero dominus ostendit quod nos non deserat, et quibus modis, in se ut praesuniamus, hortetur ; namque ante horam, qua exhedram ascenderemus, ingressi sunt ad me idem ipsi, quos audieram de oppugnatione vetustae consuetudinis fuisse conquestos. Quos blande acceptos paucis verbis in sententiam sanam transtuli. Atque ubi ventum est ad tempus disputationis, omissa lectione quam praeparaveram, quia necessaria iam non videbatur, de hac ipsa quaestione pauca disserui, nihil nos nee brevius nee verius posse adferre adversus eos qui dicunt : " Quare modo ? " nisi et nos dieamus : " Vel modo."

9 Verum tamen ne illi qui ante nos tam manifesta inperitae multitudinis crimina vel permiserunt vel prohibere non ausi sunt, aliqua a nobis affici contumelia viderentur, exposui eis, qua necessitate ista in ecclesia viderentur exorta. Scilicet post persecu-

« Cf. Ezek. xxxiii. 9.

Exedrae, etJSpaL, were originally recesses, rectangular or semi-circular, opening out of the church, then, later, rooms with seats. Here and elsewhere in Augustine the word seems to mean that part of the church which had seats and projected outwards, i.e. the portion later known as " choir " or " apse."

It was raised above the nave (see Civ. Dei, 22. 8, and De Gest. c. Emer. 1.1), and the clergy sat there during sermon, 82

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) the day ? Those who allowed it in times past were surely not unchristian." On hearing this, I was quite at a loss what weapons to prepare that would have a greater effect on them, but still, if they decided to continue in that frame of mind, I was intending to read that passage from the prophet

Ezekiel, " The watchman is absolved if he has uttered a warning of the danger, even if those whom he has warned have not cared to take precaution,"*^ and to shake my garments and depart. But at that point the Lord showed that He does not forsake us, and taught me the means He takes to encourage us to put our trust in Him, for before the time at which I had to mount into the choir, ^ those same individuals came in to me who, as I had learned, had complained of my attack upon their long-established custom. I received them graciously, and needed only a few words to bring them round to a sound state of mind. And when it came to the time for my discourse, I left out the reading I had prepared, since it no longer appeared to be needed, and made a few remarks about the very point they had raised, stating that we could put forward against those who say " Why thus late in the day ? " no briefer and truer reply than to imitate them and say, " Yes, thus late in the day."

Yet to avoid the appearance of casting any slight 9 upon those who in earlier times either allowed, or did not venture to forbid, the ignorant mob to perpetrate these open sins, I explained to them the critical circumstances in which those practices apparently arose in the Church. When peace was while the people stood. It was more commonly called the /3^/ia, hema, or suggestum.

ST. AUGUSTINE

tiones tarn multas tamque vehementes cum facta pace turbae gentilium in christianuni nonien venire cupientes hoc inipedirentur, quod dies festos cum idolis suis solerent in abundantia epularum et ebrietate consumere, nee facile ab his perniciosissimis sed tamen vetustissimis voluptatibus se possent abstinere, visum fuisse maioribus nostris ut huic infirmitatis parti interim parceretur diesque festos post eos quos rehnquebant, ahos in honorem sanctorum martyrum vel non simiH sacrilegio quamvis simiU luxu celebrarent ; iam Christi nomine conhgatis et tantae auctoritatis iugo subditis salutaria sobrietatis praecepta traderentur, quibus iam propter praecipientis honorem ac timorem resistere non valerent. Quocirca iam tempus esse, ut, qui non se audent negare christianos, secundum Christi voluntatem vivere incipiant, ut ea quae, ut essent christiani, concessa sunt, cum christiani sunt, respuantur.

10 Deinde hortatus sum, ut transmarinarum ecclesiarum, in quibus partim ista recepta numquam sunt, partim iam per bonos rectores populo obtemperante correcta, imitatores esse vellemus. Et quoniam de basihca beati apostoU Petri cotidianae vinulentiae proferebantur exempla, dixi primo audisse nos saepe esse prohibitum, sed quod remotus sit locus ab epi- " The best-known example of this spirit of compromise is that of Pope Gregory the Great, who wrote to St. Augustine of Canterbury that the pagan practices of converts must be checked only by degrees (Bede, //^'5^. £'cc/. i. 30, with Plummer's good note, and Bright, Chapters in Early English Church History, pp. 78 ff.). Similar indulgence was common, although opposition to all compromise was occasionally urged, for example, by Vigilantius.

As at Milan, where the custom had been opposed by St. Ambrose, as Monnica, the mother of Augustine, had dis-

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) made after many violent persecutions, crowds of pagans were anxious to come over to the Christian name but were hindered by the fact that they were accustomed to spend their feast-days with their idols in drunkenness and excessive banqueting and could not easily abstain from those baneful but longestablished pleasures. So our predecessors thought it good to make concessions for the time being to those weaker brethren, and to let them celebrate in honour of the holy martyrs other feast-days, in place of those they were giving up, unlike them, at any rate, in profanation, though like them in excess. Now that they were bound together by the name of Christ and submissive to the yoke of His great authority, they must inherit the wholesome rules of sobriety, and these they could not oppose because of their veneration and fear for Him whose rules they were. It was now high time, therefore, for such as had not the courage to deny that they were Christians, to begin to live according to the will of Christ, casting behind them, now that they were Christians, the concessions made to induce them to become Christians.

Then I urged them to undertake to follow the 10 example of the churches overseas, in some of which those practices were never admitted, while in others they had already been corrected by the agency of good leaders and compliance on the part of the people.^ And as examples of daily excess in drinking were produced to me from the Church of the blessed apostle Peter, I stated in the first place that I had heard that they had often been forbidden, but since covered when she went to make the customary oiferings on the martyrs' tombs. See the account in Confessions, bk. vi. 2.

ST. AUGUSTINE

scopi conversatione et in tanta ci\dtate magna sit carnalium multitudo peregrinis praesertim, qui novi subinde veniunt, tanto violentius quanto inscitius illam consuetudinem retinentibus, tarn immanem pestem nondum compesci sedarique potuisse. Verum tamen nos si Petrum apostolum honoraremus, debere praecepta eius audire et multo devotius epistulam in qua voluntas eius apparet, quam basilicam in qua non apparet, intueri ; statimque accepto codice recitavi ubi ait : Christo e?iim passo pro nobis per carnem et vos eadem cogitatione armamini, quia qui passus est carne, desiit a came, id iam non hominiim desideriis sed voluntate dei re Uquum tempus in came vivat. Suficit enim vohis praeteritum tempus voluntate hominum perfecisse amhulantes in lihidinihus, desideriis, ebrietate, comissationihus et nefandis idolorum servitutibus. Quibus gestiSjCum omnes uno animo inbonam voluntatem ire contempta mala consuetudine cernerem, hortatus sum ut meridiano tempore divinis lectionibus et psalmis interessent ; ita ilium diem multo mundius atque sincerius placere celebrandum et certe de multitudine convenientium facile posse apparere, qui mentem et qui ventrem sequeretur. Ita lectis omnibus sermo terminatus est.

11 Pomeridiano autem die maior quam ante meridiem " His residence was on the other side of the city, in the Lateran palace, presented to the Church by the Emperor Constantine. There the Popes continued to reside until the end of the fourteenth century.

" 1 Pet. iv. 1-3. 86

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) the place was at a distance from the bishop's control ^ and in a city of that size there was a great crowd of carnally-minded people, the pilgrims especially, of whom fresh batches were continually arriving, clinging to that custom with a vehemence proportionate to their unenlightenment, it had not yet been possible to restrain and repress such a monstrous disorder. But yet, if we honoured the apostle Peter, we personally should give ear to his counsels and pay much more zealous attention to the Epistle in which his intention is revealed, than to his church, in which it is not, and straightway, taking up the manuscript, I read the passage where he says, " Forasmuch then as Christ hath suifered for us in the flesh, arm yourselves likewise with the same mind, for he that hath suffered in the flesh hath ceased from sin, that he no longer should live the rest of his time in the flesh to the lusts of men, but to the will of God. For the time past of our life may suffice us to have wrought the will of the Gentiles, when we walked in lasciviousness, lusts, excess of wine, reveilings, banquetings and abominable idolatries." ^ After that, when I perceived that all with one mind were turning to a right disposition and spurning their wretched custom, I enjoined them to attend at mid-day for Scripture reading and singing of psalms : it was our purpose in that way to celebrate that day Math much more decency and purity, and it could easily be seen, from the number of those who assembled, who was following reason and who was the slave of appetite. So, when everything had been read, my sermon concluded.

In the afternoon a greater crowd attended than 11

ST. AUGUSTINE

adfuit multitude et usque ad horam qua cum episcopo egrederemur, legebatur alternatim et psallebatur ; nobisque egressis duo psalmi lecti sunt. Deinde me invitum, qui iam cupiebam peractum esse tam periculosum diem, iussum compulit senex ut aliquid eis loquerer. Habui brevem sermonem, quo gratias agerem deo, et quoniam in haereticorum basilica audiebamus ab eis solita convi\ia celebrata, cum adhuc etiam eo ipso tempore quo a nobis ista gerebantur, illi in poculis perdurarent, dixi diei pulchritudinem noctis comparatione decorari et colorem candidum nigri vicinitate gratiorem ; ita nostrum spiritalis celebrationis conventum minus fortasse futurum fuisse iucundum, nisi ex alia parte carnalis ingurgitatio conferretur, hortatusque sum ut tales epulas instanter appeterent, si gustassent quam sua\1s est dominus ; illis autem esse metuendum, qui tamquam primum sectantur quod aliquando destruetur, cum quisque comes efficiatur eius rei quam colit, insultaritque apostolus talibus dicens : Quorum deus venter, cum idem alio loco dixerit : Esca ventri et venter escis ; deus autem et hunc et illas evacuabit. Nos proinde oportere id sequi quod non evacuatur, quod remotissimum a carnis af Fectu spiritus sanctificatione retinetur. Atque in banc sententiam pro tempore cum ea quae dominus suggerere dignatus

The Donatists. " Phil. iii. 19. ^ 1 Cor. vi. 13. 88

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) in the forenoon, and reading and singing went on alternately until the hour when I was to come out with the bishop. When we came out, two psalms were read, then the Senior compelled me by express injunction to say something to them, though it was against my will, for by this time I was longing for the end of so critical a day. I gave a short address with the object of rendering thanks to God, and as we heard in the church of the heretics ^ the noise of the usual feasting that they were celebrating (for even at the very time when we were so engaged they were still lingering in their cups), I remarked that the beauty of the day was enhanced by comparison with the night and that a M'hite colour was more pleasing alongside of a black ; thus our gathering for a spiritual celebration would perhaps have been less gratifying without the contrast of gluttonous carnality from other quarters. And I exhorted them that such were the banquets that they should eagerly seek after, if they had tasted how sweet the Lord is, but that fear was to be the lot of those who seek as the chief object of desire anything that would some day be destroyed. For each man is made to share the fate of that which he worships, and such people had been mocked by the Apostle in the words, " whose god is their belly," ^ since in another place he has used the words : " Meats for the belly and the belly for meats, but God shall destroy both it and them." ^ It was therefore our duty to follow after that which is not to be destroyed, which through the sanctification of the spirit is kept far removed from what befalls the flesh. And so, when what the Lord was pleased to suggest had been for the occasion spoken along those lines, the usual

ST. AUGUSTINE

est, dicta essent, acta sunt vespertina quae cotidie

Solent, nobisque cum episcopo recedentibus fratres eodem loco hymnos dixerunt non parva multitudine utriusque sexus ad obscuratum diem manente atque psallente.

12 Digessi vobis, quantum breviter potui, quod vos audire desiderasse quis dubitaverit ? Orate ut a conatibus nostris omnia scandala et omnia taedia deus dignetur avertere. Magna sane ex parte vobiscum requiescimus cum alacritate fervoris, quia spiritalis ecclesiae Tagastensium tam crebra nobis dona nuntiantur. Navis cum fratribus nondum venit. Apud Asnam, ubi est presbyter frater Argentius, Circumcelliones invadentes basilicam nostram altare comminuerunt. Causa nunc agitur, quae ut pacate agatur et ut ecclesiam catholicam decet ad opprimendas linguas haereseos inpacatae, multum vos petimus ut oretis. Epistulam Asiarchae misimus. Beatissimi perseveretis in domino memores nostri. Amen.

^ sexus addidit Goldbacher.

Daily services had been the rule in Jerusalem until the fall of the city, but they were not practised from then until the fourth century, when the cessation of persecution and the influence of monastic use caused their revival.

Apparently in the vicinity of Hippo, but the exact site is unknown.

" These were brigand companies of the Donatist party, who for long terrorized Numidia with their organized violence and bloodthirstiness. Some of their cruel deeds are described in later letters (see pp. 128 and 162).

NO. 10 (Ep. XXIX) daily evening service " was held and Me retired with the bishop, while the brethren repeated hymns there and a considerable crowd of both sexes remained and engaged in singing until darkness fell.

I have set forth for you, as briefly as I could, what 12

I am sure you were anxious to hear. Pray that God will graciously protect my efforts from providing any cause of offence or any distress. In no small measure we share with lively warmth of affection in your contentment that such frequent gifts to us from the spiritually-minded church of Tagaste are intimated. The ship with the brethren has not yet arrived. At Asna,^ where the priest is brother Argentius, the Circumcellions ^ have broken into our church and smashed the altar. The case is at present being tried ; we earnestly beg you to pray that the trial may give no provocation, and may serve, as becomes the Catholic Church, to check the tongue of provocative heresy. I have sent a letter to the Asiarch.*^ May ye remain steadfast in the Lord, brethren, in all blessedness, and forget us not ! Amen.

The Asiarchs were originally the chief presidents of the religious rites in the Roman province Asia, whose duties consisted in giving every year games and theatrical amusements in honour of the Roman emperor and the gods. The religious character of the office disappeared with the establishment of Christianity. The word occurs in Acts xix. 31 and in the letter of the Church of Smyrna about the martyrdom of Polycarp. Here the presence of the word is surprising, unless it be either a synonym for " pro-consul or a proper name. There is an excellent account of the pagan Asiarchate in Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. ii. vol. iii. pp. 404-415.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 11 (Ep.XXXlV) DOMINO EXIMIO MERITOQUE SUSCIPIENDO ATQUE HONORABILI FRATRI EUSEBIO AUGUSTINUS

1 Scit deus, cui manifesta sunt arcana cordis humani, quantum pacem diligo Christianam, tantum me moveri sacrilegis eorum factis qui in eius dissensione indigne atque impie perseverant, eumque motum animi mei esse pacificum neque me id agere ut ad communionem catholicam quisquam cogatur invitus, sed ut omnibus errantibus aperta Veritas declaretur et per nostrum ministerium deo iuvante nianifestata se amplectendam atque sectandam satis ipsa persuadeat.

2 Quid enim execrabilius, quaeso te, ut alia taceam, quam id quod nunc accidit ? Corripitur ab episcopo suo iuvenis crebris caedibus matris insanus et impias manus nee illis diebus cum etiam severitas legum sceleratissimis parcit, a visceribus unde natus est, revocans ; minatur eidem matri se in partem Donati translaturum et eam quam incredibili furore solet caedere, perempturum ; minatur ei, transit ad partem Donati, rebaptizatur furens et in maternum sanguinem fremens albis vestibus candidatur ; constituitur intra cancellos eminens atque conspicuus " At Easter, when, since the edicts of \^alentinian in 367, the prisons were opened and all prisoners released, except those guilty of more serious crimes {Cod. Theod. lib. Lx.

tit. 38. 3).

NO. 11 (Ep. XXXIV)

No. 11 (Ep. XXXIV)

(a.d. 396) AUGUSTINE TO BROTHER EUSEBIUS, MY DISTINGUISHED LORD, WORTHY OF ALL ESTEEM AND HONOUR

God knows (for to Him the secrets of the human 1 heart are manifest) that, as I love Christian peace, so I am disturbed by the profane deeds of those who basely and impiously persist in dissenting from it ; He knows too that my indignation springs from a desire for peace and that my object is not to drive anyone into the Catholic communion against his will, but to have the naked truth made known to all who are astray and revealed by God's help through my ministry, commending itself so well that they may embrace and follow it.

I pass over other matters and ask you what could 2 be more abominable than what has now happened ? A young man is rebuked by his bishop for repeatedly thrashing his mother like a madman and for not withholding his unfilial hands from the body that gave him birth even on those days when the very harshness of the law shows mercy to the vilest criminals.

He threatens his mother to go over to the Donatist party and to do her to death, used as he is to thrash her with unbelievable ferocity. He makes this threat, goes over to the Donatist party, receives rebaptism while still in his frenzy, and is arrayed in the white vestments of a candidate for baptism while still raging for his mother's blood. Within the altar-rails he is set up in a prominent and conspicuous position and, while planning matricide,

ST. AUGUSTINE

et omnium gementium oculis matricidii meditator tamquam renovatus opponitur.

3 Haecine tandem tibi placent, vir gra\issime ? Nequaquam hoc de te crediderim ; novi considerationem tuam. Caeditur mater carnalis in membris, quibus genuit et nutrivit ingratum ; prohibet hoc ecclesia, mater spiritahs ; caeditur et ipsa in sacramentis, quibus genuit et nutrivit ingratum. Nonne tibi videtur dixisse parricida Hter frendens : " Quid faciam ecclesiae, quae me prohibet caedere matrem meam ? Inveni quid faciam : iniuriis, quibus potest, etiam ipsa feriatur ; fiat in me aliquid unde membra eius doleant ; eundum mihi ad eos qui noverunt exsufflare gratiam in qua ibi natus sum, destruere formam quam in utero eius accepi ; ambas matres meas saevis cruciatibus torqueam ; quae me posterior peperit, efferat prior ; ad huius dolorem spirita Uter moriar, ad iUius caedem carna Uter vivam." Quid aHud expectamus, vir honorabiUs Eusebi, nisi ut in miseram mu Uerem senectute decrepitam, viduitate destitutam, a cuius caedibus in catho Hca prohibebatur, . iam Donatista securus armetur ? Quid enim ahud furibundo corde concepit, cum diceret matri : " Transferam me in partem Donati et bibam sanguinem tuum " ? Ecce iam conscientia cruentus, veste dealbatus perficit partem pol Hcitationis suae ; restat pars altera, ut matris sanguinem bibat. Si ergo

^ eundnm scripsi: vadam Afss.

NO. 11 (Ep. XXXIV) he is exhibited to the eyes of all the disgusted congregation as a regenerate man.

Do you, a man of sober judgement, really approye 3 of this ? I should never beheve it of you ; I know how sensible a man you are. A mother after the flesh is beaten on the body which bore and nurtured her thankless son ; when the Church, his spiritual mother, forbids this, she too is beaten in her sacraments, by which she bore and nurtured her thankless son. Don't you think it is as if he had said in his rage for a parent's blood, " What shall I do to the Church, which forbids my beating my mother ? I know what I will do. I will wound her too ^^ith every possible insult ; I will commit anything that will cause her members pain ; I will betake me to those who are experienced in sneering at the grace in which she gave me birth, in destroying the form I received in her womb ; ^\'ith cruel agonies let me rack both these mothers of mine. Let the one who gave me second birth be the first to give me burial ; for her grief I shall seek spiritual death, but for the other's death I shall continue my earthly life." What else can we expect, my esteemed Eusebius, than this, that the man who, while he was in the Catholic Church, was restrained from thrashing the unfortunate woman, crippled with age and a lonely widow, will be free to employ his weapons against her, now that he is a Donatist ? What other purpose was in his raving heart when he said to his mother, " I will go over to the Donatist party and %dll drink your blood"? See now, with blood-stained conscience, but arrayed in white vestments, he has carried out one part of his threat ; the second part, the drinking of his mother's blood, awaits fulfilment.

ST. AUGUSTINE

placent ista, urgeatur a clericis et sanctificatoribus suis ut intra octavas suas totum quod vovit exsolvat. 4 Potens est quidem dextera doniini quae furorem illius a misera vidua et desolata compescat et eum, quibus modis novit, a tarn scelerata dispositione deterreat. Verum tamen ego tanto animi dolore percussus quid facerem, nisi saltern loquerer ? An vero ista illi faciunt et mihi dicitur : Tace ? Avertat a me dominus hanc amentiam, ut, cum ipse mihi imperet per apostolum suum et dicat ab episcopo refelli oportere doce?ites, quae 7ion oportet, ego illorum indignationibus territus taceam. Quod enim publicis gestis haerere volui tam sacrilegum nefas, ad hoc utique volui, ne me quisquam maxime in aliis civitatibus, ubi opportunum fuerit, ista deplorantem fingere aliquid arbitretur, quando etiam apud ipsam Hipponem iam dicitur non hoc Proculianum mandasse, quod publicum renuntiavit officium.

5 Quid autem modestius agere possumus, quam ut tam graven! causam per te tamen agam, virum et clarissima dignitate praeditum et considerantissima voluntate tranquillum ? Peto igitur, sicut iam petivi per fratres nostros, bonos atque honestos viros, quos ad tuam eximietatem misi, ut quaerere digneris utrum Proculiani presbyter V ictor non hoc ab epi- " The eight days between Easter and the Sunday following, during which time neophytes wore their white garments. These were put off on the first Sunday after Easter, which was hence called Dominica in albis or Dies neophytorum, and the newly baptized were then introduced to the Church as full members.

Proculianus was the Donatist bishop of Hippo, a troublesome neighbour to Augustine until his death about 411. The 96

NO. 11 (Ep. XXXIV)

If that is the kind of thing you approve of, let your clergy and those v/ho are to carry through his sanctification instigate him to fulfil all his vow within his eight days."

But the Lord's right hand is strong to restrain his 4 rage from that unfortunate and lonely widow and, by means best known to Himself, to frighten him from his criminal purpose. Yet what was I to do, when I was so pained and indignant, but at least speak my mind ? Are they, indeed, to do such things and I be told to hold my peace ? The Lord deliver me from such folly, that when, by His apostle. He commands me and says that those who teach what they ought not, ought to be rebuked by the bishop, I should be silent from dread of their indignation. In wanting this heinous crime to find permanent record in the public registers, my intention surely was to prevent anyone, especially in other towns where I may have a chance to deplore these deeds, from imagining that I am inventing any detail, for even here in Hippo it is already being said that Proculianus ^ did not issue the order which the public officials have recorded as his.

What more temperate course could we pursue 5 than to take action in a matter of such seriousness through you, a man invested with the most eminent rank and, at the same time, possessing great circumspection, goodwill and equanimity ? So I beseech you, as I have already done by our brethren, good and honourable men, whom I sent to your Excellency, to have the kindness to inquire whether it was not this order of Proculianus recorded by the "order" is apparently that made by Proculianus to the priest Victor to receive the young man in question.

ST. AUGUSTINE

scopo suo mandatiim acceperit, quod officio publico renuntiavit, an forte, cum et ipse Mctor aliud dixerit, falsum illi apud acta prosecuti sint, cum sint communionis eiusdem ; aut, si consentit ut ipsam totam quaestionem dissensionis nostrae placide pertractemus, ut error qui iam manifestus est, manifestius innotescat, libenter amplector. Audivi enim quod dixerit, ut sine tumultu populari adsint nobiscum deni ex utraque parte graves et honesti viri, et secundum scripturas quid in vero sit perquiramus. Nam illud quod rursus eum dixisse nonnulli ad me pertulerunt, cur non ierim Constantinam, quando ibi plures ipsi erant, vel me debere ire Mileum, quod illic, sicut perhibent, concilium proxime habituri sunt, ridiculum est dicere, quasi ad me pertineat cura propria nisi Hipponiensis ecclesiae. Mihi tota huius quaestionis ratio maxime cum Proculiano est. Sed si forte inparem se putat, cuius voluerit collegae sui inploret auxilium. In aliis enim ci\dtatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam pertinet, quantum vel nos permittunt vel nobis inponunt earundem civitatium episcopi, fratres et consacerdotes nostri.

6 Quamquam et iste qui se tot annorum episcopum dicit, quid in me tirone timeat quominus mecum velit conferre sermonem, non satis intellego : si

Better known under its earlier name, Cirta, capital of the territory of King Sj-phax (Livy xxx. 12 and 41), and associated with the names of Masinissa, Adherbal and Micipsa. It suffered in a civil war in a.d. 308, but was restored by the Emperor Constantine, who gave it his name.

It had a bishop since at least 256.

" Now Mila, about ten miles west of Constantine : the 98

NO. 11 (Ep. XXXIV) public officials that the priest Victor received from his bishop, or whether, since Victor himself has denied it, they have fathered a lie upon him in the public documents, although they belong to the same religious body. Otherwise, if he agrees that we should without heat discuss the v.hole question at issue between us to the end that the error, which is already clear, may be more clearly brought to light, I gladly embrace the opportunity. I have heard of his proposal that without any popular uproar we should examine what is true according to the Scriptures, in the presence of ten weighty and honourable men from each side. That alternative proposal, which some reported to me as his, that I should go to Constantine," since his followers were more numerous there, or that I ought to go to Mile vis, because there, people say, they are going to hold a council soon, it is absurd to make, as if any particular charge concerned me except the church of Hippo. The whole issue of this inquiry lies between me and Proculianus above all, but if he considers himself unequal to it, let him implore the aid of any colleague of his that he chooses. For in other towns we deal with matters concerning the Church only so far as the bishops of those towns, our brethren and fellow-priests, allow us or enjoin upon us.

And yet, I do not quite see what he, who proclaims 6 himself a bishop of such long standing, is afraid of in a novice such as I am, to shrink from a conference form of the name varies, the inscriptions having Mihv (indeclinable). Optatus, author of a work against the Donatists, was a bishop there, and it was the birthplace of the Donatist Faustus against whom Augustine wrote the Contra Faust urn.

ST. AUGUSTINE

doctrinam liberalium litterarum, quas forte ipse aut non didicit aut minus didicit, quid hoc pertinet ad earn quaestionem quae vel de Sanctis scripturis vel documentis ecclesiasticis aut publicis discutienda est, in quibus ille per tot annos versatur, unde in eis deberet esse peritior ? Postremo est hie frater et collega meus Samsucius, episcopus Turrensis ecclesiae, qui nullas tales didicit quales iste dicitur formidare ; ipse adsit, agat cum illo ; rogabo eum et, ut confido in nomine Christi, facile mihi concedet ut suscipiat in hac re vicem meam, et eum dominus pro veritate certantem, quamvis sermone inpolitum, tamen vera fide eruditum, sicut confidimus, adiuvabit. Nulla ergo causa est cur ad alios nescio quos differat, ne inter nos quod ad nos pertinet peragamus. Nee tamen, ut dixi, etiam illos defugio, si eorum ipse poscit auxilium.

No. 12 (Ep. XXXVII) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET VENERABILITER SIN-

CERISSIMA CARITATE AMPLECTENDO PATRI SIMPLICIANO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

I Plenas bonorum gaudiorum litteras, quod sis

Before his conversion in 386, Augustine had been a grammat'icus at Tagaste {Confess, iv. 7), and a teacher of rhetoric at Carthage {ih. iv. 12 ; C. Acad. ii. 2, 3) and Milan {Confess, v. 23).

The exact site of Turres is not known, but it was probably near Hippo. Samsucius is mentioned again in No. 21 infra.

Simplicianus succeeded St. Ambrose in the see of Milan in 397. He was instrumental in converting \'ictorinus and was a close and honoured friend of Ambrose's. Augustine met him at Milan in 386, and was much influenced by his accoimt of Victorinus's conversion {Confess, viii. 5). To him 100

NO. 11 (Ep. XXXn)—NO. 12 (Ep. XXXVII) with me. If it is my learning in liberal studies,'^ in which he perhaps is uninstructed or less instructed than I am, what has this to do with an inquiry which is to be conducted about Holy Scripture and ecclesiastical or public records ? In these he has so many years of experience, which should make him all the better equipped. In the last resort, my brother and colleague, Samsucius, bishop of the Church of Turres,^ is here, and he has acquired no such learning as your man is said to be afraid of let him come and conduct it with him. I shall ask him, and I trust in the name of Christ he will readily agree to undertake to be my substitute in this. Though he is without any grace of eloquence, yet he is learned in the true faith, and the Lord will help him, I feel sure, in his contest for the truth. There is then no reason why he should refer me to any others, instead of settling between ourselves a matter which concerns ourselves. But still, as I said before, I do not decline to meet those others, if he himself demands their aid.

No. 12 (Ep. XXXVII) (a.d. 397) TO MY DEAR LORD AND FATHER SIISIPLICIANUS,« WHOM I CHERISH WITH REVERENCE AND VERY GENUINE DEVOTION, AUGUSTINE

SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD Your letter has reached me, containing the good 1

Augustine dedicated his work De Diversis Quaestionibus alluded to below, and he mentions him with great respect in several of his other works {I)e Praedest. 8 ; iJe Bono Persev. 52 ; Civ. Dei, x. 29). Simplicianus died in 400 and is honoured on August 16,

ST. AUGUSTINE

memor mei meque, ut soles, diligas magnaeque gratulationi tibi sit, quicquid in me donorum suorum dominus conferre dignatus est misericordia sua, non mentis meis, missas munere tuae sanctitatis accepi.

In quibus affectum in me paternum tuo benignissimo corde non repentinum et novum hausi, sed expertum plane cognitumque repetivi, domine beatissime et venerabiliter sincerissima caritate amplectende.

2 Unde autem tanta exorta est felicitas litterario labori nostro quo in librorum quorundam conscriptione sudavimus, ut a tua dignatione legerentur, nisi quia dominus, cui subdita est anima mea, consolari voluit curas meas et a timore recreare, quo me in talibus operibus necesse est esse sollicitum, necubi forte indoctior vel incautior quamvis in pianissimo campo veritatis offendam ? Cum enim tibi placet, quod scribo, novi cui placeat, quoniam quis te inhabitet novi. Idem quippe omnium munerum spiritalium distributor atque largitor per tuam sententiam confirmavit oboedientiam meam. Quicquid enim habent ilia scripta delectatione tua dignum, in meo ministerio dixit deus : " Fiat,'' et factum est ; in tua vero approbatione vidit deus, quia honum est.

3 Quaestiunculas sane quas mihi enodandas iubere dignatus es, etsi mea tarditate implicatus non intellegerem, tuis meritis adiutus aperirem. Tantum illud quaeso ut pro infirmitate mea depreceris deum et sive in his quibus me exercere benigne paterneque

NO. 12 (Ep. XXXVII) and gladdening ncMs that you have not forgotten me but regard nie with your customary affection, and that you take great pleasure in whatever gifts the Lord has deigned in His mercy, and not for my deserving, to bestow on me. It was gracious of your Holiness to write to me, and in your letter, my dear lord whom I cherish with reverence and very genuine devotion, I discerned once more that fatherly feeling for me which is no new or sudden refreshment to me from your generous heart, but a joy already experienced and appreciated.

The literary efforts I expended in the composing 2 of some books have been well recompensed by your Grace's reading them. Surely that came from no other source than the Lord's desire (for my soul is subject to Him) to appease my anxieties and abate the fear that of necessity harassed me in such an undertaking, of stumbling, through my comparative inexperience and imprudence, even in the straight and level path of truth. For when my writings find favour with you, I know with whom it does find favour, for I know who it is that dwells in you : He who apportions and bestows all spiritual gifts has by your verdict ratified my obedience. For whatever my wTitings contained that merited your satisfaction, it was God who said " Let it be done, and it was done," by me as His instrument, while in your approval it is the Lord who " saw that it was good." "

If my own dullness has prevented me from grasping 3 those problems you were good enough to bid me solve, still I could unravel them with your valued assistance. But I do beg you to intercede with God for me in my weakness, and not only to give the careful attention of a reader, but also to adopt

ST. AUGUSTINE

voluisti, sive in aliis, quaecumque nostra in tuas sanctas manus forte pervenerint, quia sicut dei data sic etiam mea errata cogito, non solum curam legentis inpendas, sed etiam censuram corrigentis adsumas.

No. IS (Ep. XXXVIII)

FRATRI PROFUTURO AUGUSTINUS

Secundum spiritum, quantum domino placet atque ipse vires praebere dignatur, recte sumus ; corpore autem ego in lecto sum ; nee ambulare enim nee stare nee sedere possum rhagadis vel exochadis dolore et tumore. Sed etiam sic, quoniam id domino placet, quid aliud dicendum est, nisi quia recte sumus ?

Potius enim, si id nolumus quod ille vult, nos culpandi sumus, quam ille non recte aliquid vel facere vel sinere existimandus est. Nosti haec omnia ; sed quia mihi es alter ego, quid libentius tecum loquerer, nisi quod mecum loquor ? Commendamus ergo

Sanctis orationibus tuis et dies et noctes nostras, ut oretis pro nobis, ne diebus intemperanter utamur, ut noctes aequo animo toleremus, ut, etiam si amhulemus in medio umbrae mortis, nobiscum sit dominus, ne timeamus mala.

<" See above, p. oQ note h.

Rhagades (rhagas, rhagadki, rhagadium) is a "tear," "rent," "hack" of the skin {payds, payddia); exochas, NO. 12 (Ep. XXXVII)—NO. 13 (Ep. XXXVIII) the critical attitude of a reviewer, to any works of mine that happen to come into your holy hands, both those on which it was your kind and fatherly desire that I should try my hand, and any others. For I am fully conscious of God's gifts, and no less of my own mistakes.

No. 13 (Ep. XXXVIII) (a.d. 397) AUGUSTINE TO BROTHER PROFUTURUS «

In spirit I am well, so far as it is the Lord's good 1 pleasure and as He deigns to grant me strength ; in body, I am confined to bed. I can neither walk nor stand nor sit do^^Tl because of the pain and swelling of piles or tumours.^ Yet even so, since that is the Lord's good pleasure, what else should I say than that I am well ? If we do not like what pleases Him, we ourselves are rather to assume the blame than to imagine that He is wrong in what He either does or allows. This is all familiar to you, but since you are my second self, what can I say to you with more pleasure than what I say to myself ? To your holy prayers then I commend both my nights and my days ; pray for me, that I may not squander my days and that I may endure my nights with patience ; pray that even if I walk in the valley of the shadow of death, the Lord may be with me that I may fear no evil.^

is a "pile" (e'^oxas, i'^ox'^^'-ov). The words are rare save in the medical writers.

'^ Fs. xxii. 4.

ST. AUGUSTINE

2 Quod senex Megalius defunctus sit, iam vos audisse quis dubitet ? Erant autem a depositione corporis eius, cum haec scriberem, dies ferine viginti quattuor. Utrum iam videris, disponebas enim, successorem primatus eius, si fieri potest, nosse volumus. Non desunt scandala sed neque refugium ; non desunt maerores sed neque consolationes. Atque inter haec quam vigilandum sit, ne cuiusquam odium cordis intima teneat neque sinat, ut oremus deum in cuhili nostro clauso ostio, sed adversus ipsum deum claudat ostium, nosti optime, optime frater ; subrepit autem, dum nulli irascenti ira sua videtur iniusta. Ita enim inveterescens ira fit odium, dum quasi iusti doloris admixta dulcedo diutius eam in vase detinet, donee totum acescat vasque corrumpat. Quapropter multo melius nee iuste cuiquam irascimur, quam velut iuste irascendo in alicuius odium irae occulta facilitate delabimur. In recipiendis enim hospitibus ignotis solemus dicere multo esse melius malum hominem perpeti quam forsitan per ignorantiam excludi bonum, dum cavemus, ne recipiatur malus. Sed in affectibus animi contra est. Nam incomparabiliter salubrius est irae etiam iuste pulsanti non aperire penetrale cordis quam admittere non facile recessuram et per- " Bishop of Calama and Primate of Numidia, who two years before this had ordained Augustine as coadjutor to Valerius at Hippo, although ear Her he had opposed Augustine's election and made serious charges against him, which he was afterwards compelled to withdraw. Probably the remembrance of these charges suggested to Augustine's mind what follows on ill-feeling. Megalius's successor in Calama, about forty miles south-west of Hippo, was Augustine's biographer, Possidius.

" Matt. vi. (3.

" Cf. Cic. Tusc. iv. 9. 21, and for the " vessel " metaphor 106

NO. 13 (Ep. XXXVIII)

You will have already heard, I am sure, of the 2 death of the Senior Megalius ^*; as I write, it is almost twenty-four days since his body was laid to rest. Let me know, if possible, whether you have seen his successor in the primacy, as was your intention. We are not without our trials, yet not sWthout our refuge ; we are not without our sorrows, yet not without comfort either. And you are excellently well aware, my excellent brother, how carefully amid such vexations mc must watch that no ill-feeling towards anyone takes possession of our inmost heart and prevents us from entering into our chamber, closing the door and praying to God,^ and even closes the door against God Himself. Although no angry person thinks his o^\^l anger is unjustified, it grows upon him, and anger that becomes inveterate in this way passes into hatred,^ since the pleasureableness that accompanies an apparently justified resentment keeps it longer in the vessel until the whole thing grows sour and spoils the vessel. For this reason it is much better to be angry with no one, even when it is justifiable, than from apparently justified anger to slip by the stealthy tendency of passion into hatred of anyone. We have a proverbial saying about welcoming unknown guests that it is much better to endure a bad man than through ignorance to risk shutting out a good one from fear of welcoming a bad one. But with our passions the opposite is true : for it is beyond comparison a more beneficial thing not to open the shrine of our heart at the knock of even justified anger than to yield it entrance ; once in, it \\'ill not Hor. Ep. i. 2. 54 " sincerum est nisi vas, quodcumque infundis acescit."

ST. AUGUSTINE

venturani de surculo ad trabem. Audet quippe inpudenter etiam crescere citius, quam putatur. Non enim erubescit in tenebris, cum super earn sol Occident. Recolis certe, qua cura et quanta so Uicitudine ista scripserim, si recolis quid mecum nuper in itinere quodam locutus sis.

3 Fratrem Severum et qui cum eo sunt salutamus. Etiam ipsis fortasse scriberemus, si per festinationem perlatoris liceret. Peto autem, ut apud eundem fratrem nostrum Victorem, cui ago etiam apud tuam sanctitatem gratias, quod Constantinam cum pergeret indicavit, petendo adiuves, propter negotium quod ipse no^/it, de quo gravissimum pondus pro ea re multum deprecantis Nectarii maioris patior, per Calamam remeare ne gravetur ; sic enim promisit mihi. Vale.

No. 14 (Ep. XLII)

DOMINIS LAUDABILIBUS IN CHRISTO SANCTIS

SLMIS FRATRIBUS PAULINO ET THERASIAE AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

Num etiam hoc sperari aut expectari posset, ut " C/. Eph. iv. 26.

'' Probably the Severiis who became bishop of Milevis about A.D. 400. He was born in the same town as Augustine, and was a member of the same monastic community, and a life-long friend. He is mentioned later in Nos. 22, 25 and 29, and probably died about 426.

"^ See note a on p. 98.

See No. 24 infra, p. 150 note a. Calama lay about fifty miles from Hippo ; it was an old Punic town, under the name Malaca, and was later a Roman colony. The modern name is Guelma.

Paulinus is, after Prudentius, the most notable Christian Latin poet of the patristic age. Sprung from a wealthy patrician family in Aquitania, he renounced the world and, NO. 13 (Ep. XXXVIII)—NO. 14 (Ep. XLII) easily be expelled, and it will grow from a sapling to a sturdy tree, since it boldly and shamelessly develops at an even greater speed than people imagine, for it is not put to shame in the darkness, vvhen the sun has gone down upon it.'* You can at any rate bethink you of the care and anxiety with which I wTite this, if you bethink you of your remarks on a recent journey we made together.

Give my greetings to brother Severus ^ and his 3 company. I should perhaps be writing to them too, if the bearer's haste allowed it. I want, however, to express my thanks through your Holiness to our brother Victor for letting me know when he was going to Constantine.^ Please help me by asking him if he would mind making his return journey by Calama, as he promised me he would, because of that business he knows of ; it is weighing very heavily on me, for the elder Nectarius ^ is very insistent about it. Good-bye.

No. U (Ep. XLII)

(a.d. 397) TO PAULINUS AND THERASIA,^ MY HOLY BROTHER AND SISTER IN CHRIST, WORTHY OF HONOUR AND PRAISE, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD Who could have expected or anticipated that I with his wife, Therasia, a Spanish lady, estabhshed himself in 394 at Nola in Campania, where he lived a monastic life, built a church in honour of his patron saint, Felix, and spent his life and substance in good works, dying in 431. His extant works consist of 51 letters and 36 poems, marked by grace and fluency and revealing a pious and humble mind, already medieval in its outlook.

ST. AUGUSTINE

per fratrem Severum rescripta flagitaremus tarn diu tarn ardentibus nobis a vestra caritate non reddita ? Quid est, qui duas aestates easdemque in Africa sitire cogamur ? Quid amplius dicam ? O qui res vestras cotidie donatis, debitum reddite. An forte, quod adversus daemonicolas te scribere audieram atque id opus vehenienter desiderare me ostenderani, volens perficere ac mittere tanto tempore ad nos epistulas distulisti ? Utinam saltern tam opima mensa iam annosum ab stilo tuo ieiunium meum tandem accipias ! Quae si nondum parata est, non desinemus conqueri, si nos, dum illud perficis, non interim reficis.

Salutate fratres, maxime Romanum et Agilem. Hinc, qui nobiscum sunt, vos salutant et parum nobiscum irascuntur, si parum diligunt.

No. 15 (Ep. XLVIII) DOMINO DILECTO ET EXOPTATISSIMO FRATRI

ET COXPRESBYTERO EUDOXIO ET QUI TECUM SUNT FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS ET QUI MECUM SUNT FRATRES IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Quando quietem vestram cogitamus, quam habetis in Christo, etiam nos, quamvis in laboribus variis asperisque versemur, in vestra caritate requiescimus.

Eudoxius was abbot of the monastery on the island of Capraria, now Capraja, between Corsica and Tuscany, which lies thirty miles away. In 398, after Gildo's rebellion, the Roman punitive force embarked at Pisa and put in at Cagliari in Sardinia ; its leader, Gildo's brother, visited Capraria and took on board some monks, who probably brought a letter to Augustine and were now to take back his reply (c/. Claudian, Bell. Gild. 415-424; Oros. Hist. vii. 36. 5). 110

NO. li (Ep. XLII)—NO. 15 (Ep. XLVIII) should be demanding by brother Severus the rep Hes that you, my dear friends, have failed to send, though

I have waited for them so long and so eagerly ? What have I done, to be compelled to endure this thirst for news for two whole summers, and that too in Africa ? What more shall I say ? You are making daily distribution of what wealth you have why not pay your debt to me ? Can it be that you have so long postponed writing to me from the desire to finish and send the work which I had heard you were writing against devil-worshippers and which I had shown myself very anxious to peruse ? I do hope that it will at least be a groaning table at which you eventually receive my hungry appetite, so long denied the products of your pen. But if as yet it be not set and ready, my complaints will give you no respite if, while your book is finishing, you still leave me famishing.

Greet the brethren, especially Romanus and Agilis. Those who are with me here greet you. If they are less exasperated than I am, it is because their affection for you is less than mine.

No. 15 (Ep. XLVIII) (a.d. 398) TO MY BELOVED LORD AND MOST LONGED

FOR BROTHER AND FELLOW-PRIEST, EUDOXIUS," AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH ME SEND GREETING IN THE LORD

When we think of the peace that you enjoy in 1 Christ, we too, though harassed by manifold irksome tasks, find peace in your affection. For we are one

ST. AUGUSTINE

Unum enim corpus sub uno capite sumus, ut et vos in nobis negotiosi et nos in vobis otiosi simus, quia, si patitur unum membrum, compatiuntur omnia membra et, si glorificatur unum memhrum, congaudent omnia membra. Admonemus ergo et petimus et obsecramus per Christi altissimam humilitatem et misericordissimam celsitudineni, ut nostri memores sitis in Sanctis orationibus vestris, quas vos vigilantiores et magis sobrias habere credimus ; nostras enim saepe sauciat et debilitat caligo et tumultus saecularium actionum. Quas etsi nostras non habemus, eorum tamen, qui nos angariant mille passus et iubemur ire cum eis alia duo, tanta nobis ingeruntur, ut vix respirare possimus, credentes tamen, quod ille, in cuius conspectu intrai gemitus compeditorum, perseverantes nos in eo ministerio, in quo conlocare dignatus est cum promissa mercede, adiuvantibus orationibus vestris ab omni angustia liberabit.

2 Vos autem, fratres, exhortamur in domino, ut propositum vestrum custodiatis et usque in finem perseveretis ac, si qua opera vestra mater ecclesia desideraverit, nee elatione avida suscipiatis nee blandiente desidia respuatis, sed miti corde obtemperetis deo, cum mansuetudine portantes eum qui vos regit, qui dirigit mites in iudicio, docebit mansuetos vias suas. Nee vestrum otium necessitatibus ecclesiae praeponatis, cui parturienti si nulli boni ministrare vellent, quo modo nasceremini, non inveniretis. Sicut autem inter ignem et aquam tenenda est via, ut nee exuratur homo nee demergatur, sic inter apicem superbiae et voraginem desidiae iter nostrum temperare debemus,

" 1 Cor. xii. 26.

^ Matt. V. 41. ' Ps. Ixxviii. 11.

NO. 15 (Ep. XLVIII) body under one head, so that you share our occupation and we share your relaxation, since " if one member suffer, all the members suffer with it, and if one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it."^ So we exhort and beg and beseech you by Christ's profound humility and compassionate exaltation to remember us in your holy prayers; yours are, we are confident, more watchful and composed, for ours are often crippled and weakened by the gloom and bustle of worldly affairs. Not that we have any of our own, but those who compel us to go a mile and we are bidden to go with them other twain ^ impose so many burdens on us that we have scarcely time to draw our breath ; yet we are confident that He "before whom comes the sighing of the prisoner " ^ will deliver us, by the help of your prayers, from every distress, while we endure in that ministry in which He has pleased to place us with the promise of reward.

We exhort you in the Lord, brethren, to maintain 2 your purpose and to persevere unto the end,'^ and if the Church, your mother, seeks any service from you, not to undertake it with eager elation nor to refuse it under the solicitation of indolence, but submit to God with lowly heart, suffering with meekness Him who governs you, " who guides the meek in judgement and will teach them His ways." ^ And do not place your own ease before the Church's needs, for if no good men were willing to minister to her in her travail, you would find no means of being born yourselves. But just as a man must hold the path between fire and water if he v>ould avoid either burning or drowning, so should we regulate our way between the peak of pride and the gulf of sloth, as it is written '• declining '^ Matt. xxiv. 13 ; x. 22. ' Ps. xxiv. 9.

I lis

ST. AUGUSTINE

sicut scriptuni est : Non declinantes neque ad dexteram neque ad sinistram. Sunt enim, qui, dum nimis timent, ne quasi in dexteram rapti extollantur, in sinistram lapsi demerguntur, et sunt rursus, qui, dum nimis se auferunt a sinistra, ne torpida vacationis mollitia sorbeantur, ex altera parte iactantiae fastu corrupti atque consumpti in fumum favillamque vanescunt.

Sic ergo, dilectissimi, diligite otium, ut vos ab omni terrena delectatione refrenetis et memineritis nullum locum esse, ubi non possit laqueos tendere, qui timet, ne revolemus ad deum, et inimicum omnium bonorum, cuius captivi fuimus, iudicemus, nullamque esse nobis perfectam requiem cogitetis, donee transeat iniquitas et in indicium iustitia convertatur.

3 Item cum aliquid strenue atque alacriter agitis et inpigre operamini sive in orationibus sive in ieiuniis sive in elemosynis vel tribuentes aliquid indigentibus vel dojiajites iniurias, sicut et deus in Christo donavit nobis, sive edomantes perniciosas consuetudines castigantesque corpus et servituii suhicientes sive suf Ferentes tribulationem et ante omnia vos ipsos invicem in dilectionem—quid enim suf Ferat, qui fratrem non sufl Pert ?—sive prospicientes astutiam atque insidias temptatoris et scutofidei iacula eius ignita repellentes et extinguentes sive cantantes et psallejites in cordihus vestris domino vel vocibus a corde non dissonis : omnia in gloriam dei facite, qui operatur omnia in omnibus, atque its. ferventes spiritu, ut in domino laudetur anima vestra. Ipsa est enim actio recti itineris, quae oculos

Deut. xvii. 1 1 ; Prov. iv, 27. Ps. Ivi. 2; xciii, 15. ' Eph. iv. 32. ^ 1 Cor. ix. 27.

'' 1 Cor. xii. 6. * Kom. xii. 11. ^ Ps. xxxiii. 3.

NO. 15 (Ep. XLVIII) neither to the right hand nor to the left." " For there are some who, over-afraid of being snatched up and borne, as it were, to the right hand, slip and sink down upon the left ; and there are some again who, while withdrawing too far from the left hand from fear of being engulfed in the slothful weakness of indolence, are corrupted and destroyed on the other side by the arrogance of boastfulness and vanish away into smoke and ashes. So then, beloved, do you love ease in such fashion as to restrain yourselves from every earthly delight, and remember that there is no spot free from a possible snare laid by him whose fear it is that we may take our flight back to God ; let us reckon him whose prisoners we once were to be the foe of all good men, and bear in mind that there is no perfect rest for us " until iniquity has ceased and judgement shall return unto righteousness." ^

Likewise, when you do anything with vigour and 3 fervour and are unweariedly labouring in prayer or in fasting or in almsgiving or bestowing something on the needy or forgiving injuries, " as God also for '^ or subduing evil habits and " chastening the body and bringing it into subjec-

Christ's sake hath forgiven us," tion," ^ or bearing tribulation and (before anything else) " bearing one another in love "—for what can he endure, who does not endure his brother ?—or looking out for the craftiness and guile of the tempter and " with the shield of faith " averting and " quenching his fiery darts," ^ or " singing and making melody to the Lord in your heart " ^ or with voices in harmony with your heart : " do all to the glory of God,^ who worketh all in all," ^ and be so " fervent in spirit " ^ that " your soul may make her boast in the Lord." ^

For on the straight path that is the behaviour of those

ST. AUGUSTINE

semper habet ad dominum, quoniam ipse evellet de laqueo pedes. Talis actio nee frigitur negotio nee frigida est otio nee turbulenta nee mareida est nee audax nee fugax nee praeceps nee iacens. Haec agite et deus pads erit vohiscum.

4 Nee importunum me existiniet caritas vestra, quia vobiseum loqui vel per epistulam volui. Non enini hoe vos nionui, quod vos non arbitror facere ; sed credidi nie non paruni conimendari deo a vobis, si ea quae munere illius faeitis, cum adloeutionis nostrae memoria faeiatis. Nam et ante iam fama et nunc fratres, qui venerunt a vobis, Eustasius et Andreas bonum Christi odorem de vestra sancta conversatione ad nos adtulerunt. Quorum Eustasius in eam requiem praeeessit, quae nullis fluctibus sicut insula tunditur, nee Caprariam desiderat, quia nee cilicio iam quaerit indui.

No. 16 (Ep. L) DUCTORIBUS AC PRIXCIPIBUS VEL SENIORIBUS COLONIAE SUFETANAE AUGUSTINUS EPISCOPUS

Immanitatis vestrae famosissimum scelus et in- ° Ps. xxiv. 15. ^ Phil. iv. 9 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 11.

The goat".s-hair garment, the chief article of manufacture on Capraria, " the goat-island." It was a rough garment used by the poor, by penitents as a sign of grief, and by monks.

wSufes, now Sbiba, is in Tunisia, near the Algerian border.

It was a castellum under the early Empire, but became a colony about the time of Marcus Aurelius, as the name indicates (colonia Aurelia Sufetana). It had been a bishopric since at least a.d. ^od but Augustine's language shows that the majority of its inhabitants were still pagan. In consequence, apparently, of the legislation of 399, by which Honorius ordered the closing of pagan temples and the destruction of idols {Cod. Theod. xvr. x. 16, 17, 18), the 116

NO. 15 (Ep. XLVIII)—NO. 16 (Ep. L) " whose eyes are ever upon the Lord, for He shall pluck their feet out of the net." " Such behaviour is neither parched by business nor chilled by ease, neither boisterous nor enervated, neither reckless nor runaway, neither headstrong nor supine. " These things do, and the God of peace shall be with you." ^

Let your Charity not think me troublesome in 4 wishing to have converse with you even by letter. I have given you these admonishments, not with the idea that you are failing to perform them, but in the belief that if what you do by His favour you do in remembrance of my exhortation, I have no slight commendation to God from you. For a good savour of Christ from your holy conduct had already reached me, first through rumour and now through the brethren, Eustasius and Andrew, who have come from you. Of these Eustasius has gone before us to that rest, which no waves beat upon as they do upon your island, nor does he long for Caprera, for in its hair-cloth he seeks no more his raiment.

No. 16 (Ep. L) (a.d. 399) BISHOP AUGUSTINE TO THE LEADERS AND MAGISTRATES OR ELDERS OF THE COLONY OF SUFES "

Earth quakes and the heavens shake at the most

Sufetan statue of Hercules had been destroyed, and in retaliation the townspeople had massacred sixty Christians. The cult of Hercules at Sufes is attested by an inscription to that god found among the ruins (C.I.L. viii. no. 262). The martyred Christians are commemorated on August 30 {Martyrol. Rom. HI. Kal. Sept.; Acta Sanctorum, Aug. vi.

553). The letter is unusually difficult and the style makes it doubtful that Augustine is actually the writer.

ST. AUGUSTINE

opinata crudelitas terrain concutit et percutit caelum, ut in plateis ac delubris vestris eluceat sanguis et resonet homicidium. Apud vos Romanae sepultae sunt leges, iudiciorum rectorum calcatus est terror, imperatorum certe nulla veneratio nee timor. Apud vos sexaginta numero fratrum innocens ef Fusus est sanguis et, si quis plures occidit, functus est laudibus et in vestrani curiam tenuit principatum. Age nunc principalem veniamus ad causam. Si Herculem vestrum dixeritis, porro reddemus ; adsunt metalla, saxa nee desunt ; accedunt et marmorum genera, suppeditat artificum copia. Ceterum deus vester cum diligentia sculpitur, tornatur et ornatur ; addimus et rubricam, quae pingat ruborem, quo possint vota vestra sacra sonare. Nam si vestrum Herculem dixeritis, conlatis singulis nummis ab artifice vestro vobis emimus deum. Reddite igitur animas, quas truculenta vestra manus. contorsit, et, sicuti a nobis vester Hercules redhibetur, sic etiam a vobis tantorum animae reddantur.

No. 17 (Ep. LX) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET DEBITA OBSERVANTIA

VENERABILI SINCERITERQUE CARISSIMO FRATRI ET CONSACERDOTI PAPAE AURELIO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Litteras nullas tuae venerabilitatis, ex quo ab

NO. 16 (Ep. L)—No. 17 (Ep. LX) glaring criminality and shocking barbarity of your fiendish conduct, which has made your streets and shrines run red with blood and resound with cries of murder. Among you the laws of Rome have been consigned to oblivion, the fear of righteous judgement has been trampled under foot, and for the Crown you have assuredly neither respect nor awe. Among you the innocent blood of exactly sixty Christian brethren has been spilt, and he who has the more murders to his credit has enjoyed various honours and been appointed to the chief post in your assembly. See now, let us come to the chief point. If you mention your Hercules, we shall straightway restore it to you ; we have quarries at hand, and there is no lack of stone ; there are in addition various kinds of marble and a sufficient supply of craftsmen. Moreover, your god will be chiseled, smoothed off and ornamented : we shall even add red ochre to paint the blush with which your holy prayers may be uttered. For if you say the Hercules is your own, we shall contribute a penny each and buy a god for you from your own craftsman. Restore then the souls that your ferocious hand has destroyed, and as we give back your Hercules, so do you restore these many souls.

No. 17 (Ep. LX) (a.d. 401) TO FATHER AURELIUS, MY LORD MOST BLESSED

AND WITH DUE RESPECT REVERED, MY BROTHER AND COLLEAGUE, MOST SINCERELY BELOVED, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

Since we parted from each other in body, I have 1

ST. AUGUSTINE

invicem corporaliter digress! sumus, accepi. Nunc vero legi epistulam benignitatis tuae de Donato et fratre eius et, quid responderem, diu fluctuavi. Sed tamen etiam atque etiam cogitanti, quid sit utile saluti eorum quibus nutriendis in Christo servimus, nihil mihi aliud occurrere potuit nisi non esse istam viam dandam servis dei, ut facilius se putent eligi ad aliquid melius, si facti fuerint deteriores. Et ipsis enim facilis lapsus et ordini clericorum fit indignissima iniuria, si desertores monasteriorum ad militiam clericatus eliguntur, cum ex his, qui in monasterio permanent, non tamen nisi probatiores atque meliores in clerum adsumere soleamus, nisi forte, sicut vulgares dicunt, " malus choraula bonus symphoniacus est," ita idem ipsi vulgares de nobis iocabuntur dicentes " malus monachus bonus clericus est." Nimis dolendum, si ad tam ruinosam superbiam monachos subrigimus et tam gravi contumelia clericos dignos putamus, in quorum numero sumus, cum aliquando etiam bonus monachus vix bonum clericum faciat, si adsit ei sufficiens continentia et tamen desit instructio necessaria aut personae regularis integritas.

2 Sed de istis, credo, arbitrata sit beatitudo tua, quod nostra voluntate, ut suis potius conregionalibus utiles essent, de monasterio recessissent. Sed falsum est ; sponte abierunt, sponte deseruerunt nobis, NO. 17 (Ep. LX) received no letter from your Holiness, but now I have read a letter of your Grace about Donatus and his brother. For a considerable time I could not settle what answer to make, but after repeated consideration of what would further the welfare of those whose nurture in Christ is the aim of our service, I could reach no other conclusion than this : we must not put God's servants in the \vay of thinking that the worse their behaviour, the easier their advancement to better posts. For it would only make backsliding easier for them and lay a quite undeserved sUght on the regular clergy, if we selected for clerical service monks who had run away from their monastery, seeing that our usual practice is to select for adoption to the ranks of the clergy only those of higher merit and character from among the monks who stay on in their monastery. The common people say that a bad accompanist makes a good singer ; do we want these same common people to laugh at us in the same way and say that a bad monk makes a good clergyman ? It is a great pity if we encourage monks to such demoralizing pride and think fit to lay so serious a slight on the clergy, to whose ranks we ourselves belong. Sometimes even a good monk hardly makes a good clergyman, if he possesses sufficient self-control and yet has not the necessary education or the finish of a man who has gone through the normal training.

In the case we are discussing, your Holiness may, 2

I think, have assumed that it was with my consent that they abandoned monastic life for a more desirable sphere of service among the men of their own district. That, however, is not so ; they left of their own accord, of their own accord they deserted

ST. AUGUSTINE

quantum potuinius, pro eorum salute renitentibus. Et de Donate quidem, quia iam factum est, ut, antequam de hac re aliquid in concilio statueremus, ordinaretur, si forte a superbiae perversitate correctus est, quod vult, faciat prudentia tua. De fratre vero eius, in cuius vel maxime causa de monasterio etiam ipse Donatus abscessit, cum intellegas quid sentiam, nescio quid respondeam. Contradicere tamen prudentiae tuae, honori caritatique non audeo et sane spero id te facturum. quod membris ecclesiae salubre perspexeris. Amen.

No. 18 (Ep. LXV) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET VExNERABILITER SUS-

CIPIENDO PATRI ET CONSACERDOTI SENI XANTHIPPO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

Officio debito meritis tuis salutans disnationem tuam tuisque me orationibus valde commendans insinuo prudentiae tuae Abundantium quendam in fundo Strabonianensi pertinente ad curam nostram ordinatum fuisse presbyterum. Qui cum non ambularet vias servorum dei, non bonam famam habere coeperat. Qua ego conterritus non tamen temere aliquid credens sed plane sollicitior factus operam dedi, si quo modo possem ad aliqua malae conversationis eius certa indicia pervenire. Ac primo comperi eum " The Council held at Carthage in June 401.

Xanthippus was bishop of Thagura (Taoura, near Souk Ahras). He is mentioned again in Ep. Hx. as one of those on whom devolved the duty of summoning a Council.

The site of this fundus and of Gippi have not been identified, but they must have been near Hippo.

NO. 17 (Ep. LX)—NO. 18 (Ep. LX\0 their vocation, notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts I could make to oppose them, for their own best good. With Donatus, who has already managed to get himself ordained before we could decide anything in the Council'^ about this matter, just do in your wisdom as you will, if he happens to have been cured of his obstinate pride. But since you understand what I feel, I am at a loss what to say about his brother, for whose sake most of all Donatus himself left his monastery. Yet I do not presume to oppose one of your wisdom, rank and kindliness, and I do hope that you \\'ill do what you see to be beneficial for the members of the Church. Amen.

No. 18 (Ep. LX\0

TO THE SENIOR XANTHIPPUS," MY SAINTLY LORD AND REVERENTLY CHERISHED FATHER AND FELLOW-PRIEST, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I greet your Honour with the respect due to your 1 merits and earnestly commend myself to your prayers.

I have to report to your Wisdom that a man by the name of Abundantius was ordained priest on the manor of Strabonian,'' which belongs to my diocese, but, as he did not walk in the paths of God's servants, he began to acquire a bad reputation. This alarmed me, but yet I did not hghtly give it any credence ; yet, my worry clearly increasing, I made an effort to reach, if it were at all possible, some incontrovertible proofs of his eil conduct. And my first discovery was that he had embezzled money

ST. AUGUSTINE

pecuniam cuiusdam rusticani divino apud se commendato intervertisse, ita ut nullam inde posset probabilem reddere rationem. Deinde convictus atqiie confessus est die ieiunii natalis domini, quo etiam Gippitana ecclesia sicut ceterae ieiunabant, cum tamquam perrecturus ad ecclesiam suam " vale " fecisset collegae suo presbytero Gippitano, hora ferme quinta, et cum secum nullum clericum haberet, in eodeni fundo restitisse et apud quandam malae famae mulierem et prandisse et cenasse et in eadem dome mansisse. In huius autem hospitio iam quidam clericus noster Hipponiensis remotus erat ; et hoc quia iste optime noverat, negare non potuit, nam quae negavit, deo dimisi, iudicans quae occultare permissus non est. Timui ei committere ecclesiam praesertim inter haereticorum circumlatrantium rabiem constitutam. Et cum me rogaret, ut ad presbyterum fundi Armenianensis in campo Bullensi, unde ad nos devenerat, causa eius insinuata litteras darem, ne quid de illo atrocius suspicaretur, ut illic vivat, si fieri potest, sine officio presbyterii correctior, misericordia commotus feci. Haec autem me praecipue prudentiae tuae intimare oportebat, ne aliqua tibi fallacia subreperet.

2 Audivi autem causam eius, cum centum dies essent ad dominicumpaschae,quifuturus est VHI Id. Aprilis. Hoc propter concilium insinuare curavi venerabilitati tuae, quod etiam ipsi non celavi, sed ei fideliter, quid

For this late use of nam see Stolz-Schmalz, Lat. Gramm.^ p. 679 ; Lofstedt, Peregr. Aeth. p. 34; Linderbauer, S. Bened. Reg. p. 174.

There were at least two places called Bulla: Bulla Regia, the modern Derradji, five miles from Souk El Arba, and 124

NO. 18 (Ep. LXV) belonging to a certain countryman, entrusted to him for religious purposes, and could give no satisfactory account of it. The next charge proved against him and admitted by himself was that, on the fast-day of Christmas, when the church of Gippi was fasting like all the others, he took leave of his colleague, the priest of Gippi, about 1 1 o'clock in the day, on the pretext of departing for his own church ; and although he had no clergyman with him, he remained in the same manor and dined and supped and stayed in the same house with a woman of ill fame. But one of our clergy of Hippo was already living from home in the local inn, and since Abundantius was very well aware of this, he could not deny the charge, but* what he did deny I left to God, passing sentence upon the facts he was not allowed to conceal. I was afraid to trust him with a church, especially one situated in the very midst of frenzied and snarling heretics. And when he asked me to give him letters explaining his case to the priest of the manor of Armenian in the district of Bulla,^ from which he had come to us, so that no worse suspicion might be conceived against him and that there he might live, if possible, a reformed life with no duties as a priest, I was moved by pity to do so. But it was my duty to report these facts particularly to your Wisdom, lest any misrepresentation be practised upon you.

I heard his case one hundred days before Easter 2 Sunday, which will fall on the 6th April. This fact I have been careful to mention to your Reverence because of the Council, and I have not concealed it from him either, but have revealed to him exactly what Bulla Minor, doubtfully identified with Embarek, not far from Bulla Regia.

ST. AUGUSTINE

institutum esset, aperui. Et si intra annum causam suam, si forte sibi aliquid agendum putat, agere neglexerit, deinceps eius voeem nemo audiat. Nos autem, domine beatissime et venerabiliter suscipiende pater, si haec indicia malae conversationis clericorum, maxime cum fama non bona eos coeperit comitari, non putaverimus nisi eo modo vindicanda quo in concilio constitutum est, incipimus cogi ea quae sciri non possunt, velle discutere et aut incerta damnare aut vere incognita praeterire. Ego certe presbyterum, ut qui die ieiunii, quo eiusdem loci etiam ecclesia ieiunabat, " vale " faciens coliegae suo eiusdem loci presbytero apud famosam mulierem nullum secum clericum habens remanere et prandere et cenare ausus est et in una domo dormire, removendum ab officio presbyterii arbitratus sum timens ei deinceps ecclesiam dei committere. Quod si forte iudicibus ecclesiasticis aliud videtur, quia sex episcopis causam presbyteri terminare concilio statutum est, committat illi, qui vult, ecclesiam suae curae commissam ; ego talibus, fateor, quamlibet plebem committere timeo, praesertim quos nulla bona fama defendit, ut hoc eis possit ignosci, ne, si quid perniciosius eruperit, languens inputem mihi.

NO. 18 (Ep. LXV) was decided. And if he thinks fit to take some action and fails to present his case within a year, let no one thereafter hearken to his plea. But for my part, my saintly lord and reverently cherished father, if I thought that these evidences of evil conduct on the part of the clergy, especially when a bad reputation has begun to attend them, deserved no punishment except in the manner prescribed by the Council, I should now be compelled to agree to the discussion of things that cannot be ascertained, and either to condemn things that are unproved or to pass over things that are really unknown. For my ovn part, at any rate, I have decided that a priest who, on a fastday which was actually being observed by the local church, took leave of his colleague, the local priest, dared to stay, unaccompanied by a clergyman, with a woman of ill fame, to dine and sup and sleep in the same house, ought to be deposed from the office of priest, since I was afraid thereafter to entrust to his care a church of God. If the ecclesiastical judges happen to take a different view, because the Council decreed that six bishops should pronounce the final verdict in a case affecting a priest, let who will entrust him with a church situated within his own jurisdiction; personally, I confess my own fear of entrusting any congregation to people of that kind, especially when they have no good reputation to urge in defence as a reason for condoning this delinquency ; otherwise, if any more heinous disorder broke out, I should with pain feel responsible for it myself.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 19 (Ep. LXVI)

INCIPIT LIBELLUS SANCTI AUGUSTINI EPISCOPI

CATHOLICI CONTRA CRISPINUM SCHISMATICUM

Deum qiiidem timere debuisti ; sed quia in rebaptizandis Mappaliensibus sicut homo timeri voluisti, cur non valeat iussio regalis in provincia, si tantum valuit iussio provincialis in villa ? Si personas compares, tu possessor, ille imperator ; si loca compares, tu in fundo, ille in regno ; si causas compares, ille ut divisio resarciatur, tu ut unitas dividatur. Sed nos te de homine non terremus. Nam possemus agere ut decem libras auri secundum imperatoria iussa persolveres. An forte propterea non habes unde reddas quod dare iussi sunt rebaptizatores, dum multum erogas, ut emas quos rebaptizes ? Sed nos, ut dixi, de homine te non terremus ; Christus te potius terreat. Cui volo scire quid respondeas, si tibi dicat : " Crispine, carum fuit pretium tuum ad emendum timorem Mappaliensium et vilis mors mea ad emendum amorem omnium gentium ? Plus valuit rebaptizandis colonis tuis, quod numeratum est de sacculo tuo, quam baptizandis populis meis quod manavit de latere meo ? " Scio te plura audire posse, si Christo aurem praebeas, et ex ipsa tua " Crispinus was Donatist bishop of Calama ; to him Ep. li. is addressed. He had acquired the property of Mappalia, on the imperial domain near Hippo, and had compelled eighty Christian slaves to undergo re-baptism. Later, one of his priests, of the same name, broke into the house of Augustine's friend, Possidius, and severely beat him, but Crispinus refused to punish the offender, and was himself convicted and fined.

NO. 19 (Ep. LXVI)

No. 19 (Ep. LXVI) (a.d. 402) [THE BEGINNING OF THE NOTE OF ST. AUGUS-

TINE, CATHOLIC BISHOP, AGAINST CRISPINUS« THE SCHISMATIC] You should have feared God at least, but since 1 it was your desire to be feared like a man in your rebaptizing of the Mappalians, why is a royal command of no avail in the province, if a provincial command has been of such avail on a private property ? If you compare the persons concerned, you are the possessor, he is emperor ; if you compare the positions of both, you are on an estate, he is on a throne ; if you compare the motives of both, he aims at mending what is rent, you at rending what is one whole. But we are not seeking to make you afraid of a man, for we could make you pay up ten pounds of gold, according to the imperial decrees. Or perhaps you have no money with which to pay the fine imposed on those who rebaptize, after your great expenses in bribing people to accept re-baptism ? But, as I said, we are not seeking to make you afraid of a man ; let Christ rather make you afraid. I want to know what answer you would make to Him, if He were to say to you : " Crispinus, was it a high price you paid for the fear of the Mappalians, and was my death a small price to pay for the love of all the nations ? Was the money that was counted out from your purse of greater value for the re-baptizing of your serfs than the blood which flowed from my side for the baptizing of my nations ? " I know that if you were to give ear to Christ, you could though the fine was remitted at Possidius's request (Aug. C.

Cresc. ill. 46-47; C. Litt. Pet II. 11. 83 ; Possid. Vit. Aug. 12). K 129

ST. AUGUSTINE

possessione adnioneri quam impia contra Christum loquamini. Si enim humano iure praesumis firme te possidere quod emisti argento tuo, quanto firmius di\'ino iure possidet Christus quod emit sanguine suo

Et ille quidem inconcusse possidebit totum, de quo dictum est : Dominahitur a mari usque ad mare et a jiumine usque ad terminos orhis terrae. Sed certe quo modo confidis non te perditurum, quod in Africa videris emisse, qui Christum dicis toto orbe perdito ad solam Africam remansisse ?

2 Quid multa ? Si voluntate sua Mappahenses in tuam communionem transierunt, ambos nos audiant, ita ut scribantur quae dicimus, et a nobis subscripta eis Punice interpretentur, et remoto timore dominationis eligant quod voluerint. Ex his enim quae dicimus, apparebit utrum coacti in falsitate remaneant, an volentes teneant veritatem. Si enim haec non intellegunt, qua temeritate traduxisti non intellegentes ? Si autem intellegunt, ambos, ut dixi, audiant et quod voluerint, faciant. Si quae etiam plebes ad nos transierunt, quas putas a dominis coactas, hoc et ibi fiat ; ambos nos audiant et eligant quod placuerit. Si autem non vis hoc fieri, cui non appareat non vos de veritate praesumere ? Sed

° Ps. Ixxi. 8. 130

NO. 19 (Ep. LXVI) hear more such questions and be warned by your very property how impious are the words you and your like speak against Christ. For if you reckon that by human law you have a sure title to what you have bought with your own money, how much surer by divine law is Christ's title to what He has bought with His own blood! And yet He will have an unshakable title to everything, for it is -written of Him : " He shall have dominion from sea to sea and from the river unto the ends of the earth." ° But how do you expect with any assurance that you will not lose what you think you have bought in Africa, when you assert that Christ has lost the whole world and has been left for Africa alone ? But why multiply words ? If it was of their own ; free will that the Mappalians went over to your communion, let them hear us both, our statements being written down and, after being attested by our signatures, translated into Punic for them ; and without any fear of intimidation let them choose what they want. For from what we say it will be made clear whether they are abiding in falsehood from compulsion or are holding fast the truth of their own choice. For if they do not understand what is involved, how had you the boldness to take them over to your side with no understanding of the points at issue ? But if they do understand, let them, as I said, hear us both and do as they wish. Further, if there are any congregations who have come over to us and whom you believe to have done so under compulsion from their overlords, let the same course be followed there too : let them hear us both and choose what they please. But if you are unwilling to do this, who can fail to see that your party has no confidence in the truth ? Yet

ST. AUGUSTINE

cavenda est ira dei et hie et in future saeeulo. Adiuro te per Christunij ut ad ista respondeas.

No. 20 (Ep. LXVII) DOMINO CARISSIMO ET DESIDERANTISSIMO ET HONORANDO IN CHRISTO FRATRI ET CONPRESBYTERO HIERONYMO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Audivi pervenisse in manus tuas litteras meas ; sed quod adhue reseripta non merui, nequaquam inputaverim dileetioni tuae ; aliquid procul dubio inipedimenti fuit. Unde agnoseo a me dominum potius deprecandum, ut tuae voluntati det facultatem mittendi quod rescripseris, nam rescribendi iam dedit, quia, cum volueris, facillime poteris.

2 Etiam hoe ad me sane perlatum utrum quidem crederem, dubitavi, sed hinc quoque tibi aliquid utrum scriberem, dubitare non debui. Hoc autem breve est : suggestum caritati tuae a nescio quibus fratribus mihi dictum est, quod librum adversus te scripserim Romamque miserim. Hoc falsum esse noveris : deum nostrum testor hoc me non fecisse. Sed si forte aliqua in aliquibus scriptis meis reperiuntur, in quibus aliter aliquid quam tu sensisse reperiar, non contra te dictum, sed quod mihi videbatur, a me scripturn esse puto te debere cognoscere aut, si cognosci non potest, credere. Ita sane hoc dixerim, ut ego non

Neither of Augustine's previous letters to Jerome, written in 394. and 397 (Ep. xxviii. and xl.j. had till recently been delivered, but Ep. xl., in which the writer had repeated his objections to Jerome's account of the quarrel at Antioch (see No. 9 above), had been circulated without Augustine's knowledge and had eventually reached Bethlehem, where it had aroused much indignation, which the present letter seeks to dispel.

NO. 19 (Ep. LXVI)—NO. 20 (Ep. LXVII) you must beware of the wrath of God both here and hereafter. I adjure you by Christ to reply to what I have \\Titten.

No. 20 (Ep. LXVII) (a.d. 402) TO JEROME, MY LORD DEARLY BELOVED AND MUCH LONGED FOR, AND MY HONOURED BROTHER IN CHRIST AND FELLOW-PRIEST, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD"

I have heard that my letter has safely reached you, but I Avould by no means make it a charge against your affection that as yet I have not been favoured with a reply ; no doubt something has come in your way. So I recognize that I must rather beseech the Lord to provide the opportunity of carrying out your intention to send the answer you have written, since He has already provided that of writing it, for you can very easily do so when you feel so disposed.

Further, I have hesitated whether indeed to give credence to a report which has reached me, but it is my duty not to hesitate about writing something to you concerning it as well. Briefly, this is the point : I have been told that certain brethren have hinted to your Charity that I wrote a book against you and sent it to Rome. Rest assured that this statement is untrue : I call our God to witness that this I have not done. But if some remarks happen to be found in some of my writings, in which I am found taking a different view from you on any point, I think you ought to know, or if you have no means of knowing, to believe, that what I have written is not directed against you, but is an expression of my own opinion. And indeed, in so saying, I not only profess myself

ST. AUGUSTINE

tantum paratissimus sim, si quid te in meis scriptis movent, fraterne accipere quid contra sentias, aut de correctione mea aut de ipsa tua benivolentia gavisurus, veruni etiam hoc a te postulem ac flagitem.

3 O si licuisset etsi non cohabitante saltern vicino te in domino perfrui ad crebrum et dulce conloquium ! Sed quia id non est datum, peto ut hoc ipsum quod in Christo, quam possimus, simul simus, conservare studeas et augeri ac perfici et rescripta quamvis rara non spernere. Saluta obsequio meo sanctum fratrem PauUnianum et omnes fratres, qui tecum ac de te in domino gaudent. Memor nostri exaudiaris a domino in omni sancto desiderio. domine carissime et desiderantissime et honorande in Christo frater.

No. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET VENERABILITER CARISSIMO AC DESIDERANTISSIMO FRATRI

ET COEPISCOPO ALYPIO ET QUI TECUM SUNT FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS ET QUI MECUM SUNT FRATRES IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Tristitia Thiavensis ecclesiae cor meum conquie- " Jerome's j'ounger brother, who left Rome with him in 385 and settled beside him in Bethlehem.

A small town situated between Hippo and Tagaste its site is unknown. Its priest, Honoratus, formerly a monk under Alypius at Tagaste, had died leaving property, which was claimed by both his church and his monastery. Augustine, as arbitrator, at first inclined to an equal division, but this decision greatly displeased the church-people at Thiava, who as recent converts from Donatism required conciliatory treatment. After further consideration and consultation, Augustine awarded them the whole, and writes now to Tagaste explaining and justifying his award. In spite of his decision to admit to monastic life in the future only those NO. 20 (Ep. LXVII)—NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) quite prepared to accept in a brotherly spirit any objections you conceive to whatever you disapprove of in my ^\Titings and to feel glad either at having my faults corrected or at such evidence of your goodwill

I even demand and claim it as a right.

O that it were possible to enjoy sweet and frequent 3 converse in the Lord with you ; if not by living with you, at least by living near you ! But since that is denied us, I beg you to do your best to maintain and increase and perfect this one object, that we should be together, as far as we can, in Christ, and not to disdain replying to me, even if it be only occasionally.

Greet with my respects your saintly brother Paulinianus and all the brethren who rejoice in the Lord with you and because of you. May you, remembering us, be heard by the Lord in all your holy desires, beloved lord and much desired and honoured brother in Christ.

No. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) (a.d. 405) TO ALYPIUS, MY SAINTLY LORD, MY BROTHER

AND FELLOW -BISHOP, CHERISHED WITH MUCH REVERENCE AND LONGING, AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH ME SEND GREETING IN THE LORD

The sorrow of the church at Thiava ^ prevents 1 who had surrendered their worldly possessions, he was later several times troubled by similar problems. The two sermons he preached to justify his acceptance of legacies to his monastery and to enunciate his determined adherence to the principle of monastic poverty were of considerable importance in making this principle indispensable to monastic life (iSe-r;??. 355, 356). \35

ST. AUGUSTINE

scere non permittit, donee eos teeum audiam in pristinum animum restitutes , quod cito faciendum est. Si enim de homine uno tantum sategit apostolus dicens : Ne maiore tristitia absorbeatur, qui eius modi est, ubi etiani ait : Lt non 'possideamur a satana, non enim ignoramus me7ites eius, quanto magis nos oportet vigilanter agere ne hoc in toto grege plangamus et maxime in eis qui nunc catholicae paci accesserunt et quos nullo niodo relinquere possum.

Sed quia temporis non sivit angustia ut simul inde nobis diligenter deliberatam liceret eliquare sententiam, quid mihi post digressum nostrum diu cogitanti placuerit, accipiat sanctitas tua et si tibi quoque placet, iam litterae quas ad eos communi nomine scripsi, sine dilatione mittantur.

2 Dixisti ut dimidium habeant et alterum dimidium eis a me undecumque provideretur. Ego autem puto quia, si totum eis auferretur, esset quod diceremur non de pecunia nos sed de iustitia tantopere laborasse. Cum vero dimidium eis concedimus et eo modo cum eis pacem quandoque componimus, satis apparebit nostram curam nihil aliud quam pecuniariam fuisse et vides quae pernicies consequatur. Et illis enim videbimur alienam rem dimidiam tulisse " 2 Cor. ii. 7. " 2 Cor. ii. 11, 136

NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) my heart from being at rest until I hear that they have been brought back to the same disposition to Avards you as before, and that must be done quickly. For if the Apostle was so much concerned about one individual when he said, " Lest such a one should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow," adding there the words, " Lest Satan should get an advantage of us ; for we are not ignorant of his devices," ^ it much more becomes us to act with circumspection so that we may not have the same thing to lament in a whole flock, and especially in those who have but recently come over to the peace of the Catholic Church, and whom I can in no wise abandon. But as the shortness of time did not allow us any opportunity to take careful counsel together on the matter and to clarify our opinions, may it please your Holiness to accept the decision I have reached after lengthy consideration since we parted, and, if you decide likewise, let the letter I have written them in our common name be dispatched to them without delay.

Your proposal was that they should have the one 2 half and that I should make up the other half to them from some other source. But it is my opinion that if they were deprived of the whole property, it might reasonably be said that we had so greatly exerted ourselves not for the sake of the money, but for the sake of justice. But when we yield them a half and on those terms arrange at some time a settlement with them, it will look pretty obvious that we were interested in only the financial aspect, and you see what a pernicious result would follow. For on one hand we shall be regarded by them as having taken one half to which we had no right, and they on the

ST. AUGUSTINE

et illi nobis Wdebuntur inhoneste et inique se passes fuisse, ut adiuvarentur de dimidio quod totum pauperuni fuerat. Nam quod dixisti : " Cavendum est, ne cum rem dubiam emendari volumus, maiora vulnera faciamus," tantundem valebit, si eis dimidium concedatur. Propter ipsum quippe dimidium illi, quorum conversioni consulere volumus, ut hoc exemplo secum agatur, rerum suarum venditionem per moras illas excusatorias dilaturi sunt. Deinde mirum si de re dubia est totius plebis tam grande scandalum, cum episcopos suos, quos pro magno habent, sordida avaritia maculatos putant, dum maligna species non vitatur ?

3 Nam cum quisque ad monasterium convertitur, si veraci corde convertitur, illud non cogitat maxime admonitus quantum malum sit. Si autem fallax est et sua quaerit, non quae lesu Christi, non habet utique caritatem et quid ei prodest, si distrihuerit omnia sua pauperihus et tradiderit corpus suum, ut ardeat? Hue accedit quia illud, sicut iam conlocuti sumus, deinceps vitari potest et agi cum eo qui convertitur, si non potest admitti ad societatem fratrum, antequam se omnibus illis impedimentis exuerit et ex otio tendatur, cum eius res iam esse destiterit. Haec autem mors infirmorum et tantum impedimentum salutis eorum, pro quibus tantopere laboramus, ut eos catholicae paci lucremur, aliter vitari non potest, nisi ut apertis-

« Phil. ii. 21, M Cor. xiii. 3. 138

NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) other will be regarded by us as having unfairly and dishonourably agreed to accept help from a half which belonged entirely to the poor. For your remark that we must beware, while endeavouring to settle a doubtful matter, of causing more serious wounds, will have as much force if they be granted a half. For because of this half, those whose conversion to monastic life we wish to encourage will find excuses for delaying and putting off the sale of their own property so as to be dealt with under this precedent.

Moreover, is it surprising that by this doubtful matter the whole Christian community is so much offended when they imagine their bishops, whom they honour so highly, to be smitten with sordid avarice, so long as they do not avoid the appearance of evil ?

For when a man turns to monastic life and does so in 3 a genuine spirit, he does not think of that, especially when he has been warned of the great sinfulness of such conduct. But if he is a deceiver and is " seeking his own, not the things which are Jesus Christ's," ° he certainly is ^^ithout charity, and" what does it profit him, if he bestow all his goods upon the poor and give his body to be burned " ^ : Further, as we already agreed together, that difficulty may be avoided for the future, and an arrangement made with any individual who is turning monk, that he cannot be admitted to the society of the brethren before he has rid himself of all those encumbrances and throws off his life of ease, his property having now ceased to belong to him. There is, indeed, no other possible way of avoiding this spiritual death of weak brethren and this grievous obstacle to the salvation of those for the winning of whom to the peace of Catholicism we so strenuously labour, unless by giving them very clearly to under-

ST. AUGUSTINE

sime intellegant niillo modo nos de pecunia satagere in talibus causis, quod nullo modo intellecturi sunt, nisi illam rem quam semper presbyteri esse putaverunt, eorum usibus relinquamus, quia et si eius non erat, hoc ab initio scire debuerant.

4 Videtur itaque mihi haec regula esse in rebus huiusce modi retinenda, ut, quicquid eo iure quo talia possidentur, eius fuerit qui alicubi clericus ordinatur, ad eam pertineat ecclesiam in qua ordinatur. Usque adeo autem eodem iure presbyteri

Honorati est illud, unde agitur, ut non solum alibi ordinatus sed adhuc in Tagastensi monasterio constitutus si re sua non vendita nee per manifestam donationem in quempiam translata moreretur, non nisi heredes eius in eam succederent, sicut frater Aemilianus in illos triginta solidos fratri Privato successit. Haec ergo ante praecavenda sunt ; si autem praecauta non fuerint, ea iura eis servare oportet, quae talibus habendis vel non habendis secundum crvilem societatem sunt instituta, ut ab omni non solum re sed etiam specie maligna, quantum possumus, nos abstineamus et bonam famam custodiamus dispensationi nostrae multum necessariam. Quam vero species maligna sit, advertat sancta prudentia tua. Excepta illorum tristitia, quam experti sumus, ne quid forte ipse fallerer, sicut fieri solet, dum in sententiam meam proclivior erro, narra\i causam fratri et collegae nostro Samsucio, nondum

<" 1 Thess. V. 22. 140

NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) stand that we are in no way concerned about money in such cases ; and this they will not understand unless we leave for their use the property which they always supposed to belong to their priest, because, if it did not belong to him, they ought to have knoMTi this from the beginning.

It seems to me, therefore, that in matters of this 4 kind we should abide by this rule, that whatever belonged by the law of possession to one who is ordained to be the clergyman of any place, is the appurtenance of that church over which he was ordained. Now, by the same law, the property in question so far belonged to the priest Honoratus that, had he still been, when he died, in the monastery of Tagaste, instead of being ordained to another post, and had neither sold his property nor transferred it to any other by an express deed of gift, no one but his heirs would have succeeded to it, just as brother Aemilianus succeeded to the thirty shil Hngs left by brother Privatus. These precautions must then be taken beforehand, but if they have not been taken, we should in their case comply with those laws which were dra Avn up to regulate the possession or the disposal of propertv according to civil society, so that we may avoid as far as possible not only all reality, but even all appearance of evil," and retain the untarnished reputation which is so necessary to our office as executors. And just how evil this appearance is, let your holy Wisdom observe. After hearing of their disappointment, which we fully rea Uzed, from fear that I might perchance be mistaken (as usually happens when I incline \\'ith the more partiality to my own opinion), I stated the case to our brother and colleague, Samsucius, without telling him at the

ST. AUGUSTINE

dicens quod mihi niodo \'idetur, sed illud potius adiungens quod utrique nostrum visum sit, cum illis resisteremius. Vehementer exhorruit et nobis hoc

esse miratus est, nulla re alia permotus nisi ipsa specie foeda, non nostra sed cuiuslibet vita ac moribus indignissima.

6 Proinde obsecro, ut epistulam quam eis communi nomine scripsi, subscriptam non differas mittere. Et si forte illic illud iustum acutissime pervides, non cogantur infirmi modo discere, quod ego nondum intellego, ut hoc circa eos in hac causa servetur quod dominus ait : Multa haheo vobis dicere, sed non potestis ilia portare modo. Tali quippe infirmitati parcens etiam illud de tributo solvendo ait : Ergo liberi sunt

JUii ; sed ?ie scajidalizemus eos et cetera, quando Petrum misit ut didrachmas quae tunc exigebantur, solverent. Noverat enimi aliud ius, quo nihil tale debebat ; sed eo iure tributum ei ille solvebat, quo iure diximus heredem presbyteri Honorati successurum fuisse, si, antequam rem suam vel donaret vel venderet, moreretur. Quamquam in ipso ecclesiae iure

Paulus apostolus parcit infirmis et debitum stipendium non exigit, certus conscientia quod rectissime exigeret, sed nihil aliud quam suspicionem devitans bonum odorem Christi turbantem et ab ilia mahgna specie sese abstinens in eis regionibus, ubi hoc noverat

° John xvi. 12.

" Matt. xvii. 26-27. « 1 Cor. ix. 1-15. 142

NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII) time what I have now decided, but rather adding what we had both decided when we were resisting their claims. He was very much shocked and marvelled that we had so decided, and what disturbed him was nothing else than this very appearance of foul dea Ung, very unworthy not only of our life and character, but of anyone's.

I beseech you, therefore, not to postpone signing 5 and sending the letter I have written them in our common name. And if from it you very clearly realize that this course is just, let not those who are weak be compelled now to learn what I myself do not yet understand, so that in this affair we may observe towards them this saying of the Lord's : "I have many things to say to you, but ye cannot bear them now."" For He had compassion on such weakness and made the further remark about the payment of tribute : " Then are the children free ; notwithstanding, lest we offend them," ^ and so on, when He sent Peter to pay the half-shekel that was at that time exacted. He was acquainted with another law by which He had no such obligation, but Peter paid tribute for Him in accordance with that same law by which, as I have already said, the heir of the priest Honoratus would have succeeded, if he had died before either giving away or selling his property. And yet, under the law of the Church itself, Paul the Apostle had compassion on the weak and did not exact the subsidy due to himself,^ though quite convinced in his own mind that he had every right to exact it, but with no other intention than to escape the suspicion which would spoil the sweet savour of Christ and to defend himself from that appearance of evil in those districts where he knew that such was his duty and

ST. AUGUSTINE

oportere, et forte antequam tristitiani hominum fuisset expertus. Sed nos tardiores vel expert! corrigamus quod praevidere debuimus.

6 Postremo, quia omnia timeo et memini in digressu nostro quid proposueris, quod me fratres Tagastenses teneant debitorem in dimidio illius pretii, si hoc iustum esse liquido perspicis, ea dum taxat condieione non abnuo, ut, cum habuero, reddam, id est cum aliquid tantum obvenerit Hipponiensi monasterio, ubi hoc sine angustia fieri possit, ut tanta ibi summa detracta non minus quam aequahs pro numero cohabitantium pars ad nostros perveniat.

DOMINO BEATISSLMO ET VENERABILI AC DE

SIDERABILI FRATRI ET CONSACERDOTI NOVATO ET QUI TECUM SUNT FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS ETQUI MECUM SUNT FRATRES

IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Et ego sentio quam durus videar, et me ipse vix fero, quod filium meum diaconum Lucillum germanum tuum sanctitati tuae non mitto atque permitto. Sed cum ipse quoque aliquos ex tuis nutrimentis valde carissimos atque dulcissimos necessitatibus ecclesiarum longe abs te positarum concedere coeperis, tunc senties quibus desideriorum stimulis fodiar, quod quidam mihi maxima et dulcissima " Novatus is probably the bishop of Sitifi (Setif), from about 403 to 440. He occurs again in Ep. ccxxix. 144

NO. 21 (Ep. LXXXIII)—NO. 22 (Ep. LXXXRO in fact before he had experienced men's disappointment. But now, though we are somewhat behindhand, let us even profit by our experience and put right what we ought beforehand to have guarded against.

Finally, since I am completely a prey to fear and 6 recall the proposal you made when we parted, that the brethren at Tagaste should hold me responsible for the half of the sum named, if you clearly view this proposal as fair, I do not reject it, but on this condition, that I pay the amount when I have it, that is, when so great a sum falls to our monastery at Hippo that it may be done without unduly straitening us, so that, after subtracting the large amount owing them, our people may acquire no less than an equal share in proportion to the number of resident brethren.

No. 22 (Ep. LXXXR (a.d. 405) TO MY SAINTLY AND REVERED LORD AND LONGED FOR BROTHER AND FELLOWPRIEST, NOVATES» AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE AND THE

BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH ME SEND GREETING IN THE LORD

I myself feel how hard-hearted I must appear, 1 and I can scarcely excuse myself for not sending and lending to your Holiness my son the deacon Lucillus, your brother. But when you yourself begin to surrender some of the very dearest and sweetest of those you have nurtured to the needs of churches situated far from you, then you will understand the pangs of regret that stab me at losing the bodily com-

ST. AUGUSTINE

familiaritate coniuncti non sunt etiam corporaliter mecum. Nam ut longe mittam cognationem tuam, quantum libet valeat germanitas tui sanguinis, non vincit amicitiae vinculum quo nobis invicem ego et frater Severus inhaeremus ; et tamen nosti quam raro mihi eum videre contingat. Atque hoc fecit non utique voluntas vel mea vel illius, sed dum matris ecclesiae necessitates propter futurum saeculum quo nobiscum inseparabiliter convivemus, nostri temporis necessitatibus anteponimus. Quanto ergo aequius te tolerare oportet pro utilitate ipsius matris ecclesiae eius fratris absentiam cum quo non tam diu cibum dominicum ruminas, quam diu ego cum dulcissimo concive meo Severo, qui mecum tamen nunc vix et interdum per exiguas chartulas loquitur et eas quidem plures aliarum curarum et negotiorum refertas quam portantes aliquid nostrorum in Christi suavitate pratorum !

2 Hie forsitan dicas : " Quid enim ? Et apud nos germanus meus ecclesiae non erit utilis aut propter aliud eum mecum habere desidero ? " Plane si tantum ibi, quantum hie mihi eius praesentia lucrandis vel regendis ovibus domini utilis videretur, non dico duritiam sed iniquitatem meam nemo non iure culparet. Sed cum Latina lingua, cuius inopia in nostris regionibus evange Uca dispensatio multum laborat, " See p. 108, note h.

As the text stands, with no variant, there is an anacoluthon, and the sense demands " Punic " instead of " Latin." Even in Hippo, a coast town long Romanized, there were many who spoke Punic, and in inland districts it was often the only language spoken (see note h on p. 24). The true reading probably lies hid in Latina or cum Latina, and perhaps there was no adjective present {cum illam [calleat ?] linguam), Latina being an imported gloss.

NO. 22 (Ep. LXXXIV) panionship of individuals united to me in the closest and most pleasing intimacy. For, to leave the fact of your kinship quite out of account, the blood-bond between you may be as strong as you please, vet it is not superior to the bond of friendship that binds brother Severus and me so closely to each other ; and yet you know how seldom I have the happiness of seeing him. And it is not my wish or his that is responsible for this, but the fact that the claims of our mother, the Church, having regard to the world to come, in which we shall live together and never part, are more important than the claims of our own time. Out of consideration, therefore, for the welfare of that same mother, the Church, you ought with all the greater equanimity to endure the absence of the brother with whom you have not been browsing upon the food of the Lord as long as I did with my dehghtful fellow-townsman, Severus,^ who yet holds converse Mith me now with difficulty and at intervals bv means of meagre letters, and those indeed packed, for the most part, with other cares and concerns instead of bringing any evidence of our wanderings in the sweet meadows of Christ.

At this point you may perhaps reply, "What: then ? Here too, beside me, will my brother not be of service to the Church, or is it for any other reason that I want to have him \^-ith me .- " Certainly, if his being with you seemed as profitable for the winning and directing of the Lord's flock as it is here to me, there is no one who would not justly blame—I shall not call it my hard-heartedness, but my unfairness. But since he is familiar with a language ^ the lack of which in our territories greatly hinders the administration of the Gospel, while where you are the same

ST. AUGUSTINE

illic autem eiusdem linguae usus omnino sit,—itane censes nos saluti plebium domini oportere consulere, ut banc facultatem illuc mittamus et hinc auferamus, ubi earn magno cordis aestu requirimus ? Da itaqiie veniam quod non solum contra tuum desiderium, sed etiam contra sensum meum, facio quod me facere sarcinae nostrae cura constringit. Dabit tibi dominus in quo posuisti cor tuum, ut tales sint labores tui, ut pro isto beneficio remunereris ; sic enim regionum nostrarum ardentissirnae siti diaconum Lucillum tu potius concessisti ; neque enim parum praestabis, cum de hac re nulla petitione me ulterius onerabis, ne nihil aliud quam durior appaream venerabili mihi et sanctae benivolentiae tuae.

No. 23 (Ep. LXXXVI)

DOMINO EXmiO ET IN CHRISTI CARITATE VERE

MERITOQUE HONORABILI AC SUSPICIENDO FILIO CAECILIANO AUGUSTINUS EPISCOPUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

Administrationis tuae castitas et fama virtutum, pietatis quoque Christianae laudanda diligentia et fida sinceritas, quae tibi divina munera eo donante gaudes tributa a quo speras promittente potiora, " Caecilianus was prominent in political life under Honorius. He was one of the legates sent by the senate to Honorius at Ravenna in 409 to deplore the misfortunes of Rome, where Alaric had broken his pledge. In 413 he was sent to Africa to examine the provincials' complaints and the adjustment of the corn-tax. On his arrival in Carthage, he bore letters from Pope Innocent to Augustine, who addressed to him Ep. cli. The edict mentioned is the vigorous legislation of 412 against the Donatists. The Benedictine editors, followed bv Goldbacher, assign this letter to the year 148

NO. 22 (Ep. LXXXR^—NO. 23 (Ep. LXXX\ I) language is in general use, do you think it is our duty so to provide for the welfare of the Lord's people that we send this ability to you and deprive ourselves of it here, where our need of it is so great and so heart-felt? Forgive me, then, for doing, not only in spite of vour desire but also in spite of my own feelings, what my zeal for the office with which I am burdened compels me to do. The Lord, upon whom vou have stayed your heart, will make your labours such that you will be rewarded for this kind service ; for it is kind of you to surrender the deacon Lucillus to the thirsty eagerness of our territories rather than claim him for yourself. And it will be no small favour if you will refrain from laying upon me any request concerning this matter in the future, so that I may not appear to your revered and holv Benevolence to be onlv too hard-hearted.

No. 23 (Ep. LXXXVI) (a.d. 413) TO MY DISTINGUISHED LORD, CAECILIANUS,'^ MY SON TRULY AND DESERVEDLY HONOURED AND CHERISHED IX CHRIST'S LOVE, BISHOP AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

The purity of your administration and your virtuous reputation, as well as the praiseworthy zeal and genuine sincerity of your Christian devotion—gifts of God that you rejoice to have bestowed upon you by Him whose promise makes you hope for still better things—have stimulated me to share \Nath your 405, but Monceaux {Hist. lltt. de VAfrlque chretienne, vii. 2S5) shows reasons for assigning it rather to early in 413.

ST. AUGUSTINE

excitaverunt me ut hoc epistulari alloquio aestus causarum niearum excellentia participaret tua. Quantum enim per alias Africae terras te unitati catholicae mirabili efficacia consuluisse gaudemus, tantum dolemus regionem Hipponiensium-Regiorum et ei vicinas partes confines Numidiae praesidali edicti tui vigore nondum adiuvari meruisse, domine eximie et in Christi caritate vere meritoque honorabilis ac suspiciende fili. Quod ne meae potius neglegentiae deputetur, qui episcopalem sarcinam Hippone sustineo, tuae magnificentiae non tacendum putavi. Quantum etiam in campo Hipponiensi haeretica praesumat audacia, si ex fratribus et collegis meis qui haec tuae sublimitati narrare potuerint, vel ex presbytero quem cum litteris misi, fueris audire dignatus, adiuvante domino deo nostro procul dubio providebis, ut tumor sacrilegae vanitatis terrendo sanetur potius quam ulciscendo resecetur.

No. 2^ (Ep. XCI)

DOMINO EXIMIO MERITOQUE HONORABILI FRATRI NECTARIO AUGUSTINUS

[10 meritoqu] :tario august

1 lam senio frigescentibus membris fervere animum

Nectarius was a decurion of Calama, a pagan, though of Christian descent. In spite of the edict of Honorius forbidding any non-Christian celebrations, the Calamans had held pagan festivals which resulted in the destruction of life and property. Fearing the legal consequences, Nectarius wrote asking Augustine to use his influence on the Calamans' behalf (Ep. xc). Augustine's reply points out the enormity of the offence, argues that paganism must of necessity lead to excess and immorality, and urges Nectarius and the people to adopt Christianity. After eight months Nectarius answered in Ep. ciii., and Augustine in turn replied in Ep. civ., covering much the same ground as here. 150

NO. 23 (Ep. LXXXVI)—NO. 24- (Ep. XCI)

Excellency by means of this epistolary converse the anxieties arising from my controversies. For in proportion as we have been gladdened by the surprising success of your measures in favour of catholic unity throughout the other parts of Africa, so do we regret, my distinguished lord and son truly and deservedly honoured and cherished in Christ's love, that the district of Hippo Regius and the territories adjoining it on the borders of Numidia have not yet been honoured with the vigorous support of your edict as governor. I have thought it better to mention this fact to your Excellency, so that it may not be attributed rather to negligence on my part, since

I bear the burden of episcopal office at Hippo. If you condescend to ascertain from my brethren and colleagues, who are in a position to recount the facts to your Highness, or from the priest whom I am sending with this letter, how far the heretics have had the boldness and effrontery to go in this same region of Hippo, I am confident you will, with the help of the Lord our God, take steps to have this puffed-up irreverence and conceit healed by methods tending to discourage it rather than cut away by measures that are purely retaliatory.

No. 24. (Ep. XCI)

AUGUSTINE TO MY DISTINGUISHED AND DESERVEDLY HONOURED BROTHER, NECTARIUS «

I find it admirable but not surprising that, though 1 age is beginning to chill your limbs, your heart still

ST. AUGUSTINE

tuuni patriae caritate nee miror et laiido, teque non tantum tenere nienioriter verum etiam vita ac moribus demonstrare, quod nullus sit patriae consulendi modus aut finis bonis, non invitus imnio etiam libens accipio. Unde supernae cuiusdam patriae, in cuius sancto amore pro nostro modulo inter eos quibus ad illam capessendam consulimus, periclitamur atque laboramus, talem etiam te ipsum civem habere vellemus, ut.eius portiunculae in hac terra peregrinanti nullum consulendi modum finemque censeres, tanto ef Fectus melior, quanto meliori civitati officia debita praerogares, in eius aeterna pace nullum gaudendi finem inventurus, cuius ad tempus laboribus nullum tibi finem statueris consulendi.

Verum hoc donee fiat—neque enim desperandum est illam te patriam posse adquirere vel iam adquirendam prudentissime cogitare, ad quam te pater etiam, qui in ista genuit, antecessit—hoc ergo donee fiat, da nobis veniam, si propter patriam nostram, quam cupimus numquam relinquere, contristamus patriam tuam, quam cupis florentem relinquere. De cuius quidem floribus si cum tua prudentia disputemus, non est verendum ne tibi difficile persuadeatur aut vero etiam non facile occurrat, quem ad modum florere civitas debeat. Commemoravit poeta ille vestrarum clarissimus litterarum quosdam flores Italiae ; " Virgil, Ae7i. vii. 643-644 " quibus Itala iam turn Floruerit terra alma viris, quibus arserit armis." For the readiness "with which Augustine quotes Virgil compare No. 5, p. 21. Earlier in life Augustine had been devoted to Mrgil, and at Cassiciacum he had spent much time reading the poet (C Acad. i. 15. 5, iJe Ord. ii. 20. 54), but later he tended to despise all the pagan classics {Con/, i. 13. 20-22). Here, Nectarius's use of the word Jlorere, " flower," or " flourish," of his own province recalls to Augustine Virgil's use of the NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) glows with patriotic zeal, and I am not sorry, but rather dehghted, to learn that you do not merely remember the maxim that " to good men there is no limit or end of devotion to their country," but actually exemplify it in your life and character. That is why we should like to have you enrolled in person as a citizen of a country which is above, in holy love for which we endure perils and toil, as far as in us lies, among those whose good we seek in urging them to make that country their own—and such a citizen that you would think there should be no limit or end to devotion to that fragment of it which is on pilgrimage in this land. So would you become a better man in proportion as you discharged here and now the duties due to that better country, in whose eternal peace you will find no end to rejoicing, if you prescribe for yourself no end to the devotion you bestow upon its temporal tasks.

But until you do so—for we must not surrender the hope that it is in your power to gain, or that even already you must be wisely thinking how you should gain that country to which your own father, who begot you here, has gone before you—until you do so, you must forgive us if for the sake of our country, which we have no desire ever to leave, we inflict distress upon your country, which you desire to leave in the full flower of prosperity. Yet if I were to hold a discussion with your Wisdom about its flowering, I have every confidence that you would not be difficult to convince, or rather that you would easily discover for yourself, in what way a country ought to flower. That poet who enjoys the most renown in your literature has commemorated certain flowers of Italy " ; but in that word with reference to Itah*, and throughout the letter he keeps playing upon the words ^orr and Jlores,

ST. AUGUSTINE

sed nos in vestra patria non tarn expert! sumus " quibus floruerit " terra ilia " viris," quam " quibus arserit armis," immo vero non armis sed flammis nee arserit, sed incenderit. Quod tantum scelus si fuerit inpunitum nulla digna correctione pravorum, florentem te patriam putas relicturum ? O flores non plane fructuum sed spinarum ! Compara nunc, utrum malis florere patriam tuam pietate an impunitate, correctis moribus an securis ausibus ; compara ista et vide, utrum in patriae tuae amore nos vincas, utrum earn magis veriusque cupias florere quam nos.

3 Intuere paululum ipsos de re publica libros, unde ilium affectum amantissimi civis ebibisti, quod nullus sit patriae consulendi modus aut finis bonis. Intuere, obsecro te, et cerne quantis ibi laudibus frugalitas et continentia praedicetur et erga coniugale vinculum fides castique honesti ac probi mores, quibus cum praepo Uet civitas, vere florere dicenda est. Hi autem mores in ecclesiis toto orbe crescentibus tamquam in Sanctis auditoriis populorum docentur atque discuntur, et maxime pietas qua verus et verax colatur deus, qui haec omnia quibus animus humanus divinae societati ad inhabitandam aeternam caelestemque civitatem instruitur et aptatur, non solum iubet adgredienda, verum etiam donat implenda.

Cicero's De Republica, quoted by Nectarius in his letter to Augustine. The work itself survives only in fragments ; in Civ. Dei ii. 21 Augustine gives a summary of Book iii. 154

NO. 21. (Ep. XCI) country of yours we have experienced not so much " ^Wth what men it has flowered " as ** with what arms it has blazed," nay rather, not " arms," but " fires," and " not blazed," but " set on fire." If the heinous offence before us were left unpunished with no adequate chastisement of the miscreants, do you think that you would leave your country in full flower ? Flowers indeed, but promising thorns, certainly not fruit ! Just make the comparison and see whether you prefer your country to flower by practising piety or by escaping punishment, by the discipline of character or by the protection of \dolence ; make the comparison and see m hether in love for your country you outdo us, whether your desire to behold it in full flower is greater and more genuine than ours.

Look for a moment at those very books " On the 3 State " " from which you imbibed that sentiment of a loyal subject, that " to good men there is no limit or end of devotion to their country," Look at them, I pray you, and notice the praise with which frugality and self-control are extolled, and fidelity to the marriage-bond, and chaste, honourable, and upright character. When a country is distinguished for these qualities, it may truly be said to be in full flower. Now, it is in the churches that are springing up throughout the world, in the sacred lecture-rooms, one might say, of the nations, that these moral qualities are being taught and learned, and most especially the piety v.ith which worship is paid to the true and truthful God, Who not only commands men to undertake, but also gives them the power to perform, all those things by which the human spirit is trained and fitted for fellowship with God and for dwelling in the everlasting heavenly country. It is for that

ST. AUGUSTINE

Inde est quod deorum multorum falsorumque simulacra et praedixit eversum iri et praecepit everti.

Nihil enim homines tam insociabiles reddit vitae perversitate quam illorum deorum imitatio, quales describuntur et commendantur Utteris eorum.

4 Denique illi doctissimi viri qui rem pub Ucam civitatemque terrenam, qualis eis esse debere videbatur, magis domesticis disputationibus requirebant vel etiam describebant, quam publicis actionibus instituebant atque formabant, egregios atque laudabiles quos putabant homines potius quam deos suos imitandos proponebant erudiendae indoH iuventutis. Et re vera Terentianus ille adulescens qui spectans tabulam pictam in pariete, ubi pictura inerat de adulterio regis deorum, libidinem qua rapiebatur, stimuUs etiam tantae auctoritatis accendit, nullo mode in illud flagitium vel concupiscendo laberetur vel perpetrando inmergeretur, si Catonem maluisset imitari quam lovem ; sed quo pacto id faceret, cum in templis adorare cogeretur lovem potius quam Catonem ? Verum haec ex comoedia quibus impiorum luxus et sacrilega superstitio convinceretur, proferre forsitan non debemus. Lege vel recole in eisdem Hbris quam prudenter disseratur nullo modo potuisse scriptiones et actiones recipi comoediarum, nisi mores recipientium consonarent.

Ita clarissimorum virorum in re publica excellentium

Lev. xxvi. 30 ; Ezek. vi, 4, xxx. 13; Hos. x. 2; 3 Kings XV. 11-13; 2 Chron. xxiii. 17, xxxi. 1, xxxiii. 15, xxxiv. 3-4.

* Ter. Eun. 584-591. 156

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) reason that He predicted the future overthrow of the images of the many false gods and enjoined that that overthrow should begin now." For there is nothing that makes men so unsuited for fellowship by reason of their depraved lives as does the imitation of those gods, such as they are described and commended by pagan literature.

In short, those learned men who in private dis4 cussion sought after and even portrayed what seemed to them the model republic and earthly state instead of bringing it into being and gi\'ing it shape by public service, usually put forward as examples for the training of the youthful character those men they deemed famous and praiseworthy rather than their own gods. And, in fact, that young man in Terence ^ who, on gazing upon a painted wall-panel which represented the adultery of the king of the gods, felt fuel added to the fire of passion that was consuming him by the encouragement given by an authority so eminent, would certainly not have fallen into that sin through desire nor have been overcome by it through bringing it to pass, if he had chosen Cato as his model rather than Jove. But how could he do that when in the temples he was compelled to reverence Jove instead of Cato ? And yet perhaps

I should not put forward these scenes from comedy to confute the wantonness and the sacrilegious superstition of the ungodly. Read or recall how carefully it is argued in those same books that the writing or acting of comedies could by no means have received public approbation if they had not harmonized with the character of those who approved of them. So the authority of the most outstanding men, both those who are prominent in the State and those who discuss

ST. AUGUSTINE

et de re publica disputantiuni auctoritate firniatur nequissimos homines fieri deorum imitatione peiores, non sane verorum sed falsorum atque fictorum.

5 At enim ilia omnia quae antiquitus de vita deorum moribusque conscripta sunt, longe aliter sunt intellegenda atque interpretanda sapientibus. Ita vero in templis populis congregatis recitari huiusce modi salubres interpretationes heri et nudiustertius audi\imus. Quaeso te, sicine caecum est humanum genus adversus veritatem, ut tarn aperta et manifesta non sentiat ? Tot locis pingitur, funditur, tunditur, sculpitur, scribitur, legitur, agitur, cantatur, saltatur luppiter adulteria tanta committens ; quantum erat, ut in suo saltem Capitolio ista prohibens legeretur ? Haec mala dedecoris impietatisque plenissima si nemine prohibente in populis ferveant, adorentur in templis, rideantur in theatris, cum his victimas immolant, vastetur pecus etiam pauperum, cum haec histriones agunt et saltant, ef Fundantur patrimonia divitum, ci\itates florere dicuntur ? Horum plane florum non terra fertilis, non aliqua opulens virtus sed ilia dea Flora digna mater inventa est, cuius ludi scenici tam effusiore et licentiore turpidine celebrantur, ut quivis intellegat quale daemonium sit, quod placari aliter non potest nisi illic non

Perhaps a reference to the attempt made by the Emperor Julian to allegorize the myths of paganism.

With this heaping up of verbs c/. In Ps. Ivi. 16 " (caro) esuriat, sitiat, dormiat, teneatur, flagelletur, irrideatur, crucifig-atur, sepeliatur."

" Flora was supposed to preside over the blossoming of plants in spring. The floral games {Floralia), which have been asserted to be the source of the May-day games, were held from April 28 to May 3, and were accompanied by such licence that the Church Fathers name them with 15S

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) the nature of the State, establishes our pomt that by imitating the gods—not, to be sure, true gods, but false and fabricated gods—the most depraved of men become still worse. But it may be objected that all those ancient tales 5 about the life and character of the gods are to be understood and interpreted far differently by men of wisdom. Thus, in fact, we heard just the other day harmless interpretations of this kind read to the people gathered in the temples.'^ Tell me, is the human race so blind to truth as not to perceive facts so evident and open ? In so many places Jove is exhibited committing his numerous adulteries by painters, founders, smiths, sculptors, writers, reciters, actors, singers and dancers ; what was the use of reciting, in his own Capitol at any rate, decrees forbidding such sins ? If, with no one to forbid them, these foul deeds that are the culmination of turpitude and ungodliness are enthusiastically acclaimed by the people, worshipped in the temples, applauded in the theatres ^ ; if, when victims are sacrificed to their perpetrators, even the poor are despoiled of their flock, and when actors represent them in dance and action, the rich lavish their fortunes on them—are countries to be described as in flower ? Such flowers as these certainly do not owe their birth to fruitful soil or to any bounteous virtue ; they have found a worthy parent in that goddess Flora, ^ whose theatrical games are celebrated with such unusually abandoned and shameless vileness that anyone may understand what is the nature of a divinity that cannot be conciliated unless there perish as victims on her altars abhorrence (Min. Felix xxv. 8 ; Cypr. Idol. 4 ; Lact. i. 20. 5 ; Arnob. vii. 33 ; Prud. C. Symm. 1. -266). 159

ST. AUGUSTINE

aves, non quadrupedes,non denique sanguis humanus, sed multo scelestius pudor humanus tamquam immolatus intereat.

6 Haec dixi, propter quod scripsisti, quantum tibi aetas fini proxima est, cupere te ut patriam tuam incolumem ac florentem relinquas. Tollantur ilia omnia vana et insana, convertantur homines ad varum dei cultum moresque castos et pios ; tunc patriam tuam florentem videbis non opinione stultorum sed veritate sapientium, cum haec patria carnalis generationis tuae portio fuerit illius patriae, cui non corpore sed fide nascimur, ubi omnes sancti et fideles dei post labores velut hiemales vitae huius intermina aeternitate florebunt. Nobis itaque cordi est neque

Christianam amittere mansuetudinem neque perniciosum ceteris imitationis exemplum in ilia civitate relinquere. Quo modo id agamus, aderit deus, si eis non ita graviter indignetur. Alioquin et mansuetudo quam servare cupimus, et disciplina qua uti moderate nitimur, impediri potest, si deo aliud in occulto placet sive iudicanti hoc tantum malum flagello acriore plectendum sive etiam vehementius irascenti, si non correctis nee ad se conversis ad tempus esse voluerit inpunitum.

7 Praescribit nobis quodam modo prudentia tua de persona episcopali et dicis patriam tuam non levi 160

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) not birds or beasts or even human bodies, but (a much viler scandal) human modesty and shame.

I have spoken of these things because of the 6 statement in your letter that the nearer you come to the end of your life, the more strongly you desire to leave your country in sound condition and full flower. Take away all those frivolous and unwholesome practices and let men turn to the genuine worship of God and to purity and godliness of character, then you will see your country in full flower, not in the empty opinion of the foolish, but in the sober judgement of the wise, when this country that gave you birth after the flesh has become a part of that country to which we are born not by the body, but by faith. There, after the wintry labours of this life, all God's saints and faithful people will flower in an endless eternity. Therefore is it our dear desire neither to put away Christian meekness nor to leave your country as a baleful example for others to follow. In our attempt to realize this hope, God will be at hand to help, provided He be not too grievously wroth A\-ith them. Otherwise both the meekness that we desire to preserve and the punishment that it is our aim to impose in moderation may be arrested, if God in His hidden wisdom ordaineth differently, whether He appoint that this immeasurable evil be punished with a keener chastisement, or v/hether, should the guilty fail to repent and to turn to Him, He shall will in still more vehement wrath to leave it in this world unpunished.

Your Wisdom lays down for me certain principles 7 for the conduct of my episcopal office and pleads that your native place has been brought to a serious pass by a grave misdemeanour on the part of its inM l6l

ST. AUGUSTINE

populi sui errato prolapsam. " Quod quidem si iuris public! rigore metiamur, debet plecti severiore censura ; sed episcopum," inquis, " fas non est nisi salutem hominibus impertire et pro statu meliore causis adesse et apud omnipotentem deum veniam aliorum niereri delictis." Hoc omnino servare conamur, ut severiore censura nemo plectatur neque a nobis neque ab alio ullo intercedentibus nobis, et salutem hominibus cupimus impertire, quae posita est in recte

felicitate, non in male faciendi securitate. \^eniam quoque non tantum nostris verum et aliorum instamus delictis mereri, quod impetrare nisi pro correctis omnino non possumus. Adiungis etiam et dicis : " Quanta possum supplicatione deposco, ut si defendenda res est, innoxius defendatur, ab innocentibus molestia separetur."

Accipe breviter quae commissa sint, et noxios ab innocentibus ipse discerne. Contra recentissimas leges Kalendis luniis festo paganorum sacrilega sollemnitas agitata est, nemine prohibente, tam insolent! ausu, ut, quod nee luliani temporibus factum est, petulantissima turba saltantium in eodem prorsus vico ante fores transiret ecclesiae. Quam rem inlicitissimam atque indignissimam clericis prohibere temptantibus, ecclesia lapidata est. Deinde post dies ferme octo, cum leges notissimas episcopus ordini "In addition to the regular duty of the bishop to hear and decide clerical cases, the Emperor Constantine allowed either party in a civil suit to appeal to the bishop, but episcopal intercession for those accused, all along looked upon as a duty and regarded with favour, received legal sanction only under Justinian. These avocations occupied great portions of the bishop's time, as Augustine frequently complains (Ep. xxxiii. 5, ccxiii. 5, etc.).

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) habitants. " Should we estmiate it by the severity of the pubUc law, it deserves to be punished with a harsher sentence, but a bishop "—you say—" may not do aught but contribute to men's welfare, and attend court " to improve conditions there, and win before Almighty God pardon for other men's sins." It is certainly our endeavour to secure greater mercy, either from ourselves or from anv other through our intercession, in the sentencing of those who are punished, and it is our desire to contribute to men's welfare. But that welfare consists in the happiness that comes from righteous living, not in the impunity that may attend evil-doing. And as for pardon, we earnestly endeavour to win it not merely for our own sins, but for those of others as well, but we certainly cannot obtain it except for those who have repented. You go on then to say, " I entreat you with all possible urgency not to prosecute the guiltless, if the matter must come to a prosecution, but to ward off any trouble from the innocent."

Let me briefly remind you of the offence, then 8 draw the distinction for yourself betv/een the innocent and the guilty. In defiance of quite recent legislation a sacrilegious celebration was held on the first of June, a pagan feast-day, with no prohibition from anyone and with such insolent effrontery that an impudent crowd of dancers actually passed along the same street in front of the church-doors—a thing that never happened even in Julian's time. When the clergy attempted to stop this most illegal and insulting procedure, the church was stoned. Then, almost a week later, when the bishop had drawn the attention of the magistrates to the well-known laws

ST. AUGUSTINE

replicasset, et dum ea quae iussa sunt velut implere disponunt, iterum ecclesia lapidata est. Postridie nostris ad inponendum perditis metum, quod videbatur, apud acta dicere volentibus publica iura negata sunt, eodemque ipso die, ne vel divinitus terrerentur, grando lapidationibus reddita est ; qua transacta continuo tertiam lapidationem et postremo ignes ecclesiasticis tectis atque hominibus intulerunt, unum servorum dei, qui oberrans occurrere potuit, occiderunt. ceteris partini ubi potuerant latitantibus, partim qua potuerant fugientibus, cum interea contrusus atque coartatus quodam loco se occultaret episcopus, ubi se ad mortem quaerentium voces audiebat sibique increpantium quod eo non invento gratis tantum perpetrassent scelus. Gesta sunt haec ab hora ferme decima usque ad noctis partem non minim am. Nemo compescere, nemo subvenire temptavit illorum quorum esse gra Ais posset auctoritas, praeter unum peregrinum, per quem et plurimi servi dei de manibus interficere conantium liberati sunt et multa extorta praedantibus. Per quem clarum factum est quam facile ilia vel omnino non

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) on the subject, and they were, to all intents and purposes, preparing to put the legal prescriptions into effect, the church was stoned again. Next day, when our people wanted to lodge a complaint in court, with the object, apparently, of inspiring those abandoned characters vn.th fear, their rights were denied them, and on the very same day, to see if menaces from heaven might not dismay them, their stonings were answered by a shower of hail : but when it was over, thev immediately cast another shower of stones and finally fire upon the roofs of the church and the people within. One servant of God who was wandering about and may have run into them, they put to death, the others partly taking shelter wherever they could, partly escaping wherever they could. In the meantime the bishop was hiding in a certain spot into which he had thrust himself to lie all cramped, and from which he kept hearing the voices of those who Mere seeking him to put him to death and were reproaching themselves for letting him escape and so for perpetrating such a heinous crime to no effect. This went on from almost four o'clock until a late hour of night. No attempt at repression, no attempt at rescue was made by any of those who could have exercised some weight of authority. Only one person interfered, a stranger, by whom a considerable number of God's servants were delivered from the hands of those who were seeking to slay them, and much property as well was recovered from looters. His example made it clear how easilv those outrages might have been wholly prevented, or have been arrested if they had actually begun, provided only that the inhabitants and, most of all, the leading

ST. AUGUSTINE

fierent vel coepta desisterent, si cives maximeque primates ea fieri perfieique vetuissent.

Proinde in universa ilia civdtate non innocentes a nocentibus sed minus nocentes a nocentioribus poteris fortasse discernere. Nam in parvo peccato illi sunt qui metu deterriti maximeque, ne of Fenderent eos quos in illo oppido plurimum posse et inimicos ecclesiae noverant, opem ferre non ausi sunt ; scelerati autem omnes. quibus etsi non facientibus neque inmittentibus tamen volentibus ista commissa sunt ; sceleratiores, qui commiserunt ; sceleratissimi, qui inmiserunt. Sed de inmissione suspicionem putemus esse, non veritatem, nee ea discutiamus, quae nisi tormentis eorum per quos inquiruntur, inveniri omnino non possunt. Demus etiam veniam timori eorum, qui potius deum pro episcopo et servis eius deprecandum quam potentes inimicos ecclesiae of Fendendos esse putaverunt. Quid eos qui restant, nullane censes disciplina cohercendos et proponendum aestimas inpunitum tam immanis furoris exemplum ? Non praeterita vindicando pascere iram nostram studemus, sed misericorditer in futurum consulendo satagimus. Habent homines mali ubi et per Christianos non solum mansuete verum etiam utiliter salubriterque plectantur ; habent enim quod corpore incolumi vivunt, habent unde vivunt, habent unde

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) citizens had forbidden them, either from the very first or after they had started.

Accordingly you will hardly be able to draw a 9 distinction in the whole community between the innocent and the guilty, but only perhaps between the less guilty and the more guilty. For slight is the sin of those who were deterred by fear (and especially by fear of offending those known to them to be men of great influence in the town and hostile towards the Church) from venturing to give any assistance ; but all are guilty who, although not participating or instigating, were consenting to the outrage ; more guilty are those who perpetrated it, and most guilty of all are those who instigated it. Let us assume that we have only suspicions who these instigators were, and no certain knowledge, and let us refrain from discussing facts which simply cannot be ascertained without the torturing of the witnesses. Let us, too, make allowance for the fear felt by those who thought it better to pray to God for the bishop and God's servants than to give offence to influential enemies of the Church. What about those who remain ? Do you give it as your opinion that they should escape all punishment and censure ? And do you think we should set the example of leaving so barbarous an outrage unpunished ? We have no desire to gratify our anger by exacting retribution for past offences, but we are concerned to provide for the future in a spirit of compassion. Evil men have certain points in which they can be punished by Christians not only in gentleness, but also with profit and improvement to themselves. They have the life and health of the body ; they have the means of sustaining that life ; 167

ST. AUGUSTINE

male vivunt. Duo prima salva sint, ut quos paeniteat sint ; hoc optamus, hoc, quantum in nobis est, etiam inpensa opera instamus. Tertium vero si deus voluerit tamquam putre noxiumque resecari, valde misericorditer puniet ; si autem vel amplius voluerit vel ne hoc quidem permiserit, altioris et profecto iustioris consilii ratio penes ipsum est ; a nobis curam officiumque oportet inpendi, quousque videre conceditur, deprecantibus eum, ut animum nostrum adprobet, quo cunctis volumus esse consultum, nihilque fieri sinat per nos quod et nobis et ecclesiae suae non expedire longe melius novit ipse quam nos. iO Modo cum apud Calamam essemus, ut nostri in tam gravi dolore vel consolarentur afflicti vel sedarentur accensi, quantum potuimus, quod in tempore oportuisse existimavimus,cum Christianisegimus. Deinde ipsos etiam paganos, mali tanti caput et causam, petentes ut ab eis videremur, admisimus, ut hac occasione admoneremus eos, quid facere deberent, si saperent, non tantum pro removenda praesenti sollicitudine verum etiam pro inquirenda salute perpetua. Multa a nobis audierunt, multum etiam ipsi rogaverunt ; sed absit ut tales servi simus, quos ab eis rogari delectet, a quibus noster dominus non rogatur. Unde pervides pro vivacitate mentis tuae ad hoc esse nitendum servata mansuetudine et moderatione Christiana, ut aut ceteros deterreamus eorum imitari perversitatem aut ceteros optemus

NO. 24 (Ep. XCI) they have the means of Uving a wicked Ufe, Let the first two be untouched so that there may be some who repent ; this is our prayer, this, as far as in us

Hes, v/e spare no effort to secure. But for the third, if it be God's will to take it aay like some foul and virulent growth. He will inflict punishment in great compassion ; but if it be His will to go farther and to allow not even this, the reason for this higher and certainly more just design rests with Himself. Our duty is to devote our zeal and efforts, according to the light that is granted us, to praying God for His approval of our intention to promote the welfare of all and to let nothing be done through us that is not for the good both of ourselves and of the Church ; for He knows that much better than we do.

Recently when I was at Calama with the purpose of 10 consoling the distress, or else appeasing the indignation, of our people in their grievous sorrow, I used all my influence with the Christians to bring about what I thought was at the moment expedient. Then when the pagans themselves, the fount and cause of this great outrage, besought me for an interview, I received them, with the object of advising them on this occasion of the course of action that they ought to pursue if they were wise, not only to banish the present anxiety but also to seek for everlasting salvation. They listened to many things that I said, and even made many petitions themselves ; but far be it from me to be such a servant as to take delight in petitions by those who make no petitions to my Master. So vrith your quick mind you will clearly see that, while preserving our meekness and Christian moderation, we must direct our efforts either to deterring others from imitating their ob-

ST. AUGUSTINE

eorum imitari correctionem. Damna, quae inlata sunt, vel tolerantur a Christianis vel resarciuntur per Christianos. Animarum nos lucra, quibus adquirendis cum periculo etiam sanguinis inhiamus, et in loco illo quaestuosius provenire et aliis locis illo exemplo non impediri desideramus. Dei misericordia nobis praestet de tua salute gaudere.

No. 25 (Ep. XCVII) DOMIXO EXIMIO ET MERITO PRAESTANTISSIMO

MULTUMQUE IX CHRISTI CARITATE HOXORAXDO FILIO OLYMPIC AUGUSTINUS IN DOMIXO SALUTEM

1 Quamvis mox ut audivimus te merito sublimatum, cum ipsa fama nondum certissima nobis esset, nihil aliud de animo tuo credidimus erga ecclesiam dei, cuius te veraciter fi Hum esse gaudemus, quam quod tuis litteris mox aperuisti, tamen etiam illis lectis. quibus ultro dignatus es, etiam si pigri et cunctantes " The Edictum quod de Unifate of March 5, 405 {Cod. Theod. x\^. xi. 2), promulg-ated by the Emperor Honorius to make Donatism a penal offence, had only succeeded in producing in Xumidia fresh outbreaks of Donatist fury, of which previous letters have provided examples. On the downfall of Stilicho the Donatists believed for a moment that persecution would end, but Olympius, Stilicho's betrayer, who became Master of the Offices on Xovember 14, 408 (the " promotion " mentioned by Augustine), confirmed the anti-Donatist legislation by a rescript of Xovember 24 addressed to the African Proconsul, whom Augustine besought in X'o. 27 (Ep. c.) to exercise coercion upon the Donatists but not to impose the penalty of death. Before news of Olympius's confirmation had reached Africa, a deputation was sent by the African bishops to beg the Emperor to put in force the laws against disturbers of peace

NO. 21. (Ep. XCI)—NO. 25 (Ep. XCVII) stinacy or to praying that others may imitate their repentance. The losses that were inflicted are either being borne by Christians or are being made good by Christians. As for the gain of souls, which we long to secure even at the peril of our own body, we hope that your district will furnish an unusually precious harvest and that other districts will not be kept back by that example. May God in His mercy grant us to rejoice over your salvation !

No. 25 (Ep. XCVII)

TO OLYMPIUS," MY EXCELLENT AND JUSTLY

DISTINGUISHED LORD AND SON WORTHY OF MUCH HONOUR IN THE LOVE OF CHRIST, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

As soon as we heard of your well-deserved promotion, although the report that reached us was still very indefinite, we were confident that your attitude towards the Church of God, of which we rejoice that you are truly a son, is no other than what you have now revealed in your letter. Nevertheless, I write to you, my excellent and justly distinguished lord and and religion. To secure Olympius's support Augustine sends this letter by a priest passing through Hippo on his way from M ileum to Rome. The letter is important too because, according to Zosimus, Olympius merely used Christianity as a cloak for his evil-doing, but Augustine's warm and appreciative language here gives quite another view of his character. If allowance must be made for Zosimus's ill-will to all Christians, it must equally be made for Augustine's want of personal knowledge of Olympius and the exaggeratedly deferential tone of epistolary address.

ST. AUGUSTINE

essemus, exhortationem benivolentissimam mittere, ut instruente humilitate nostra per religiosam oboedientiam tuam dominus, cuius munere talis es, ecclesiae suae iam iamque subveniat, maiore fiducia tibi scribimus, domine eximie et merito praestantissime multumque in Christi caritate honorande fill. Et fratres quidem multi sancti collegae mei gra\iter ecclesia perturbata profecti sunt paene fugientes ad gloriosissimum comitatum, quos sive iam videris sive litteras eorum ab urbe Roma opportunitate cuiusquam occasionis acceperis. ego tamen, licet nullum consilium cum eis communicare potuerim, non potui praetermittere per hunc fratrem et conpresbyterum meum, qui urgenti necessitate pro salute civis sui etiam media hieme quomodocumque ad illas partes venire compulsus est, et salutare et admonere caritatem tuam, quam habes in Christo lesu domino nostro, ut opus tuum bonum diligentissima acceleretur instantia, quo noverint inimici ecclesiae leges illas quae de idolis confringendis et haereticis corrigendis vivo Stilichone in Africam missae sunt, voluntate imperatoris piissimi et fidelissimi constitutas ; quo nesciente vel nolente factum sive dolose iactant sive libenter putant atque hinc animos inperitorum turbulentissimos reddunt nobisque periculose ac vehementer infestos.

Hoc autem quod petendo vel suggerendo admoneo praestantiam tuam, non dubito omnium per Africam " Stilicho, son of a \^andal captain, became one of Theodosius I.'s most distinguished generals, and under Honorius was the virtual ruler of the West. He defeated Alaric and Radagaisus, but was assassinated in 408. He was the patron of the poet Claudian, who dedicated to him the panegyric De Consulatu Stilichonis.

NO. 25 (Ep. XCVII) son worthy of much honour in the love of Christ, with all the greater confidence after reading that letter in which of your own accord you deigned to send us, even if we were hesitant and backward, a very kind invitation to use our humble efforts to point out to you how, through your pious obedience, the Lord, by whose gift you have become what you are, may at this juncture come to the assistance of His Church.

And indeed, many of the brethren, my holy col2 leagues, have by reason of the Church's serious troubles started out almost as fugitives for the imperial court ; you may have seen them or by some fortunate encounter have received a letter of theirs from Rome. But for my part, although I was unable to talk over any plans with them, I could not miss the opportunity provided by this brother and fellowpriest of mine, who is driven by the urgent peril of a fellow-citizen to make the journey as best he can, even though it is mid-winter, to your part of the world, of greeting and exhorting you by that affection you have in Christ Jesus our Lord, to hasten on your good work with the most pressing attention. So shall the enemies of the Church know that those laws about the demolition of idols and the correction of heretics, which were sent to Africa while Stilicho was still alive, were drawn up at the desire of our most godly and faithful emperor. They deceitfully allege or fondly imagine that this action was taken without his knowledge or against his will, and thus they incite the mind of the ignorant to the utmost pitch of violence and to a vehemence of hostility that is fraught ^^'ith peril to us.

But I am quite sure that in submitting this petition 3 or suggestion for your Eminence's consideration, I

ST. AUGUSTINE

collegarum meorum fieri voluntate. Arbitror quacumque primitus exorta occasione facillime posse ac debere maturari, ut noverint, sicut dixi, homines vani, quorum et adversantium salutem requirimus, et leges quae pro ecclesia Christi missae sunt, magis Theodosii filium quam Stilichonem curasse mittendas. Propterea quippe memoratus presbyter harum perlator, cum de regione sit Milevitana, ab episcopo suo venerabili fratre meo Severo, qui tuam mecum sincerissimam dilectionem multum salutat, per Hipponem-Regium, ubi ego sum, transire iussus est, quia, cum forte simul essemus in magnis ecclesiae tribulationibus et perturbationibus, quaerebamus occasionem scribendi ad eximietatem tuam et non inveniebamus. lam quidem unam epistulam miseram in negotio sancti fratris et co Uegae mei Bonifatii episcopi Cataquensis ; sed nondum ad nos pervenerant graviora, quae nos vehementius agitarent, quibus comprimendis vel corrigendis quem ad modum meliore secundum viam Christi consilio succurratur, commodius episcopi qui propterea navigaverunt, cum tanta benignitate tui cordis acturi sunt, qui potuerunt communi consilio diligentius deliberatum aliquid ferre, quantum temporis permittebat angustia. lUud tamen quo animum clementissimi et religiosissimi principis erga ecclesiam provincia noverit, nullo modo esse dif Ferendum, sed etiam " The emperor Honorius.

F'or Severus see p. 108, n. h,

This business of Boniface forms the subject of Ep. xcvi. ; it concerned the possession of a piece of land acquired by Boniface's predecessor, which Boniface wanted to have regularly granted to himself. Cataquas was probably near Hippo, for Boniface is frequently found in correspondence and on business with Augustine (Epp. xcvi., cxxxix., cxliii., cxlix., clii.).

NO. 25 (Ep. XCVII) am acting agreeably to the desire of all my colleagues throughout Africa. My opinion is that steps very easily could and should be taken at the first opportunity that arises to let those vain men, whose welfare we seek even though they are our opponents, know, as I said already, that it was due to the care of Theodosius's son" rather than of Stilicho that the laws that were sent to Africa for the Church of Christ were sent at all. For this reason, then, the above-mentioned priest, the bearer of this letter, being from the district of Mileve, was ordered by his bishop, my revered brother Severus,^ M'ho joins me in sending hearty greetings to your genuine affection, to pass through Hippo Regius, where I am stationed, because, as we happened to be together in the great tribulations and anxieties of the Church, we Mere seeking an opportunity of writing to your Excellency and found none. I have already sent one letter about the business of my holy brother and colleague, Boniface,'' the bishop of Cataquas, but this more serious news had not yet reached us to trouble us more keenly. As to the way in which you may come to our assistance in suppressing and punishing those offences M'ith a wiser plan according to the method of Christ, that will more suitably form the subject of negotiation between the bishops M'ho have made the voyage with that end in view, and yourself in your great and heartfelt benevolence. They have been able to bring with them some scheme that has been carefully thought out in mutual consultation, as far as the shortness of time allowed. But this other point, how to let the province know the attitude of our most gracious and godly sovereign towards the Church, should on no account be post-

ST. AUGUSTINE

antequam episcopos qui profecti sunt, videas. quam primum tua praestantissima pro Christi membris in tribulatione maxima constitutis vigilantia potuerit, accelerandum suggero, peto, obsecro, flagito. Neque enim parvum in his malis solatium dominus obtulit, quod te voluit multo amplius posse quam poteras, quando iam de tuis multis et magnis bonis operibus gaudebamus.

4 Multum sane de quorundam neque paucorum fide firma et stabili gratulamur, qui ex occasione legum ipsarum ad Christianam religionem vel catholicam pacem conversi sunt, pro quorum salute sempiterna nos in hac temporali etiam perielitari delectat.

Propterea enim maxime ab hominibus nimium durumque perversis nunc inimicitiarum graviores impetus sustinemus, quos nonnulli eorum nobiscum patientissime sustinent ; sed plurimum infirmitati metuimus, donee discant et valeant adiuvante misericordissima gratia domini saeculum praesens et hominum diem robore cordis valentiore contemnere. Commonitorium quod misi, fratribus episcopis, si, ut puto, nondum ibi sunt, ab eximietate tua illis tradatur, cum venerint. Tantam quippe tui sincerissimi pectoris habemus fiduciam, ut adiuvante domino deo nostro non solum impertitorem auxilii te velimus verum etiam consilii participem.

Hominum dies apparently occurs only here in Augustine, but compare Ep. cxl. 12 " humanus dies et vitae huius prolixitas concupiscitur," and Seneca, Ep. Ixxxiii. 2 " observabo me . . . et . . . diem meum recognoscam. Hoc nos 176

KO. 25 (Ep. XCVII) poned ; I recommend, beg, beseech, implore you to hm-ry it on, even before you see the bishops who are on their way, as soon as is possible for you in your most earnest watchfulness for the members of Christ who are undergoing this very heavy trial. Amid these evils the Lord has given us no small comfort by being pleased to extend your sphere of influence much beyond what it Mas before, for even then we were rejoicing in the number and magnitude of your good works.

We have indeed much cause for rejoicing in the 4 firm and steadfast faith of some, and they are not a few, who were converted to the Christian religion and to Catholic peace by the opportuneness of those laws ; for their eternal welfare we are glad even to risk our temporal welfare. For on this account we are enduring more violent outbreaks of hostility especially from men of excessive and obdurate perversity ; and these some of the converts endure most patiently with us. But we have very great fears for their weakness until by the help of the Lord's compassionate favour they acquire the wisdom and the strength to despise the present age and the day of men ^ with sturdier and stouter spirit. The letter of instructions I am sending with this for my brother-bishops Mill your Excellency hand to them when they arrive, if, as I imagine, they have not yet come ? Such confidence Me place in your most unfeigned devotion that Mith the help of the Lord our God we Mish to have you not only bestow assistance, but also take a share in our counsels. pessimos facit, quod nemo vitam suam respicit." The Christian use of the phrase is no doubt suggested by the Scriptural " day of the Lord."

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 26 (Ep. XCIX)

RELIGIOSISSIMAE ATQUE IN CHRISTI MEMBRIS

MERITO SAN'CTEQUE LAUDABILI FAMULAE DEI ITALICAE AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTE

1 Tres epistulas tuae benignitatis acceperam, cum ista rescripsi : unam quae adhuc meas litteras exigebat, alteram quae ad te iam pervenisse indicabat, tertiam quae benivolentissimam pro nobis curam tuam etiam de domo clarissimi et egregii iuvenis luliani, quae nostris adhaeret parietibus, continebat. Qua accepta, continuo respondere non distuli, quia procurator eximietatis tuae cito se Romam posse mittere scripsit. Cuius litteris graviter contristati sumus, quod ea quae illic in urbe vel circa urbem geruntur, non nobis insinuare curavit, ut certum apud nos fieret quod incertae famae credere nolebamus. Fratrum quippe litteris ante transmissis quamvis molesta et dura multo tamen leviora nuntiata sunt. Plus sane quam dici potest, miratus sum, quod nee tanta occasione hominum tuorum fratres sancti episcopi scripserint nee epistula tua quicquam nobis de tantis tribulationibus vestris insinuaverit, quae utique per viscera caritatis et nostrae sunt, nisi forte faciendum non putasti, quod nihil prodesse duxisti aut

Probably identical with the Italica to whom Augustine wrote Ep. xcii. to console her on the death of her husband. She is probably also the Italica to whom Chrysostom wrote in 406 (Ep. clxx.), and appears to have enjoyed both wealth and position. The calamity to which Augustine refers is the capture of Rome in 408 by Alaric.

NO. 26 (Ep. XCIX)

Xo. 26 (Ep. XCIX)

TO THE VERY DEVOUT HANDMAID OF GOD, ITALICA,'' DESERVEDLY AND PIOUSLY PRAISED AMONG THE MEMBERS OF CHRIST, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

Three letters from your Grace have reached me up 1 to the moment of my ^^Titing this reply ; the first still demanded a letter from me, the second intimated that you had by then received it, and the third contained the assurance of your most kind solicitude on my behalf, especially in the matter of the house belonging to that illustrious and distinguished young man, Julian, which adjoins my own walls. On receiving it I lost no time in replying promptly, since your Excellency's agent wrote that he was in a position to send to Rome at an early date. His letter caused me grievous disappointment, in that he did not take the trouble to let me know what is happening in and around Rome, so that we might know for certain what we were reluctant to believe on uncertain rumour. The letters of the brethren that were sent to us before his, conveyed news that M'as vexatious and affecting enough, but still none too serious, but I was more surprised than I can tell you that my brethren, the holv bishops, did not seize such an excellent opportunity to write to me as that provided by your bearers, and that your letters gave me no news at all about the great trials that you are passing through, though they are ours too by reason of our heart-felt affection. But perhaps you decided not to mention them, because you thought it would do no

ST. AUGUSTINE

nos tuis litteris maestificari noluisti. Prodest aliquid, quantum ego arbitror, etiam ista cognoscere. primo quia iniustum est gaudere velle cum gaudentibus et

Jiere non velle cum fleiitihus, deinde quia trihulatio paiientiam operatur, patientia prohationem, prohaiio spem, spes auiem ?ion confundit, quia caritas del diffusa est in cordibus nostris per spiritum sa?ictum, qui daius est nobis.

2 Absit itaque ut recusemus audire etiam quae amara et tristia sunt erga carissimos nostros.

Nescio quo enim modo minus fit quod patitur unum membrum, si compatiuntur alia membra. Nee ipsa mali relevatio fit per communionem cladis sed per solatium caritatis, ut, quamvis alii ferendo patiuntur, alii cognoscendo compatiuntur, communis sit tamen tribulatio, quibus probatio, spes, dilectio spiritusque communis est. Omnes autem nos dominus consolatur, qui et haec temporalia mala praedixit et post haec bona aeterna promisit. Nee debet, cum proeliatur, infringi, qui vult post proelium coronari, vires illo subministrante certantibus, qui praeparat inef Fabilia dona victoribus.

3 Rescripta ilia nostra non tibi ad nos auferant scribendi fiduciam, praesertim quia timorem nostrum non inprobabili defensione lenisti. Parvulos tuos resalutamus et in Christo tibi grandescere optamus, " Rom. xii. 15. ^ Rom. v. 3-5. <" 1 Cor. xii. 26.

NO. 26 (Ep. XCIX) good or because you did not want your letter to sadden me. It does do some good, in my humble opinion, to know even sad news, first because it is unfair to be willing to " rejoice with them that do rejoice " and to be unwilling to " weep with them that weep," " and then because " tribulation worketh patience, and patience experience, and experience hope ; and hope maketh not ashamed, because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us." ^

Far be it from us, then, to refuse to hear even 2 the bitter and sorrowful things that befall those who are very dear to us. For somehow or other what one member suffers is mitigated if the other members suffer with it.'' But this mitigation of affliction is effected not by participation in the calamity but by the consolation love provides, and so, although some bear the actual burden of sorrow and others share the burden with sympathetic understanding, the tribulation is yet common to both, since they have in common the same experience, the same hope, the same love and the same spirit. But all of us alike have the consolation of the Lord, who both foretold these temporal afflictions and promised eternal blessings after them. And he who after the battle would receive the crown ought not to be broken in spirit while the battle is on, for He Who prepares unspeakable gifts for the victors ministers strength to them when they are engaged in the conflict.

Do not let that reply of mine take away your 3 confidence in writing to me, especially since you have had a quite acceptable excuse for soothing my fears. I return the greetings of your little ones and pray that they may grow up for you in Christ.

ST. AUGUSTINE

qui iam in hac aetate cernunt quam sit amor huius saeculi periculosus et noxius. Atque utinam, cum magna et dura quatiuntur, parva et flexibilia corrigantur. De domo ilia quid dicam, nisi benignissimae tuae curae gratias agam ? Nam eam quam dare possumus, nolunt, quam volunt autem dare non possumus. Neque enim, sicut falso audierunt, a decessore meo relicta est ecclesiae, sed inter antiqua eius praedia possidetur et antiquae alteri ecclesiae sic cohaeret quem ad modum ista qua de agitur, alteri.

No. 27 (Ep. C) DOMINO EXIMIO MERITOQUE HONORABILI IN-

SIGXITERQUE LAUDABILI FILIO DONATO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Nollem quidem in his af Rictionibus esse Africanam ecclesiam constitutam, ut terrenae ullius potestatis indigeret auxilio. Sed quia, sicut apostolus dicit, non est potestas nisi a deo, procul dubio, cum per vos sincerissimos catholicae matris filios eidem subvenitur, auxilium nostrum in nomine domini est, qui fecit caelum et terram. Quis enim non sentiat in •* It is uncertain which churches are here meant. In addition to the Donatist church and basilica Leontiana mentioned in Ep. xxix. 11 above (p. 89), there were at Hippo other four churches : the basilica maior or basilica Pads, beside which was a chapel to St. Stephen (Ep. ccxiii., CI), xxii. 8. 22, Serm. 318, 319, 356); the basilica ad octo martyres, built by Augustine {Serm. 356. 10); a chapel ad viginti martyres {CD. xxii. 8. 9, Serm. 148, 325), and a chapel dedicated to St. Theogenes {memoria sancti Theogenisy Serm. <21S. 7).

The name is of very frequent occurrence in Africa in Augustine's works there are about twenty-five different

NO. 26 (Ep. XCIX)—NO. 27 (Ep. C)

Already, young as they are, they perceive how dangerous and harmful is the love of the present world. And would that, when the tall and sturdy things are shaken, the lowly and yielding may receive correction ! What shall I say about that house, except to thank you for your very generous thought ? For the house I can give they do not wish, and the one they wish, I cannot give, since it was not left to the Church by my predecessor, as they were wrongly informed, but is held among its ancient properties and adjoins the one ancient church just as the one now under consideration adjoins the other.

TO DONATUS,^ MY EXCELLENT LORD, WORTHY

OF ALL HONOUR, AND E.\nNENTLY PRAISEWORTHY SON, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I should wish indeed that the African Church were I not placed in such afflictions as to require the aid of any earthly power, but since, as the Apostle says, " there is no power but of God," ^ it is true that when you, a very whole-hearted son of our Catholic Mother, come to her aid, " our help is in the name of the Lord, Who made heaven and earth." ^ For amid such grievous afflictions who does not realize, my excellent lord, worthy of all honour, and eminently individuals so called. This Donatus was proconsul of Africa, retiring from that post about 410, when Augustine addresses him in Ep. cxii.

" Rom. xiii, 1, <* Ps. cxx. 2.

ST. AUGUSTINE

tantis malis non parvam nobis consolationem divinitus missam, cum tu vir talis et Christi nominis amantissimus proconsularibus es sublimatus insignibus, ut ab sceleratis et sacrilegis ausibus inimicos ecclesiae bonae tuae voluntati potestas sociata cohiberet, domine eximie meritoque honorabilis insigniterque laudabilis fill ? Denique unum solum est quod in tua iustitia pertimescimus, ne forte quoniam, quicquid mali contra Christianam societatem ab hominibus impiis ingratisque committitur, profecto gravius est et atrocius, quam si in alios talia committantur, tu quoque pro immanitate facinorum ac non potius pro lenitatis Christianae consideratione censeas cohercendum. Quod te per ipsum Christum ne facias obsecramus. Neque enim vindictam de inimicis in hac terra requirimus aut vero ad eas angustias animi nos debent coartare quae patimur, ut obliviscamur quid nobis praeceperit, pro cuius veritate ac nomine patimur ; diligimus inimicos nostros et oramus pro eis. Unde ex occasione terribilium iudicum ac legum, ne in aeterni iudicii poenas incidant, corrigi eos cupimus, non necari ; nee disciplinam circa eos neglegi volumus nee supplicia, quae digna sunt, exerceri. Sic ergo eorum peccata compesce, ut sint quos paeniteat peccavisse.

2 Quaesumus igitur, ut, cum ecclesiae causas audis, quamlibet nefariis iniuriis appetitam vel afflictam esse cognoveris, potestatem occidendi te habere obliviscaris, petitionem nostram non obliviscaris.

« Luke vi. 27-28. 184

NO. 27 (Ep. C) praiseworthy son, that no small consolation has been sent us from heaven, when a man of your character and great devotion to the name of Christ has been raised to the dignity of proconsul, so that your power seconded by your goodwill may restrain the enemies of the Church from their criminal and sacrilegious violence ? In short, there is only one thing that we fear in your administration of justice, namely, that perhaps, since whatever evil impious and irreverent men commit against the Christian community is surely more serious and more heinous than if the same evil were committed against others, you personally may decide to administer punishment in proportion to the enormity of the offence instead of in accordance with regard for Christian gentleness. We beseech you for Jesus' sake to refrain from doing so. For we exact no vengeance from our enemies on this earth, nor indeed should our sufferings drive us to such mental straits that we forget the injunctions of Him for Whose truth and name we suffer ; we love our enemies and pray for them." So, in availing ourselves of the terror of judges and laws, we desire their repentance, not their death, so that they may be saved from falling into the penalties of the eternal judgement. We do not wish to see them quite absolved from punishment, nor, on the other hand, visited with the torments they deserve. Check their sins, therefore, in such a way as to produce repentance in at least a few.

I beg you then, when you are trying cases concerning the Church, however outrageous the injuries with which you discover it has been assailed or distressed, to forget that you possess the power of life and death, but not to forget my entreaty. And do

ST. AUGUSTINE

Non tibi vile sit neque contemptibile, fili honorabiliter dilectissime, quod vos rogamus ne occidantur, pro quibus dominum rogamus ut corrigantur. Excepto etiam, quod a perpetuo proposito recedere non debemus vincendi i?i bono malum, illud quoque prudentia tua cogitet quod causas ecclesiasticas insinuare vobis nemo praeter ecclesiasticos curat. Proinde si occidendos in his homines putaveritis, deterrebitis nos, ne per operam nostram ad vestrum iudicium aliquid tale perveniat, quo comperto illi in nostram perniciem licentiore audacia grassabuntur, necessitate nobis impacta ut etiam occidi ab eis eligamus, quam eos occidendos vestris iudiciis ingeramus. Hanc admonitionem, petitionem, obsecrationem meam ne, quaeso, aspernanter accipias. Neque enim te arbitror non recolere magnam me ad te et multo quam nunc es altius sublimatum, etiam si episcopus non essem, fiduciam tamen habere potuisse. Cito interim per edicta excellentiae tuae noverint haeretici

Donatistae manere leges contra errorem suum latas, quas iam nihil valere arbitrantur et iactant, ne vel sic nobis parcere aliquatenus possint. Plurimum autem labores et pericula nostra, quo fructuosa sint, adiuvabis, si eorum vanissimam et impiae superbiae plenissimam sectam non ita cures imperialibus legibus comprimi, ut sibi vel suis videantur qualescumque molestias pro veritate atque iustitia sustinere, sed

* Rom. xii. 21. 186

NO. 27 (Ep. C) not think it an unimportant or contemptible thing, my honoured and well-beloved son, that I ask you to spare the lives of men whom we pray God to bring to repentance. Even setting aside the fact that we ought not to depart from the eternal principle of overcoming evil with good,^ let your Wisdom take this other fact into account, that no one takes the trouble to bring Church cases before you, except churchmen themselves. So if in such cases you think fit to put men to death, you will deter us from having any such cases brought before your tribunal and when our opponents ascertain this, they \vi\\ proceed wth all the more unrestrained effrontery to destroy us, when the necessity is laid upon us of choosing rather to die at their hands than to hale them before your tribunal to suffer death themselves. Do not receive with contempt, I beg you, this exhortation, this request, this entreaty of mine. For I do not think that you will forget that, even if you were in a much more exalted position than the one you now occupy, and even Mere I not a bishop, I might still have had great confidence in addressing you. Meanwhile, let the heretical Donatists quickly learn by your Excellency's edicts that the laws passed against their error are still in force, though they now think that they are of no effect, and boast that, not even if they were, could they to any extent spare us. But you will very greatly assist our labours and perils to bear fruit, if you strive to repress by the imperial laws that sect of theirs which is so flaunting and so full of impious pride, in such a way that they do not appear to themselves or their supporters to be enduring hardships, no matter how slight, for the sake of truth

ST. AUGUSTINE

eos, cum hoc abs te petitur, reruni certarum nianifestissimis documentis apud acta vel praestantiae tuae vel minorum iudicum convinci atque instrui patiaris, ut et ipsi qui te iubente adtinentur, duram, si fieri potest, flectant in melius voluntatem et ea ceteris salubriter legant. Onerosior est quippe quam utilior diligentia, quamvis ut magnum deseratur malum et magnum bonum teneatur, cogi tantum homines, non doceri.

No. 28 (Ep. CI)

DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET VEXERABILITER CA

RISSIMO ET SINCERISSIMO DESIDERANTISSLMO FRATRI ET COEPISCOPO MEMORTO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

Nullas debui iam reddere litteras sanctae caritati tuae sine his libris quos a me sancti amoris iure violentissimo flagitasti, ut hac saltem oboedientia responderem epistulis tuis, quibus me magis onerare quam honorare dignatus es. Quamquam ubi succumbo quia oneror, ibi etiam, quia diligor, sublevor. Neque enim a quolibet diligor, sublevor, eligor, sed ab eo viro et domini sacerdote, quem sic acceptum deo " Memorius was a bishop in Italy, perhaps at Capua. An intimate friend of Augustine's, he is more notable as the father of Julian of Eclanum (mentioned in § 4), the Pelagian.

NO. 27 (Ep. C)—NO. 28 (Ep. CI) and righteousness ; but allow them, when this is requested from you, to be convinced and instructed by the incontrovertible evidence of clearly ascertained facts either in your Excellency's own court or in that of inferior judges, to the end that those who are arrested at your command may themselves bend their stubborn will, if it can be bent at all, to the better side and profitably read those proofs to others. For the effort to make men abandon even a great evil and cleave to a great good produces more trouble than benefit, if they act merely under compulsion and not from conviction.

No. 28 (Ep. CI)

TO MY LORD MOST BLESSED AND REVERENTLY CHERISHED AND SINCERE, MEMORIUS,« MY BROTHER AND FELLOWBISHOP MOST LONGED FOR, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I should not now write any letter to your holy 1 Charity without sending those books that you demanded from me by the most urgent right of holy affection, that by this act of obedience at least I might make reply to those letters of yours with which you were good enough to burden me rather than to honour me. Yet where I am bent low by the burden, even there I am raised up by your love. For it is no ordinary person that loves me, upraises me and makes me feel a picked man, but he can do so, that priest of the Lord, whom I feel to be so

ST. AUGUSTINE

sentio, ut, cum animam tuam tarn bonam levas ad dominum, quoniam in ilia me habes, leves et me. Debui ergo nunc libros mittere, quos emendaturum me esse promiseram et ideo non misi quia non emendavi, non quia nolui, sed quia non potui, curis videlicet multis et multum praevalentibus occupatus. Nimis autem ingratum ac ferreum fuit, ut te, qui nos sic amas, hie sanctus frater et co Uega noster Possidius, in quo nostram non parvam praesentiam reperies, vel non disceret vel sine nostris litteris disceret. Est enim per nostrum ministerium non litteris illis quas variarum servi libidinum liberales vocant, sed dominico pane nutritus, quantus ei potuit per nostras angustias dispensari.

2 Quid enim aliud dicendum est eis, qui cum sint iniqui et impii, liberaliter sibi videntur eruditi, nisi quod in litteris vere liberalibus legimus : Si vosjilius liberaverit, tunc vere liberi eritis ? Per eum namque praestatur, ut ipsae etiam quae liberales disciplinae ab eis qui in libertatem vocati non sunt, appellantur, quid in se habeant liberale noscatur. Neque enim habent congruum libertati, nisi quod habent congruum veritati. Unde ille ipse filius : Et Veritas, inquit, liherahit vos. Non ergo illae innumerabiles et impiae fabulae, quibus vanorum plena sunt carmina poetarum, ullo modo nostrae consonant libertati, non oratorum inflata et expolita mendacia, non " Mentioned above on pp. 106 and 128. At a council held in Carthage on June 14, 409, he was one of four African bishops who were deputed to request the Emperor's protection from the fury of the Donatists. He conveyed a letter from Augustine to Paulinus at Xola, but nothing more is known of his journey or his mission.

John viii. 32. 190

^ John viii. 36.

NO. 28 (Ep. CI) acceptable to God that when you lift up your good soul to the Lord, you lift me up too, since you hold me in it. I should then be now sending the books

I had promised to revise, but I am not sending them for the reason that I have not revised them ; not because I did not want to, but because I had no chance to do so, being engrossed in a multitude of very cogent duties. But it would have been excessively ungrateful and hard-hearted to allow this holy brother and colleague of mine, Possidius," in whom you will find no small traces of me, either to miss making your acquaintance, since you are so dear a friend of mine, or to make it without a letter from me. For by my efforts he has been brought up not on those studies which men who are enslaved to every kind of lust call liberal, but on the bread of the Lord, in so far as it could be supplied to him from my meagre store.

For what else can we say to those who, although 2 ^vicked and ungodly, believe themselves to be men of a liberal education, except what we read in the book that is truly Hberal : "If the Son has made you free, then shall ye be free indeed "^? For it is by His gift that whatever even those disciplines that are termed liberal by men who have not been called unto liberty, contain that is liberal, can be known at all. For they contain nothing consonant with liberty, unless what they contain consonant with truth. That is why the Son Himself says, " And the truth shall make you free."'' Those innumerable ungodly tales with which the verses of empty poets abound are in no wse consonant with the liberty that is ours, nor are the pompous, finely -turned falsehoods of the orators, nor even the long-winded subtleties of the 1.91

ST. AUGUSTINE

denique ipsorum philosophorum garrulae argutiae, qui vel deum prorsus non cognoverunt vel, cum cogjiovissent deum, non sicut deum glorificaverunt out gratias egeruiit, sed evanuerunt in cogitationihus suis et ohscuratum est insipiens cor eorum et dicentes se esse sapientes stulti facti sunt et inmutaverunt gloriam incorrupti del in similitudi?iem imaginis corruptibilis hominis et volucrum et quadrupedum et serpentium vel qui istis siniulacris non dediti aut non nimis dediti coluerunt tamen et servierunt creaturae potius quam creatori. Absit omnino ut istorumvanitates et insaniae mendaces, ventosae nugae ac superbus error recte liberales litterae nominentur hominum scilicet infelicium, qui dei gratiam per lesum Christum dominuni nostrum, qua sola liberamur de corpore mortis huius, non cognoverunt nee in eis ipsis quae vera senserunt. Historia sane, cuius scriptores fidem se praecipue narrationibus suis debere profitentur, fortassis habeat aliquid cognitione dignum liberis, cum sive bona sive mala hominum tamen vera narrantur. Quamvis in eis cognoscendis, qui sancto spiritu non adiuti sunt rumoresque co Uigereipsa humanae infirmitatis condicione compulsi sunt, quem ad modum non fallerentur in plurimis, omnino non video. Est tamen aliqua in eis propinquitas libertatis, si voluntatem mentiendi non habent nee homines fallunt, nisi cum ab hominibus humana infirmitate falluntur.

" Rom. i. 21-23. ^ Rom. i. 25.

NO. 28 (Ep. CI) philosophers themselves, who were either completely without knowledge of God or else, " when they knew God, they did not glorify Him as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened ; professing themselves to be wise they became fools, and changed the glory of the uncorruptible God into an image made like to corruptible man and to birds and four-footed beasts and creeping things,"" or v\-ho, though not given, or not excessively given, to such images, yet " worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator." ^ Far be it, therefore, from us rightly to give the name of hberal studies to the lying conceits and follies, the empty trifles and complacent misrepresentations of those unhappy men who did not recognize the grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ, by which alone we are dehvered '•' from the body of this death," ^ even in those things which they felt to be true. Their historical works, whose writers claim to be especially reliable in their narratives, contain something perhaps that may fitly be learned by the free, since what they narrate, whether the fortunes or the misfortunes of mankind, is at any rate true. And yet, I completely fail to see how men who were ^vithout the assistance of the Holy Spirit, and were compelled by the very nature of human infirmity to gather mere rumours together, were not in their search for facts mistaken in most of them. Yet in such writings there is an approximation to liberty, provided that the writers have no intention of deceiving and do not mislead men, except in so far as they themselves, through human infirmity, are misled by their informants. o 193

ST. AUGUSTINE

3 Verum quia in omnibus rerum motibus, quid numeri valeant, facilius consideratur in vocibus eaque consideratio quibusdam quasi gradatis itineribus nititur ad superna intima veritatis, in quibus viis ostendit se sapientia kilariter et in omni provideniia occurrit amantibus, initio nostri otii, cum a curis maioribus magisque necessariis vacabat animus, volui per ista quae a nobis desiderasti scripta proludere, quando conscripsi de solo rhythmo sex libros et de melo scribere alios forsitan sex, fateor, disponebam, cum mihi otium futurum sperabam. Sed postea quam mihi curarum ecclesiasticarum sarcina inposita est, omnes illae deliciae fugere de manibus, ita ut vix nunc ipsum codicem inveniam, quoniam tuam voluntatem nee petitionem sed iussionem contemnere nequeo. Quod sane opusculum si potuero mittere, non quidem me tibi obtemperasse, verum tamen te hoc a me tanto opere flagitasse, paenitebit. Difficillime quippe intelleguntur in eo quinque libri, si non adsit qui non solum disputantium possit separare personas, verum etiam pronuntiando ita sonare morulas syllabarum, ut eis exprimantur sensumque aurium feriant genera numerorum, maxime quia in quibusdam etiam silentiorum dimensa intervalla " Wisdom vi. 17, where the Septuagint reads iv wdarj i-mvoia and the EngHsh version " in every thought."

These are the six books De Musica, projected when Augustine was in Milan but written only after he returned to Africa in 388 and was living in monastic retirement (" initio nostri otii " above) at Tagaste. They were intended as part of an encyclopaedic work, Libri disciplinarum, designed to include studies of dialectic, grammar, geometry, arithmetic and philosophy, but the only part finished at 19^

NO. 28 (Ep. CI)

Now, since the power of rhythm in every kind of 3 movement is most easily studied in sounds, and since the study of those leads upwards to the highest secrets of truth by a kind of gradual ascent in following which Wisdom pleasantly reveals herself and in every act of providence ° meets those who love her, I intended at the beginning of my retirement, when my mind was free from greater and more necessary tasks, to make those books you asked from me a preliminary trial of strength. I then wrote six books exclusively on rhythm,^ and proposed, I confess, to write others, six perhaps, on music, as I was expecting to have leisure before me. But after the burden of ecclesiastical concerns was laid upon me, all those trifles vanished from my hands so completely that now, when I cannot but respect your desire, which is more a command than a request, I can hardly find my own manuscript copy. But if I actuallv am able to send the treatise to you, the regret will not be mine for submitting to your pressure, but yours for so eagerly demanding it from me. For five books of it are very difficult to follow, unless you have beside you someone who can not only distinguish the parts of the interlocutors, but also give by his enunciation the proper quantity to the syllables uttered, so that in them the character of the metre is expressed and strikes the sensitive ear, especially as some of the feet contain, besides, pauses of fixed length, which cannot

Milan was the De Grammatica. Posteritjhas endorsed Augustine's own opinion of the six books Be Musica {cf. the beginning of Bk. VI : " satis diu paene atque adeo plane pueriliter per quinque libros in vestigiis numerorum ad moras temporum pertinentium morati sumus "), for while the first five have only an antiquarian interest, the sixth book was a favourite with medieval mystics.

ST. AUGUSTINE

miscentur quae omnino sentiri nequeunt, nisi auditorem pronuntiator informet.

4 Sextum sane librum, quern emendatum repperi, ubi est omnis fructus ceterorum, non distuli mittere caritati tuae ; fortassis ipse tuam non multum refugiat gravitatem. Nam supei'iores quinque vix filio nostro et condiacono luliano, quoniam et ipse iam nobiscum coniniilitat, digni lectione vel cognitione videbuntur. Quern quidem non audeo dicere plus amo quam te, quia nee veraciter dico, sed tamen audeo dicere plus desidero quam te. Mirum videri potest, quem ad modum quem pariter amo, amplius desiderem ; sed hoc mihi facit spes amplior videndi eum ; puto enim quod si ad nos te iubente vel mittente venerit, et hoc faciet quod adulescentem decet, maxime quia nondum curis maioribus detinetur, et te ipsum mihi expeditius adportabit. Quibus numeris consistant versus Davidici, non scripsi, quia nescio. Neque enim ex Hebraea lingua, quam ignoro, potuit etiam numeros interpres exprimere, ne metri necessitate ab interpretandi veritate amplius quam ratio sententiarum sinebat, digredi cogeretur. Certis tamen eos constare numeris credo illis qui eam linguam probe callent. Amavit enim vir ille sanctus musicam piam et in ea studia nos magis ipse quam ullus alius auctor accendit. Hahitetis omnes in 196

NO. 28 (Ep. CI) be sensed at all, unless the reader gives the hearer an idea of them by his method of enunciation.

But the sixth book, which I have found in a 4 revised condition, contains the whole harvest of the others, and I am sending it to your Charity at once ; it perhaps will not so markedly shrink from the attentions of one of your sober-mindedness. For the earlier five Mill hardly appear to our son and fellow-deacon, Julian, to be worth reading or knowing, since he too is now engaged in the same warfare as ourselves. Of him I dare not say that he is dearer to me than you are, for it would not be true to say that, but still I do dare to say that I long for him more than I do for you. It may seem strange how I long for him more, for I love you both equally ; but this is the result of the greater hope I have of seeing him, for I think that if you were to send him or bid him come to me, he would both be doing what a young man should do, especially when he is not yet hindered by heavier responsibilities, and he would the more speedily bring you yourself to me.

I have not mentioned the nature of the verse in which the Psalms of David are composed, because I do not know, for the translator from the Hebrew tongue, which is unknown to me, could not reproduce the verse, for fear of being compelled by the needs of metre to depart from accuracy in his translation farther than was consistent with the meaning. But that they are composed in a definite metre I believe on the authority of those who have a thorough knowledge of that language ; for that holy man loved sacred music, and he more than any other WTiter kindled in me a zeal for its study.

May you all " dwell " for evermore " in the secret

ST. AUGUSTINE

aeternum in adiutorio altissimi, qui habitatis unayiimes in domo, pater materque fratres filiorum et cuncti unius patris filii memores nostri.

No. 29 (Ep. CX) DOMINO BEATISSIMO ATQUE DULCISSIMO VENERABILI NIMIUMQUE DESIDERABILI FRATRI ET CONSACERDOTI SEVERO ET QUI TECUM SUNT FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS ET QUI MECUM SUNT FRATRES IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Epistula mea, quam pervexit carissimus filius et condiaconus noster Timotheus, iam parata erat profecturo, quando filii nostri Quodvultdeus et Gaiidentius ad nos venerunt cum litteris tuis. Inde factum est, ut continue proficiscens non adferret responsionem meam, quoniam post illorum adventum quantulumcumque apud nos inmoratus est et profecturus per horas singulas videbatur. Sed etsi per eum respondissem, adhuc debitor forem. Nam et nunc, quod videor respondisse, debitor sum, non dico caritatis, quam tanto magis debemus quanto amplius inpenderimus, cuius nos perpetuos debitores ostendit apostolus dicens : Nemini quicquam deheatis, nisi ut " Ps. xc. 1 (after the Septuagint).

* Ps. Ixvii. 7 (after the Septuagint).

" See for Severiis p. 108 note b. ^ Probably the Timothy about whom Augustine had already written to Severus in Epp. Ixii. and Ixiii. In Ep. cclxiii. Augustine writes a consolatory letter on the death of a deacon Timothy, who may be the same.

These two names are common in Africa at this time, and the individuals cannot be identified with certainty. Peculiar to Africa seems to have been the habit, best known

NO. 28 (Ep. CI)—NO. 29 (Ep. CX) place of the Most High," you who "in one house dwell together in oneness of heart," ^ father and mother, of the same brotherhood as your children, and all of you children of one Father. Remember us.

No. 29 (Ep. CX) (a.d. 409) TO MY BLESSED AND DEAREST LORD, MY VENERABLE AND MUCH DESIRED BROTHER AND FELLOW - PRIEST, SEVERUS,^ AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH ME SEND GREETING IN THE LORD

This letter from me, which has been brought to you 1 by my very dear son and fellow-deacon, Timothy,'* was ready for his departure, when my sons Quodvultdeus and Gaudentius ^ reached us with a letter from you. That is the reason why Timothy, who was departing forthwith, did not bring a reply from me, since after their arrival he waited with us here only a very short time and was apparently on the point of departure at any minute. But even if I had sent a reply by him, I should still be in your debt, for even now, though I seem to have replied, I am in your debt, I do not mean for affection, for the more we have paid of that, the more we owe (we are always in debt for it, as the Apostle's words show, " Owe from the English Puritans, of employing these religious names : Augustine's own son was called Adeodatus, and there are many examples of such names as Deogratias, Deumhabet, Deusdedit, Habetdeus, Vincemalus, etc.

ST. AUGUSTINE

invicem diligatis, sed ipsius epistulae tuae ; quando enim sufficiam tuae suavitati tantaeque aviditati animi tui, quam mihi lecta nuntiavit ? Rem quidem in te mihi notissimam insinuavit ; verum tamen etsi non mihi rei novae insiniiatrix, nova tamen rescriptorum exactrix fuit.

2 Miraris fortasse cur me huius debiti persolutorem inparem dicam, cum tu de me tam multum sentias, qui me tamquam anima mea noveris. Sed hoc ipsum est, quod mihi magnam difficultatem facit respondendi litteris tuis, quia et quantus mihi videaris, parco dicere propter verecundiam tuam, et utique minus dicendo, cum tu in me tantam laudem contuleris, quid nisi debitor remanebo ? Quod non curarem, si ea quae de me ad me locutus es, non ex caritate sincerissima dicta scirem sed adulatione inimica amicitiae. Hoc quippe modo nee debitor fierem, quia talia rependere non deberem ; sed quanto magis novi quam fideh animo loqueris, tanto magis video quanto debito graver.

3 Vide autem quid mihi contigit, ut me quodam modo ipse laudaverim, qui me a te fide Uter laudatum dixerim. Sed quid ahud dicerem quam id quod de te admonui, quam nosti ? Ecce mihi novam feci quaestionem, quam tu non proposuisti, et earn fortassis expectas ut solvam. Ita mihi parum erat quod debitor eram, nisi etiam me amphore debito ipse " Rom. xiii. 8. 200

NO. 29 (Ep. CX) no man anything but to love one another " "), but for this letter of yours ; for when could I make a fair return for your graciousness and the great eagerness of your spirit conveyed to me in the reading of your letter ? Not that it told me anything in you that was not well known to me before, but yet, though not suggesting anything new, it was a new demand for a reply.

You perhaps wonder why I describe myself as un2 able to make an adequate repayment of this debt, when you, who know me as well as my own soul does, have conceived so great an opinion of me. But it is this very fact that makes it so difficult for me to reply to your letter, because I refrain for your modesty's sake from expressing the great esteem I entertain for you, and so by this restraint in expressing myself, when you have heaped so much praise upon me, what can I do but remain in your debt ? This I should not mind, if I knew that your remarks to me about myself were inspired by flattery, that destroyer of friendship, and not by a very genuine affection, for in those circumstances I should not have been in debt at all, as it would have been no duty to pay back in the same coin. But the better I know the sincerity of mind with which you speak, the more

I realize the burden of debt with which I am saddled.

Now just see what I have brought upon myself: in 3 saying that you were sincere in praising me, I have been in a way praising myself. Yet what else could I say than what I have suggested about yourself, what else than what you know ? But there I have put myself in another dilemma, one you did not set for me and which you perhaps expect me to resolve. Was it not enough for me to be in your debt without

ST. AUGUSTINE

cumularem. Quamquam hoc facile sit ostendere et, si non ostendam, facile tibi videre, et vera infideliter dici posse et non vera fideliter. Qui enim sic credit ut loquitur, etsi non vera loquitur, fideliter loquitur ; qui autem non credit quae loquitur, etsi vera loquitur, infideliter loquitur. Numquid ergo dubito quod ea de me credas, quae scripsisti ? Quae cum in me non agnosco, potuisti fideliter de me non vera dicere.

4 Sed nolo te vel benivolentia sic falli. Cui benivolentiae debitor sum, quia et tam fideliter et tam benivole ea quae vera sunt, possem de te dicere, nisi, ut supra dixi, verecundiae tuae parcerem. Ego autem quando laudor a germanissimo et familiarissimo animae meae, velut a me ipso lauder, sic habeo.

Quod cernis quam molestum sit, etiam si vera dicantur ; quanto potius, quia etiam, cum sis altera anima mea, immo una sit anima tua et mea, sic in me falleris putando mihi adesse quae desunt, quo modo et de se ipse unus homo falli potest ! Quod non tantum ideo nolo, ne, quem diligo, tu fallaris, verum etiam ne minus ores, ut sim quod iam esse me credis. Nee in eo sum tibi debitor, ut eodem progressu benivolentiae credam et loquar de te bona quae adhuc et tu tibi deesse cognoscis, sed ut animo tam

NO. 29 (Ep. CX) burdening myself with a debt even greater ? Still, it is easy to show (and if I do not show, it is easy for you to see) that the truth can be uttered with insincerity, and untruth with sincerity ; for a man who believes what he saj's speaks with sincerity, even if what he says be untrue, while a man who does not believe what he says speaks with insincerity, even if what he says be true. Have I any doubt that you do believe what you ^^Tote about me ? Yet, when I fail to recognize in myself the things you praise, it is possible that in all sincerity you were saying about me Vvhat was not true.

But I do not want you to be so misled even in 4 your kindness of heart ; to that kindness I am already in debt, since I could say with no less sincerity and no less kindness things that are true about you, if I were not anxious, as I said already, to spare your modesty. As for me, when praise is given me by one who is very near and very dear to my soul, I feel as if I were being praised by myself. So you see how embarrassing a position it is, even if what is said is true ; how much more embarrassing since you, being my other soul—nay, we are but one soul, you and I—are just as misled in thinking I possess qualities that I do not possess, as a single individual can be misled about himself. And I do not want that to happen, not simply to keep you, so dear a friend of mine, from being misled, but also to keep you from slackening in your prayers that I may become what you believe I am already. I am not in your debt in such a way that \\ith the same kindness and anticipation I should believe and speak favourably about qualities which you yourself are aware of not as yet possessing, but I am in debt

ST. AUGUSTINE

quidem benivolo ea tamen dicam bona tua, dona dei, de quibus in te certus sum. Quod non idee non facio, ne fallar in eis, sed ne tu a me laudatus ipse te laudasse videaris et propter illam iustitiae regulam, quia mihi fieri nolo. Quod si fieri debet, eligo esse debitor, quam diu puto non esse faciendum ; si autem fieri non debet, nee debitor sum.

5 Sed novi, quid mihi ad haec respondere possis : Ita ista loqueris, quasi prolixam epistulam tuam de laudibus meis desideraverim." Absit ut hoc de te credam ; sed epistula tua nolo dicere quam veris vel quam non veris plena tamen laudibus meis hoc de me ut rependerem etiam te nolente flagitavit. Nam si quid aliud volebas ut scriberem, largitorem me desiderabas, non redditorem. Porro iustitiae ordo sic habet, ut debitum prius reddamus, tum deinde, cui reddimus, si hoc placet, aliquid et donemus : quamquam etiam talia qualia desiderasti ut scriberem, si dihgentius praecepta dominica cogitemus, reddimus potius quam donamus, si nemini quicquam debendum est, nisi ut invicem diligamus.

Ipsa quippe dilectio exigit debitum, ut fraternae caritati servientes eum qui se adiuvari recte velit, in quo possumus, adiuvemus. Sed, mi frater, et tu credo quod noveris quanta sint in manibus meis, quibus adversus curas quas nostrae servitutis neces- " The " Golden Rule."

" John xiii. 34, xv. 12, 17 ; Kom. xii. 10, etc. 204

XO. 29 (Ep. CX) in this way, that with just the same kindhness of intention I may describe you as possessing those good quahties, sent from God above, which I am certain are in you. And if I refrain from doing so, it is not from fear that I may be misled, but from fear that when I have been praising you, you may seem to have been praising yourself, and because of that principle of justice," since I do not' want this done to myself. If this should be done, I prefer to be in debt as long as I keep thinking that it should not be done ; but if it should not be done, then am I not in debt.

But I know the answer you may make to this : 5

You speak as if I had wanted from you a lengthy letter in my praise." Far be it from me to think that of you : yet your letter, so full of my praises (how true or untrue no matter), did demand this repayment from me, even if you did not intend it. For if you wished me to write in any other way, it was not a repayment you wanted from me but a fresh gift. Moreover, justice prescribes this order, that we should pay our debt first, and that only then we should, if we so decide, make a gift to our creditor in addition ; yet, even the things you wanted me to write to you are, if we more carefully consider the Lord's injunctions, a repayment rather than a gift, if we are to owe no man anything but to love one another ^ ; for love requires the payment of our debt, to the end that, in obedience to brotherly affection, we may, wherever we can, help him who has the right desire to be helped. But, my brother, I think you know how full my hands are ; into them even the smallest drops of time hardly trickle for my refreshment amid the

ST. AUGUSTINE

sitas habet, vix mihi paucissimae guttae temporis stillantur, quas aliis rebus si inpendero, contra officium meum mihi facere videor.

6 Quod enim vis, ut ad te prolixam epistulam scribam, et hoc quidem debeo, fateor ; debeo prorsus hoc tarn dulci, tarn sincerae, tani merae voluntati tuae. Sed quia bonus es amator iustitiae, inde te admoneo, ut de ilia quam diligis, hoc a me libentius audias. Cernis prius esse quod et tibi et aliis quam quod tibi tantum modo debeo ; et tempus ad omnia mihi non sufficit, quando nee ad ilia quae priora sunt. Unde omnes carissimi et familiarissimi mei, quorum in nomine Christi inter primos mihi es, rem facient officii sui, si non solum mihi alia scribenda ipsi non inponant, verum etiam ceteros quanta possunt auctoritate et sancta benignitate prohibeant, ne videar ego durus, cum a singulis petita non dedero, dum ea magis volo reddere, quae omnibus debeo. Denique cum, sicut speramus et promissum tenemus, ad nos venerit venerabilitas tua, scies quibus operibus litterarum et quantum occupatus sim, et instantius facies quod rogavl, ut et alios, quos potueris, mihi aliquid aliud scribendum volentes iniungere a me demoliaris. Dominus deus noster impleat cordis tui tarn grandem et tarn sanctum sinum, quem ipse fecit, domine beatissime.

NO. 29 (Ep. CX) anxieties that constitute the inevitable bondage of a servant of the Lord. If I squander those on other business, I seem to myself to be neglecting my duties.

Yet, when you want me to write you a lengthy 6 letter, I do indeed owe you that, I must confess ; I surely do owe that to your sweet, sincere, and singleminded desire. But since you are a good lover of justice, I warn you to hear with the greater favour what I say about this object of your affection. You see that what I owe to you and others as well has a prior claim over what I owe to you alone ; and time fails me for everything, when it fails me even for my first duties. So all those who are nearest and dearest to me (and in Christ's name you are among the first of these) will only be doing their duty if they not only lay no further burden of writing on me themselves, but with all the authority and holy kindness they can, forbid others also to do so, so that I may not seem hard-hearted when I fail to give what each one has asked, my own desire being all the time to pay the debt I owe to all. Finally, when your Reverence visits me, as I hope you will, for I have your promise, you will understand with what literary tasks so much of my time is taken up, and you will be more insistent in doing what I have asked, deterring anj others you can from their desire to impose any more writing on me. May the Lord our God fill your spacious and holy breast and heart which He Himself has made, my most saintly lord !

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. .SO (Ep. CX\0

DOMIXO BEATISSIMO ET VEXERABILITER CARISSIMO FRATRI ET CONSACERDOTI FOR-

TUNATO ET QUI TECUM SUNT FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

Faventium bene novit sanctitas tua, qui Paratianensis saltus conductor fuit. Is cum ab eiusdem possessionis domino nescio quid sibi metueret, ad Hipponiensem confugit ecclesiam, et ibi erat, ut confugientes solent, expectans quo modo per intercessionem nostram sua negotia terminaret. Qui, ut saepe fit, per dies singulos minus minusque sollicitus et quasi adversario cessante securus, cum ab amico suo de cena egrederetur, subito raptus est a Florentino quodam, ut dicunt, comitis officiali per armatorum manum, quanta eis ad hoc factum sufficere visa

Fortunatus was bishop of Cirta. He was present at the Conference in Carthage in 411 and is elsewhere mentioned by Augustine (Epp. liii., clxxvi.).

The case of Faventius was the occasion of the writing of Epp. cxiii., cxiv., and cxvi., aS well as this letter. Saltus originally only wooded and pasture land (" saltus proprie locus adhuc incultus et Silvester dicitur," Aug. In Ps. cxxxi.

11), were vast estates as great as, sometimes larger than, the territory of a city [Groin, ed. Lachmann, p. 53). At the centre lay the r/7/aof the owner, surrounded by the houses of the workers, and this settlement was also called villa. All or part of the saltus was let to a conductor, belo%v whom were the colon i, owing him certain services. The domain itself was often ca Wtd fundus or lati fundi, but the word fundus was applied too to the smaller portions. See Reid, Municipalities of the Roman Empire, pp. 319 ff. ; Boissier, UAfrique Romaine, p. 165.

" Paratianis has been identified with Medjez, on the coast 208

NO. 30 (Ep. CXV)

No. SO (Ep. CXV)

TO MY SAINTLY LORD AND REVERENTLY CHER

ISHED BROTHER AND FELLOW - PRIEST, FORTUNATUS

'' AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

Your Holiness is well acquainted with Faventius,^ the tenant of the estate at Paratianis.'' Being apprehensive of something or other at the hands of the proprietor of that same estate, he fled for refuge to the Church of Hippo, where he remained, as those who seek sanctuary ^ usually do, waiting to see if by my interposition he could bring the affair to a satisfactory end. Becoming, as each day passed, less and less vigilant — a usual occurrence — and lulled to security by the delusion that his enemy was growing remiss, he was leaving a friend's house after supper when he was suddenly seized and abducted by one

Florentinus, said to be an officer of the Count ,^ aided by what they thought to be for the purpose a suffitwenty-five miles from Rusicade. It has fairly extensive ruins 'dating from Roman times.

Since the time of Constantine, churches had been a sanctuary for the innocent, the oppressed, and others who sought episcopal intercession. Commonly thirty days' protection was granted. See Cod. Theod. rx. xv. 4 "de iis qui ad ecclesias confugiunt." See also No. 61 Infra.

When Diocletian separated the military administration of Africa from the civil, he appointed a dux prr Africam, but this title was changed about 330 to comfs. In 393 Gildo was comes et mag'ister utriusque militiae; he was succeeded by Boniface, awidressed by Augustine in Nos. 43 and 51.

ST. AUGUSTINE

est. Quod cum mihi nuntiaretur,^ et adhuc quo vel a quibus raptus fuerit, nesciretur, suspicio tamen esset de illo quern metuens se per ecclesiam tuebatur, continuo misi ad tribunum, qui custodiendo litori constitutus est. Misit militares ; nemo potuit reperiri. Sed mane cognovimus, et in qua domo fuerit et quod post galli cantum cum illo abscesserit qui eum tenuerat. Etiam illuc misi, quo dicebatur abductus, ubi memoratus officialis inventus concedere presbytero quem miseram, noluit, ut eum saltem vlderet. Alio die misi litteras, petens ut ei concederetur quod iussit in causis talibus imperator, id est ut actis municipalibus interrogarentur, qui praecepti fuerint exhibendi, utrum velint in ea civitate sub custodia moderata triginta dies agere, ut rem suam ordinent vel praeparent sumptus. id utique existimans quod per ipsos dies possemus fortasse causam eius amica disceptatione finire. lam vero cum illo officiali profectus ductus est. Sed metus est ne forte ad consularis perductus officium mali aliquid patiatur. Habet enim causam cum homine pecuniosissimo, quamvis iudicis integritas fama clarissima praedicetur. Ne quid tamen apud officium pecunia praevaleat, peto sanctitatem tuam, domine dilectissime et venerabilis frater, ut honorabili nobisque carissimo consulari digneris tradere litteras meas et has ei legere, quia bis eandem causam insinuare

The Mss. have simply nuntiatum, after which Goldhacher inserts esset. The correct reading is probably nuntiaretur.

The reference is to the laws of Theodosius, of December 30, 380, and of Honorius, of January 21, 409 {Cod. Theod.

Lx. tit. ii.j. 210

NO. SO (Ep. CXY) ciently large band of armed men. This was reported to me ; but since there was as yet no information who his abductors were nor where they had taken him, though suspicion fell on the man who had frightened him into seeking protection from the Church, I at once communicated with the tribune in command of the coast-guards. He sent soldiers ; no one could be found, but in the morning we discovered the house in which he had been detained and found that his keeper had left with him after cock-crow. I also sent to the place to which it was said he had been carried off. When the afore-mentioned officer was found, he refused to grant to the priest I had sent permission even to see him. Next day I sent a letter requesting for him the privilege which the Emperor appointed in such cases as this,^ namely, that those under summons to appear in court should be asked at the municipal bench if they were willing to spend thirty days in that town under lenient observation, to put their affairs in order or to prepare their finances. My expectation was that during that period we could perhaps reach a settlement of his case by friendly discussion. Already, however, he had gone off with that officer and was taken to prison, but there is some fear that if he be brought before the governor's tribunal, he may suffer some hardship, for although that judge has an excellent reputation for rectitude, Faventius's opponent in the case is a very wealthy man. So to prevent the exercise of any undue influence in that court by his money, I beg your Holiness, my dearest lord and venerable brother, to hand my letter to the honourable magistrate, a man very dear to me, and to read this one to him, for I do not think it necessary to write a second account

ST. AUGUSTINE

necessarium non esse arbitratus sum : et eius causae differat audientiam, quoniam nescio utrum in ea nocens an innocens sit, et, quod circa eundem leges non servatae sunt, ut sic raperetur neque, ut ab imperatore praeceptum est, ad acta municipalia perduceretur interrogandus utrum beneficium dilationis vellet accipere, non contemnat, ut per hoc possimus cum eius adversario rem finire.

No. 31 (Ep. CXXII)

DILECTISSIMIS FRATRIBUS CONCLERICIS ET UNIVERSAE PLEBI AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 In primis peto caritatem vestram et per lesum obsecro, ne vos mea contristet absentia corporalis. Nam spiritu et cordis af Fectu puto vos non dubitare nuUo modo me a vobis posse discedere, quamvis me amplius contristet quam forte vos ipsos, quod infirmitas mea sufficere non potest omnibus curis quas de me exigunt membra Christi, quibus me et timor eius et caritas servire compellit. Illud enim noverit vestra dilectio numquam me absentem fuisse licentiosa libertate sed necessaria servitute, quae saepe sanctos fratres et collegas meos etiam labores marinos " Written from the country, to which Augustine's illhealth had made it necessary to retire (Ep. cxviii. 34 " me post aegritudinem . . . aliquantum ab Hippone removeram, quibus item diebus perturbatione valetudinis febribusque repetitus sum "j. For other indications of his poor health c/. No. 13 above and Serm. 355. 7 "ego, sicut videtis, per aetatem modo senui, sed per infirmitatem corporis olim sum senex." 212

NO. 30 (Ep. CX\')—NO. 31 (Ep. CXXII) of the same case ; and let him postpone the hearing of his case, since I do not know whether he is innocent or guilty. And let him not make light of the fact that in deahng with him the legal procedure was not observed, in that he was seized and abducted and was not taken, as the Emperor enjoined, before the municipal court to be questioned whether he wished to avail himself of the concession of delay. In this way we may be able to reach a settlement with his opponent.

No. 31 (Ep. CXXII)

TO HIS DEARLY BELOVED BRETHREN, THE CLERGY, AND ALL THE LAITY AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD »

I particularly beg you, my friends, and beseech 1 you for Jesus' sake, not to be grieved that I am absent from you in the body, for I believe you are confident that in no wise could I depart from you in spirit and heart-felt affection. Yet I am more grieved than perhaps you are yourselves that in the weak state of my health I cannot adequately cope with all the attentions required from me by the members of Christ, whom love and fear of Him compel me to serve. For you are Mell aware, my dear friends, that I have never been absent because of any selfish desire for a free time, but because of the obligations imposed on me by my servitude, which has often compelled my holy brethren and colleagues to undertake tasks on the sea and over the sea,

ST. AUGUSTINE

et transmarinos compulit sustinere, a quibus me semper non indevotio mentis sed minus idonea valitudo corporis excusavit. Proinde, dilectissimi fratres, sic agite, ut, quod ait apostolus, sive adveniens et videns vos sive ahsens, andiam de vobis quia statis in WW spiritu, uno animo conlahorantes Jidei evangelicae.

Si vos aliqua molestia temporalis exagitat, ipsa vos magis admonere debet quem ad modum de ilia vita cogitare debeatis, ubi sine aliquo labore vivatis, evadentes non molestas angustias temporis parvi sed horrendas poenas ignis aeterni. Nam si modo tanta cura. tanta intentione, tanto labore agitis ne in aliquos cruciatus transitorios incidatis.. quantum vos oportet esse sollicitos, ut sempiternas miserias fugiatis ! Et si mors sic timetur, quae finit temporalem laborem, quo modo timenda est, quae mittit in aeternum dolorem ! Et si deliciae saeculi huius breves et sordidae sic amantur, quanto vehementius futuri saeculi gaudia pura et infinita quaerenda sunt ! Ista cogitantes, nolite esse pigri in operibus bonis, ut ad vestri seminis messem suo tempore veniatis.

2 Nuntiaturn est enim mihi, quod morem vestrum de vestiendis pauperibus fueritis obliti, ad quam misericordiam, cum praesens essem, vos exhortatus sum et nunc exhortor, ne vos vincat et pigros faciat contritio mundi huius, cui talia videtis accidere " Indevotio, a late word, means want of reverence, respect, dutifulness, to God, the emperor, or the laws, or want of conscientiousness in performance of duty. It is found fairly often in the legal writers with the meaning of failing to respect the last wishes of a testator (Cod. Just. vii. 2. 15. 2, Novell, i. 3). It is rare in literary language, but occurs in AmV)rose (Ilelia, 17. 62, In Ps. cxviii. 16. 45), Salvian {Gub.

3. 2. 10, Eccl. 3. 45), and Alcim. Avit. (Ep. Ixxxiv.).

" Phil. i. 27. 214

NO. 31 (Ep. CXXII) from which I have been excused not from want of conscientiousness,"^ but from imperfect bodily health. Accordingly, my brethren, let your behaviour be such that, as the Apostle says, " whether I come and see you or else be absent, I may hear of your affairs, that ye stand fast in one spirit, with one mind_ striving together for the faith of the gospel."^ If you are harassed by some temporal vexation, it ought the more to remind you how you ought to think of that life which you are to live without any toil, escaping not the vexatious hardships of this fleeting age, but the terrible penalties of the everlasting fire. For if you now expend so much forethought,, so much effort, so much toil, in saving yourselves from falling into any transitory torments, how anxious you should be to escape from everlasting miseries ! And if the death which ends the toil of this life inspires such fear, how greatly that death is to be feared which casts men into everlasting pain ! And if the vile and short-lived charms of this world are so loved, how much more eagerly are the undefiled and unending joys of the world to come to be sought after ! Meditate upon these things and be not slothful in good works, that in due season you may come to the harvest of your sowing.

I have been informed that you have forgotten 2 your habit of clothing the poor ; to that work of mercy I exhorted you when I was with you, and I now exhort you not to be overcome and made slothful by the trials of this present world, which you now see visited by such calamities '^ as our Lord and '^ The reference is to the capture and sacking of Rome by the Goths under Alaric in 410.

ST. AUGUSTINE

qualia dominus et redemptor noster, qui mentiri non potest, Ventura praedixit. Non solum ergo non debetis minus facere opera misericordiae, sed etiam debetis amplius quam soletis. Sicut enim ad loca munitiora festinatius migrant, qui ruinam domus

\'ident contritis parietibus imminere, sic corda

Christiana quanto magis sentiunt mundi huius ruinam crebrescentibus tribulationibus propinquare, tanto magis debent bona quae in terra recondere disponebant, in thesaurum caelestem inpigra celeritate transferre, ut, si aliqui humanus casus acciderit, gaudeat qui de loco ruinoso emigravit, si autem nihil tale fuerit subsecutum, non contristetur, qui quandoque moriturus inmortali domino ad quem venturus est, bona propria commenda\it. Itaque, fratres mei dilectissimi, ex eo quod quisque habet, secundum suas

quas ipse novit, facite quod soletis, alacriore animo quam soletis, et inter omnes saeculi huius molestias apostolicam exhortationem corde retinete, ubi ait : Dominus in proximo est ; nihil solliciti fueritis.

Talia mihi de vobis nuntientur, quibus noverim non propter meam praesentiam sed propter dei praeceptum, qui numquam est absens, vos solere facere quod multis annis me praesente et aliquando etiam me absente fecistis. Dominus vos in pace conservet, dilectissimi fratres ; orate pro nobis.

" Phil. iv. 5-Q,

NO. 31 (Ep. CXXII)

Redeemer, who cannot lie, foretold would come to pass. So far then from having any right to curtail your works of mercy, you ought to increase them beyond your usual measure. For just as they who see in the crumbling of its walls the impending downfall of their home, hasten to remove themselves to places more secure, so ought Christian hearts, the more they feel by the increase of its trials the approaching downfall of this present world, to be the more prompt and active in transferring to the treasury of heaven those goods they v/ere proposing to store up on earth ; in this way, if any human misfortune occurs, he who has removed from the place of destruction may rejoice, but if no such misfortune follows, he may not grieve, since, destined some day to die, he has committed his own possessions to his everlasting Lord, to Whom he will one day depart. Therefore, my beloved brethren, from what he has let each one of you according to his ability—and of that each man is the best judge—give his accustomed share with more than his accustomed cheerfulness, and cherish in your hearts amid all the vexations of this present world that admonition of the Apostle, in which he says : " The Lord is at hand ; be careful for nothing."^ Let me have such reports of you that I may know that it is not because of my presence but because of God's command, Who is never absent from you, that you follow the practice you have followed for many years while I was present with you, and sometimes even when I was absent. The Lord preserve you in peace, my beloved brethren. Pray for us.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 32 (Ep. CXXIV)

DOMIXIS IN DOMINO INSIGNIBUS ET SANCTITATE CARISSIMIS AC DESIDERANTISSIMIS FRATRIBUS ALBINAE, PINIANO ET MELANIAE AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Cum habitu valitudinis vel natura frigus ferre non possim, numquam tamen maiores aestus quani ista hieme tarn horrenda perpeti potui, quod ad vos, ad quos volatu maria transeunda fuerant, tam in proximo constitutos, tam de longinquo visendi nos gratia venientes, non dicam pergere sed volare non potui. Et forsitan sanctitas vestra eandem hiemalem asperitatem poenae meae tantum causam putaverit.

Absit, carissimi. Quid enim grave ac molestum vel etiam periculosum habent imbres isti, quod non mihi subeundum ac ferendum fuit, ut ad vos venirem, tanta in tantis malis nostris solatia, in hac generatione tortuosa ac perversa tam ardenter accensa de summo lumine lumina suscepta humilitate sub Umia et contempta claritate clariora ? Simul etiam fruerer carnalis patriae meae tam spiritali felicitate, quae

Albina was a daughter-in-law of the famous convert, the elder Melania, who, though of noble birth and great wealth, became a devoted ascetic. At the age of thirteen Albina's daughter, the younger Melania here mentioned, married Pinianus, who was equally high-born and wealthy. The three left Rome after the sack by Alaric in 410 and settled at Tagaste (Augustine's carnalis patria of § 1). They desired to make Augustine's acquaintance, and the present letter is his apology for being unable to go to Tagaste to meet them, so they came to Hippo, where the curious scenes narrated in the following letter, so instructive for the church life of the period, took place. At Tagaste

NO. 32 (Ep. CXXIV)

No. 32 (Ep. CXXIV)

TO ALBINA, PINIANUS, AND MELANIA," HONOURED IN THE LORD, CHERISHED IN HOLINESS AND LONGED FOR IN BROTHERLY AFFECTION, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

Although from the state of my health, or from my 1 natural constitution, I cannot endure cold, still I have never had a chance of suffering greater feverishness than I have done this dreadful winter because of my inability—I shall not say to go, but to fly, to you (for to see you I would have flown across the seas) now that you are settled so near, after coming so far to visit us. And perhaps you will think, my godly friends, that this same severity of the \\1nter was the only cause of my affliction ; far be it from me, beloved ! For what difficulty or trouble or even danger lies in those storms that I would not have undergone and endured in order to be with you, our great comfort in our great troubles, who in this crooked and perverse generation are lights kindled into such brightness by the Light supreme, and are the loftier for the humility you have taken upon you and the more illustrious for the lustre you have scorned ? At the same time I should have too such great spiritual enjoyment in my earthly birthplace, since it has had the younger Melania acquired an estate of greater extent than the town itself. On it were many workers, a balneum, and two bishops, one Donatist and the other Catholic. This estate she presented to the church of Tagaste {Anal. Bolland. viii., 1889, p. 35).

ST. AUGUSTINE

vos etiam praesentes habere meruit, de quibus absentibus, cum id quod nati estis et quod gratia

Christi facti estis, audiret, quamvis caritate crederet, tamen ne non crederetur, narrare forsitan verebatur.

2 Dicam igitur quare non venerim et quibus malis a tanto bono impeditus sum, ut non solum a vobis veniam, sed etiam vestris orationibus ab illo qui in vobis quod ei vivitis, operatur, merear misericordiam.

Populus Hipponiensis, cui me dominus servum dedit, cum ex magna ac pene ex omni parte ita infirmus sit, ut pressura etiam levioris tribulationis possit graviter aegrotare, nunc tam magna tribulatione caeditur, ut etiam si non sic esset infirmus, vix eam cum aliqua salute animi sustineret. Eum autem, cum modo regressus sum, periculosissime scandalizatum comperi de absentia mea ; vestris autem de quorum spiritali robore gaudemus in domino, sanis utique faucibus sapit quo modo dictum sit : Quis infirmatur et ego non injirmor ? Quis sca?idalizahir et ego non uror ?, praesertim quoniam multi sunt hie qui detrahendo nobis ceterorum animas a quibus diligi videmur, adversus nos perturbare conantur, ut locum in eis diabolo faciant. Cum autem irascuntur nobis de quorum salute satagimus, magnum illis consilium vindicandi est libido moriendi non in corpore sed in corde, ubi funus occulte prius suo putore sentitur, quam nostra cogitatione prospicitur. Huic meae sollicitudini

2 Cor. xi. 29.

NO. 32 (Ep. CXXI\0 the honour of your presence ; in your absence, it had heard what you were by birth and what by the grace of Christ you have become, yet though in love it beheved this, yet it was perhaps afraid to tell it to others in case they might not believe it.

I shall tell you, then, my reasons for not coming 2 and the troubles that have kept me from so great a pleasure ; thus I may gain not only pardon from you, but also, through your prayers, compassion from Him Who worketh in you to make you live unto Him. The people of Hippo, to whom the Lord gave me as a servant, are to a great extent, indeed to an almost complete extent, so feeble, that the infliction of even a trivial distress can seriously impair their well-being, and now they are smitten with such a great distress that, even were they not so feeble, they could scarcely endure it without a considerable risk of mental collapse. When I returned recently, I found them offended to a very dangerous degree at my absence. Now you, whose spiritual strength has given us such joy in the Lord, can certainly relish with wholesome palate the point of the saying: "Who is weak, and I am not weak? Who is offended, and I burn not? " ^ particularly since there are here many v.ho by disparaging us attempt to stir up against us the minds of the others by whom we seem to be loved, in order to make room in them for the devil. But when those whose salvation is our concern are angry with us, their great method of taking revenge is to lust after death, not the death of the body, but of the soul, where the fact of dissolution is secretly perceived by the odour of corruption before we can guess at it and take measures against it. This anxiety of mine I am sure you will

ST. AUGUSTINE

procul dubio libenter ignoscitis, praesertim quoniam, si suscenseretis et velletis ulcisci, nihil fortasse gravius inveniretis, quam id quod patior cum vos Tagastae non video. Spero autem vestris adiutus orationibus, quod mihi ad vos, ubicumque in Africa fueritis, venire quantocius concedetur, cum hoc quo nunc detentus sum, praeterierit, si haec civitas in qua laboramus, digna non est, quia nee ego audeo dignam putare, quae nobiscum de vestra praesentia conlaetetur.

No. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) DOMINAE SANCTAE AC VENERABILI FAMULAE

DEI ALBINAE AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

I Dolorem animi tui, quern te scribis exp Ucare non posse, consolari aequum est, non augere, ut, si fieri potest, sanemus suspiciones tuas, non ut eis pro nostra causa suscensendo venerandum cor tuum et deo dicatum amplius perturbemus. Sancto fratri nostro fiUo tuo Piniano nullus ab Hipponiensibus metus mortis ingestus est, etiamsi forte ipse tale aliquid timuit; nam et nos metuebamus ne ab aliquibus perditis, qui saepe multitudini occulta con-

When Albina, Melania, and Pinianus came to Hippo, the people there, allured by Pinianus's wealth, sought to have Pinianus forcibly ordained. Augustine was unable to restrain them from extracting from Pinianus an oath that he would not leave Hippo and would not receive ordination elsewhere, but the trio, despite the oath, returned next day to Tagaste. Letters cxxv.-cxxviii. then passed between Augustine, Alypius, and Albina, warmly discussing the validity of Pinianus's

NO. 32 (Ep. CXXIV)—NO. SS (Ep. CXXVI) gladly pardon, especially since you would perhaps find no heavier punishment, if you were angry and wanted to punish me, than what I have been enduring at not seeing you at Tagaste. But I hope that by the help of your prayers it may be granted me as soon as possible to pay you a visit, when this emergency that now detains me is past, wherever in Africa you may be, if this city that is the scene of my labours be unworthy, as I myself do not venture to consider it worthy, to share with me the joy of your presence.

No. 33 (Ep. CXXVI)

TO THE HOLY LADY AND THE REVERED HAND

MAID OF GOD, ALBINA," AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

It is right that I should assuage, and not augment, the grief of your spirit, which you describe in your letter as inexpressible ; in this way I may, if possible, heal your suspicions and not add to the agitation of your heart, so venerable and so devoted to God, by indignantly repudiating them for my own sake. The people of Hippo did nothing to make our holy brother, your son Pinianus, apprehensive of death, even though he himself perhaps entertained some fear of it. We ourselves, indeed, were afraid that some of the ruffians who often mix with a crowd from some oath, which Augustine held to be valid, and repudiating the charge of covetousness. When Pinianus lost his property, the Hipponiensians quietly let the matter drop.

ST. AUGUSTINE

spiratione miscentur, in violentani prorumperetur audaciam occasione seditionis inventa, quarn velut iusta indignatione concitaret. Sed, sicut post audire potuimus, nihil tale a quoquam dictum est vel molitum, sed vere in fratrem meum Alypium multa contumeliosa et indigna clamabant, a quo tarn ingenti reatu utinam per illius orationes mereantur absolvi. Ego autem post primos eorum clamores cum eis dixissem de illo invito non ordinando, qua iam promissione detinerer, atque adiecissem quod, si mea fide violata ilium haberent presbyterum, me episcopum non haberent, ad nostra subsellia relicta turba redieram. Tum illi aliquantulum inopinata mea responsione cunctati atque turbati velut flamma vento paululum pressa, deinde coeperunt multo ardentius excitari, existimantes fieri posse, ut vel mihi extorqueretur illud non servare promissum vel me tenente promissi fidem ab alio episcopo ordinaretur. Dicebam ego quibus poteram, qui ad nos in absidem honoratiores et gra\iores ascenderant, nee a promissi fide me posse dimoveri nee ab alio episcopo in ecdesia mihi tradita nisi me interrogate ac permittente posse ordinari ; quod si permitterem, a fide nihilo minus deviarem. Addebam etiam nihil eos velle, si ordinaretur invitus, nisi ut ordinatus abscederet. Illi hoc posse " The apse was the recess, usually semi-circular, in which the eastern end of the church terminated. It was reserved to the clergy, who had their seats or stalls (subsellia) there, hence it was sometimes known as presbyterlum, while, from its shape, it also received the name concha (Paul. Nol. Ep. xxxii. 12); the bishop's seat was usually provided with curtains, so it was called cathedra velata (Aug. Ep. xxiii. 3). This portion of the church was raised above the nave by 224

NO. ^S (Ep. CXXVI)

secret design might find an opportunity for rioting and produce an outburst of violence and outrage, stirring it up from apparently justified resentment ; but Me later had opportunity to ascertain that nothing of this kind was either suggested or attempted by anyone, although, to tell the truth, many insulting and opprobrious remarks were made against my brother Alypius—for which enormous offence I would that his prayers might win them pardon. But for my part, after their outcries began, I told them I could not ordain him against his will, being prevented by the promise I had already made, and I went on to say that if they made me break faith and had him as their priest, they would not have me as their bishop. I then left the crowd and returned to the clergy's stalls, whereupon, like a flame somewhat checked by the wind, they hesitated for a moment in consternation at my unexpected reply and then began to be much more afire wth excitement, thinking that possibly they could MTing from me the repudiation of my promise, or else that, if I stuck to my pledged word, he might receive ordination from another bishop. To those more notable and more venerable persons who came up to me in the apse" I kept saying, when possible, that I could not be deflected from keeping my pledged word, nor could any other bishop ordain in the church entrusted to me without my permission asked and given ; even if I did allow that, I should none the less be departing from my pledge. I added, too, that if he were ordained against his Mill, they M'ould only drive him away after his ordination. They several steps {ahsis gradata, ib.), and before it stood the altar and the altar rails {co.ncelli).

ST. AUGUSTINE

fieri non credebant. Multitude vero pro gradibus constituta horrendo et perseverantissimo clamorum fremitu in eadem voluntate persistans incertos animi consiliique faciebant. Tunc ilia in fratrem meuni indigna clamabantur, tunc a nobis graviora timebantur.

2 Sed quamvis tanto motu populi et tanta perturbatione ecclesiae permoverer nee aliud constipationi illi dixissem nisi eum me invitum ordinare non posse, nee sic tamen adductus sum, quia et hoc promiseram non me fuisse facturum, ut aliquid ei de suscipiendo presbyterio suaderem ; quod si persuadere potuissem, non iam ordinaretur invitus. Servavi utriusque promissionis fidem, non solum illius quam iam populo patefeceram, verum etiam illius in qua uno teste, quantum ad homines adtinet, detinebar. Servavi, inquam, fidem promissionis, non iurationis, in tanto periculo. Quod licet falso, sicut postea comperimus, metuebatur, omnibus tamen, si quod esset, communiter inpendebat, et erat metus ipse communis, ac propter ecclesiam, in qua eramus, maxime metuens abscedere cogitabam. Sed metuendum fuit, ne magis me absente tale aliquid faceret et reverentia minor et dolor ardentior. Deinde, si cum fratre

Alypio discederem per populum constipatum, caven-

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) would not believe that this could possibly happen, but the crowd standing before the steps and expressing their unchanged and obstinate determination with the most persistent and hideous din and shouting made them irresolute and perplexed. It was then that those opprobrious outcries arose against my brother, and then that I was afraid of more serious consequences.

Yet, although I was much perturbed at the excitement among the people and the turmoil in the church, and assured the crowd only of my inability to ordain him against his will, even under those circumstances I was not induced to make any suggestion to him about accepting priestly orders, for that was just what I had promised I would not do ; if I could have succeeded in making him accept my suggestion, then he would not be ordained against his will. I remained faithful to both promises, not only the one I had revealed to the people, but also the other which, so far as men were concerned, had only one witness to bind me. I was faithful, I repeat, even in the face of such danger, to what was a promise, not an oath. We learned afterwards that our apprehensions of danger were without foundation, yet whatever danger there was threatened all of us alike, and the apprehension was shared by all, and I myself had thoughts of withdrawing, being chiefly apprehensive for the safety of the church in which we were gathered. But there was reason to fear that if I were not there, some such outrage mJght be more likely to result from the increase of their disrespect and the greater violence of their resentment. Further, if I did leave in company with brother Alypius through the crowded ranks of the people,

ST. AUGUSTINE

dum fuitj ne quisquam in euni manum mittere auderet ; si autem sine illo, quae frons esset existimationis, si quid ei fortassis accideret et viderer eum propterea deseruisse, ut furenti populo traderetur.

3 Inter hos aestus meos gravemque maerorem et nullius consilii respirationem, ecce repente atque inopinate sanctus filius noster Pinianus mittit ad me servum dei, qui mihi diceret eum se velle populo iurare quod, si esset ordinatus in\dtus, ex Africa discederet omnino, credo, existimans eos, quando quidem peierare non posset, non iam ulterius infructuosa perseverantia clamaturos ad expellendum hinc hominem, quem saltem deberemus habere vicinum. Mihi autem quia videbatur vehementiorem eorum dolorem post hanc iurationem fuisse metuendum, apud me tacitus habui, et quia simul petierat ut ad eum venirem, non distuU. Cum mihi dixisset hoc ipsum, continuo et illud adiunxit eidem iurationi, quod mihi, dum ad eum pergo, per alium dei servum mandaverat, de praesentia scihcet sua, si ei clericatus sarcinam nolenti nullus inponeret. Hie ego in tantis angustiis quasi aura spirante recreatus nihil ei respondi, sed ad fratrem Alypium gradu concitatiore perrexi eique quid dixerit, dixi. At ille, ut existimo, devitans ne quid se auctore fieret, unde vos putabat of Fendi : " Hinc me," inquit, " nemo consulat." Quo 228

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) we should have had to see that no one ventured to lay hands upon him ; while if I left without him, what a shameful reputation I should earn if anything happened to him and I appeared to have deserted him with the sole purpose of delivering him over to the frenzy of the people.

Amid this feverish anxiety and oppressive anguish, 3 when I was without a breath of any plan, lo ! our holy son Pinianus suddenly and unexpectedly sends a servant of God to me to tell me that he wanted him to swear to the people that, if he were ordained against his will, he would leave Africa altogether ; his notion was, I imagine, that seeing he could not break his oath, they would not go on clamouring with such persistence, if it only resulted in driving from the country a man whom we ought at least to have as a neighbour. But since it appeared to me that we had to fear a more violent outburst of resentment from them in consequence of an oath of this kind, I kept it to myself and said nothing about it ; and as he had asked at the same time that I should go to him, I went at once. After telling me the same thing, he immediately added to that oath a point that he had sent another servant of God to put to me while I was on my way to him, namely, about his residence in Hippo, provided that no one compelled him to undertake the burden of clerical office against his will. At such an impasse, this refreshed me like a breath of air, but I said nothing to him and went with hurried step to brother Alypius and told him what he had said. But he, seeking, I think, to avoid responsibility for any occurrence that he thought might give you offence, made answer, " Let no one ask my advice about it." On hearing this, I returned

ST. AUGUSTINE

audito, ad populum tumultuantem perrexi, factoque silentio, quid promissum esset, cum promissione etiam iurationis aperui. Illi vero, qui solum eius presbyterium cogitabant atque cupiebant, non ita ut putabam, quod oblatum fuerat, acceperunt, sed inter se aliquantulum mussitantes petiverunt ut adderetur eidem promissioni atque iurationi, ut, si quando illi ad suscipiendum clericatum consentire placuisset, non nisi in ipsa Hipponiensi ecelesia consentiret.

Rettuli ad eum ; sine dubitatione adnuit. Renuntiavi illis ; laetati sunt et mox iurationem pollicitam poposcerunt.

4 Reverti ad filium nostrum eumque inveni fluctuantem quibusnam verbis comprehendi posset ilia cum iuratione promissio propter necessitates inruentes, quae possent eum ut abscederet, cogere.

Simul etiam quid timeret ostendit, ne quis inruisset hostilis incursus, qui esset discessione vitandus.

Volebat addi sancta Melania et aeris morbidi causationem, sed illius responsione reprehensa est. Ego autem dixi gravem ab illo et non contemnendam causam necessitatis ingestam, quae cives etiam emigrare compelleret ; sed si haec populo dicerentur, timendum esse ne male nos ominari videremur, si autem sub generali necessitatis nomine fieret excusatio, non nisi fraudulentam necessitatem putari.

Placuit tamen ut de hac re populi animum experiremur, et nihil aliud quam id quod putaveramus, invenimus. Nam cum eius verba a diacono dicta

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) to the people, who were still in an uproar, and when silence had been obtained, I made them aware of the promise he had made and of the oath he had promised in addition. But as their mind and heart were set only on making him a priest, they did not accept his offer as I thought they would, but after a short time of muttering among themselves, demanded that he would add to his promise and oath the declaration that, if ever he decided to consent to undertake clerical office, he should do so only in the church of Hippo. I reported this to him ; he agreed without hesitation ; I returned to them Avith his answer ; they were overjoyed, and presently demanded the oath he had promised.

I returned to our son, and found him at a loss for 4< words in which to frame his promise confirmed by his oath, allowing for necessities that might occur to make his departure essential. At the same time, too, he revealed what it was he feared, namely, the occurrence of a hostile invasion, to avoid which it would be necessary to depart. The saintly Melania wanted to add to this the excuse of the unhealthy climate, but his reply to this reproved her. I stated that he had brought forward a ground of necessity that was grave and not to be despised, one which would compel the inhabitants as well to abandon the town ; but if that reason were intimated to the people, it was to be feared that we might seem to be prophesying disaster, while if his excuse were stated in general terms of necessity, they would think that the necessity was only a make-believe. Yet he decided that we should test the mind of the people about it, and we found the result was exactly what we had anticipated. For when his words were read out to them

ST. AUGUSTINE

recitarentur et omnia placuissent, ubi nomen interpositae necessitatis insonuit, continue reclamatum est promissioque displicuit, tumultu recrudescente et nihil aliud quam fraude secum agi populo existimante. Quod cum sanctus filius noster vidisset, iussit inde auferri nomen necessitatis rursumque ad laetitiam populus remeavit.

5 Et ut lassitudinem recusarem, sine me ad plebem accedere noluit ; simul accessimus. Dixit ea quae a diacono audita erant, se mandasse, se iurasse, eaque se esse facturum, continuoque omnia eo tenore quo dictaverat, prosecutus est. Responsum est : " Deo gratias," et petitum ut totum scriptum subscriberetur. Dimisimus catechumenos continuoque scriptum subscripsit. Deinde peti coepimus nos episcopi, non vocibus populi sed tamen a populo per honestos fideles, ut nos quoque subscriberemus. At ubi coepi subscribere, sancta Melania contradixit. Miratus sum quare tam sero, quasi promissionem illam et iurationem nos non subscribendo facere possemus infectam ; sed tamen obtemperavi, ac sic remansit mea non plena subscriptio nee ultra nobis quisquam, ut subscriberemus, putavit instandum.

6 Qui autem alio die, posteaquam ipsum discessisse didicerunt, fuerint motus vel linguae hominum, quantum satis arbitratus sum, sanctitati vestrae per " The catechumens were not allowed to be present at any rites or prayers (save the "prayers for the catechumens") or discourses on the inner mysteries of the Faith, though they heard the ordinary sermons (" ecce post sermonem fit missa catechumenis : manebunt fideles, venietur ad locum orationis," Serm. 49. 8). 232

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) by the mouth of a deacon and everything had been received with approbation, as soon as the word " necessity " that he had introduced fell on their ears, they immediately remonstrated and took exception to his promise, while the outcry was renewed, and the people jumped to the conclusion that the negotiations were meant only to deceive them. When our holy son perceived this, he ordered the word necessity to be struck out, and the people were restored to their condition of delight.

And although I pleaded weariness, he would not 5 approach the people without me, so we went together. He stated that it was his message they had heard the deacon recite, that he had confirmed it by oath and would carry out what he had promised, and straightway he repeated everything just as he had dictated it. The response was made, " Thanks be to God," and it was asked that the whole written statement should be subscribed. We dismissed the catechumens and straightway he subscribed the statement. Then the people began to ask (not by shouting out, but still through some of the faithful of good report, commissioned by them) that I, as bishop, should subscribe it too. But when I began to subscribe it, the saintly Melania opposed it. I wondered why she intervened at that late hour, as if my refraining from subscribing could invalidate his promise and oath ; but yet I humoured her, and so my subscription remained unfinished, and no one thought of insisting any further on my subscribing.

But M'hat the feelings and remarks of people were 6 on the follodng day, after they learned of his departure, I have taken the trouble to indicate to you, my saintly friend, as far as seemed to me necessary, in

ST. AUGUSTINE

commonitorium intimare cura^-i. Quisquis itaque vobis contraria his quae narravi, forte narra\Tit, aut mentitur aut fallitur. Quaedam enim quae mihi ad curam non pertinere visa sunt, praetermisisse me sentio, nulla tamen falsa dixisse. Proinde sanctus filius noster Pinianus quod me praesente ac permittente iuraverit, verum est ; quod autem me praecipiente iuraverit, falsum est. Scit ipse, sciunt servi dei quos ad me misit, primo sanctus Barnabas, deinde Timasius, per quem etiam de promissione praesentiae suae mihi mandavit. Ipse quoque populus ad presbyterium, non ad ius iurandum clamando cogebat ; sed oblatum sibi non respuit, ea spe quo posset in eodem apud nos habitante voluntas fieri, quo consentiret ad ordinationem, ne, sicut iuraverat, si invitus ordinaretur, abscederet. Ac per hoc et illi propter opus dei clamaverunt — neque enim sanctificatio presbyterii non est opus dei — et, quod postea de promissa praesentia gratulati non sunt, nisi adderetur quod, si quando ad suscipiendum clericatum consentire vellet, non nisi in Hipponiensi ecclesia consentiret, satis in promptu est quod etiam de ipsa eius apud se habitatione speraverint, ideoque ab illo operis dei desiderio non recesserunt.

7 Quo modo ergo dicis hoc eos fecisse turpissimo appetitu pecuniae } Primo quia ad plebem, quae clamabat, omnino non pertinet ; sicut enim plebs

Tagastensis de his, quae contulistis ecclesiae Taga-

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) my official communication. Anyone, therefore, who happens to give you an account which contradicts the one I have given you is either lying or misinformed.

I am conscious of having passed over certain points which seemed to m.e irrelevant to my purpose, but not of having made any false statement. Likewise, it is true that our holy son, Pinianus, took the oath in my presence and with my permission, but it is not true that he took it at my instigation. He knows this himself ; the servants of God whom he sent to me know it, first the saintly Barnabas, then Timasius, by whom too he sent me the message about his promise to take up residence in Hippo. The people, too, were urging him by their cries to accept office as priest, not to take an oath ; but when it was offered, they did not refuse it, in the hope that, if he came to live among us, he might become willing to agree to ordination, and that he would not take his departure, as he had sworn to do, if he were ordained against his will. And so even they were actuated in their outcries by concern for God's work—for the consecration to priesthood is surely God's work—and afterwards feeling dissatisfied with his promise of residence here without the further stipulation that if he eventually decided to agree to undertake clerical office he would do so only in the church of Hippo, it is quite evident that they were hopeful too of his taking up house among them, and so, here too, they did not depart from their zeal for God's work.

How then can you maintain that in so doing they 7 were impelled by a base love of money? In the first place, the people who raised the outcry have simply nothing to do with that ; for just as the people of Tagaste derive from your gifts to the church of

ST. AUGUSTINE

stensi, non habet nisi gaudium boni operis vestri, sic et Hipponiensis et cuiuslibet alterius loci, ubi de mammona iniquitatis domini praecepta fecistis vel estis ubicumque facturi. Non ergo populus, ut de tanto viro ecclesiae consuleret suae, ardentissime flagitans suuni pecuniarium commoduni quaesivit a vobis, sed vestrum pecuniae contemptum dilexit in vobis. Nam si in me dilexerunt quod audierant paucis agellulis paternis contemptis ad dei liberam ser\'itutem me fuisse conversum, neque in hoc inviderunt ecclesiae Tagastensi, quae carnalis patria mea est, sed, cum ilia mihi clericatum non inposuisset, quando potuerunt, habendum invaserunt, quanto flagrantius in nostro Piniano amare potuerunt tantam mundi istius cupiditatem, tantas opes, tantam spem tanta conversione superatam atque calcatam ! Ego quippe secundum multorum sensum comparantium semet ipsos sibimet ipsis non divitias dimisisse, sed ad divitias videor venisse. Vix enim vigesima particula res mea paterna existimari potest in comparatione praediorum ecclesiae, quae nunc ut dominus existimor possidere. In qualibet autem maxime Africanarum ecclesiarum hie noster non dico presbyter sed episcopus sit, comparatus pristinis opibus suis, etiamsi animo dominantis egerit, pauperrimus erit. Multo ergo liquidius et securius in hoc amatur Christiana paupertas, in quo nulla rerum ampliorum potest putari cupiditas. Hoc accendit animos populi, hoc " Luke xvi. 9. * 2 Cor. x. 12. 236

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI)

Tagaste only joy in your good deed, so, too, with the people of Hippo and of any other place where you have followed out the Lord's injunctions about the "mammon of unrighteousness,"" or wherever you will do so. Thus, in demanding with such eagerness that their own church should reap the advantage of so outstanding a man, the people did not seek their own monetary gain from you, but testified their esteem for the scorn of money in you. For if because they had heard that I had scorned my few paternal acres and had turned to the willing bondage of God, they testified their esteem for me and did not grudge them to the church of Tagaste, which is my earthly birthplace, but, since it had not imposed clerical office upon me, laid violent hands upon me when they had the opportunity to make me their own, how much more ardently could they esteem in our friend Pinianus his overcoming and treading under foot such worldly ambitions, such wealth, such prospects ! I indeed appear in the opinion of many who compare themselves with themselves ^ not to have forsaken a fortune but to have come into a fortune, for my patrimony can scarcely be reckoned to be a twentieth part in proportion to the property of the church, which I am now considered to possess as a master. But let our brother become

I do not say a priest, but a bishop in any church, especially in Africa, he will be extremely poor, in comparison with his former wealthy condition, even if he acts in the spirit of a proprietor. In one in whom there can be no suspicion of coveting a position of greater affluence, the love of Christian poverty is therefore much more clearly apparent and certain.

It was that which inflamed the people's mind and

ST. AUGUSTINE

in illam violentiam perseverantissimi clamoris erexit. Non eos turpis cupiditatis insuper accusemus, sed magis bonum quod ipsi non habent, saltern in aliis diligere sine crimine permittamus. Nam etsi fuerunt illi niultitudini permixti inopes vel niendici, qui simul clamabant et de vestra venerabili redundantia indigentiae suae supplementum sperabant, nee ista, ut arbitror, cupiditas turpis est.

8 Restat ergo ut iste pecuniae turpissimus appetitus ex obliquo in clericos et niaxime in episcopum dirigatur. Nos enim rebus ecclesiae dominari existimamur, nos opibus frui. Postremo quicquid de istis nos accepimus, nos vel adhuc possidemus vel, ut placuit, erogavimus ; nihil inde populo extra clericatum vel extra monasterium constituto nisi paucissimis indigentibus largiti sumus. Non ergo dico quia vel in nos maxime a vobis dici ista debuerunt, verum tamen in nos solos credibiliter dici potuerunt. Quid ergo faciemus ? Qua nos, si apud inimicos non possumus, saltern apud vos ratione purgamus ? Res haec animi est, intus est, procul ab oculis secreta mortalium deo tantum modo nota est. Quid ergo restat nisi deum testari, cui nota est ? Cum ergo de nobis ista sentitis, non praecipitis quod multo melius est et quod mihi in epistula tua tamquam culpabile obiciendum putasti, sed omnino cogitis ut iuremus, non intentato metu mortis carnis nostrae, NO. S3 (Ep. CXXVI) stirred them up to that violent and most insistent clamom-. Let us not accuse them in addition of sordid covetousness, but rather let us allow them, without imputation of base motives, to esteem in others at least the good they themselves do not possess. For even if that crowd had an admixture of poor persons or beggars who joined in the shouting and hoped for an addition to their meagre store from what your Honours could spare, even that, in my opinion, is not sordid covetousness.

It remains, then, that your charge of a most sordid : lust for money is indirectly levelled at the clergy, and especially at the bishop. For it is we who are thought to be lording it over the Church's property, and to be enjoying its resources. In short, whatever income we have received from those sources, it is we who either have it still in our possession or have expended it as we pleased ; no portion of it have we distributed to the people who are outside the ranks of clergy or outside the monastery, except to a very few in want. I do not say, then, that the charges you made were necessarily uttered against us particularly, but that we are the only people against whom they could be credibly uttered. What then shall we do ?

If we cannot clear ourselves before our enemies, how at least shall we do so before you ? It is a matter of conscience, it lies within, hidden from mortal eyes, and is known only to God. What then remains to us but to call as our witness upon God, to Whom it is all known ? Since such is your feeling about us, you do not enjoin us to take the much better course which you have thought fit in your letter to cast up to me as blameworthy, but you absolutely force me to take an oath, not threatening me with the death

ST. AUGUSTINE

quod populus Hipponiensis fecisse putatus est, sed intentato metu mortis existimationis nostrae, quae propter infirmos quibus nos praebere ad exemplum bonorum operum qualicunique conversatione conamur, etiam vitae carnis huius utique praeponenda est.

9 Verum tamen vobis nos ita cogentibus ut iuremus, non suseensemus, sicut vos Hipponiensibus suscensetis. Creditis enim, tamquam homines de hominibus, etsi ea quae in nobis non sunt, non tamen ea quae in nobis esse non possunt. Sananda ista in vobis, non accusanda sunt, et nostra purganda vobis est fama, si est domino purgata conscientia. Qui fortasse praestabit, sicut ante quam accidisset ista temptatio ego et frater mens Alypius conlocuti sumus, ut non solum vobis carissimis commembris nostris, verum etiam ipsis inimicis notissimum fiat nulla nos cupiditate pecuniae in rebus ecclesiasticis sordidari. Quod donee fiat, si dominus donabit ut fiat, ecce nunc interim, quod cogimur facimus, ne vestri cordis medicinam in quantam libet moram temporis differamus. Deus testis est istam omnem rerum ecclesiasticarum procurationem, quarum credimur amare dominatum, propter servitutem quam debeo caritati fratrum et timori dei, tolerare me, non amare, ita ut ea, si salvo officio possim, carere desiderem. Nee aliud me de fratre meo Alypio sentire ipse deus

« Titus ii. 7. 240

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) of this body of mine, as the people of Hippo are supposed to have done, but threatening me with the death of my good reputation, which is surely to be reckoned more precious than even the life of this body, because of the weak brethren, to whom we strive by our conduct, such as it is, to show ourselves an example of good works."

Yet, though you do in this way force me to take an oath, I am not indignant with you, as you are Mith the people of Hippo, for, like men judging other men, even if you believe the things which are not in us, still you do not believe the things that cannot be in us. That is a fault in you that is rather to be cured than to be censured, and, if our conscience is clear in the sight of the Lord, our character has to be cleared in your sight. It may be, as my brother Alypius and I said in conversation before that temptation occurred, that God will grant that not only you, our beloved fellow-Christians, but also our enemies, may know without a shadow of a doubt that no lust for money defiles us in our administration of the Church's business. Until that happen (if the Lord grants it to happen), just see, I am doing as a temporary expedient what you force me to do, in order to avoid the slightest possible delay in soothing your feelings. God is my witness that it is only because of the service I owe to the love of my brethren and the fear of God that I put up with all the administration of the Church's business over which I am supposed to love the exercise of lordship, and that I have so little liking for it that I should wish to do without it, if it could be done without unfaithfulness to my office. God Himself is my witness that I believe the same to be quite true about my brother Alypius. Neverthe-

ST. AUGUSTINE

testis est. Tamen et de illo aliter sentiendo populus et, quod est gravius, Hipponiensis in tantas est illius praecipitatus iniurias et de nobis vos sancti dei et pleni visceribus misericordiae talia credendo nomine eiusdem populi, qui ad causam huiusce modi cupiditatis omnino non pertinet, nos tangere atque admonere voluistis utique ad nos corrigendos, neque enim odio, quod absit a vobis. Unde non irasci sed gratias agere debeo, quod nee verecundius nee liberius agere potuistis, ut episcopo non quasi con\-iciose obiceretis quod sentiebatis, sed ex obliquo intellegendum relinqueretis.

10 Nee molestum sit vobis ut vos velut gravatos arbitremini, quia iurandum putavi. Neque enim gravabat apostolus aut eos parum diligebat quibus dieebat : Non in sermone adulationis fuimus apud vos neque in occasione cupiditatis ; deus testis est. Rei quippe apertae ipsos testes adhibuit, rei autem occultae quem nisi deum ? Si ergo ille merito est veritus ne humana ignorantia de illo aliquid tale sentiret, cuius labor in promptu omnibus erat, quod nisi summa necessitate a populis quibus Christi gratiam dispensabat, in usus suos aliquid non sumebat, cetera vero suo victui necessaria suis manibus transigebat ; quanto magis nobis laborandum est, ut credatur, qui et merito sanctitatis et virtute animi longe inpares sumus nee aliquid ad sustentacula vitae huius operari nostris manibus possumus, et si posse-

° 1 Thess. ii. 5. 242

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) less, because in his case the people (and what is worse, the people of Hippo) held a different belief, they rushed into that abuse of him, and in our case, because you believed such accusations, though nominally censuring the same people, who have simply nothing to do with this charge of covetousness, you, M'ho are saints of God and full of tender compassion, tried to get at us and reprove us, though to be sure it was for our improvement, and not from dislike—far be that from you. And so I should not be angry, but grateful, since you could not have acted in a more respectful or a more courteous manner, not offensively hurling at the bishop the reproof you had in mind, but leaving it to be indirectly understood.

Do not be offended and think yourselves in a 10 way ill-used, that I have thought it necessary to take an oath, for the apostle was not ill-using or ceasing to have affection for those to whom he said, " Neither used we at any time flattering words, as ye know, nor took any opportunity for covetousness; God is witness." ** For the known fact he took them to witness themselves, but for the hidden fact, God alone. If he then was right in fearing that human ignorance might conceive some such opinion about himself, whose labours were open for all men to see and who only in extreme necessity took anything for his own benefit from the peoples to whom he ministered the grace of Christ, producing with his own hands everything necessary for his sustenance ; how much more should we exert ourselves to secure men's confidence, for both in holy merit and in mental courage we are far inferior and are unable with our own hands to make anything that would support this life ; even if we could, the

ST. AUGUSTINE

mus, tantis occupationibus, quas tunc illos non credo fuisse perpessosj nequaquam sineremur ! Non ergo ulterius in hac causa populo Christiano, quae ecclesia est dei, obiciatur pecuniae turpissimus appetitus.

Tolerabilius enim nobis obicitur, in quos huius mali quamvis falsa, tamen verisimilis suspicio cadere potuit, quam illis quos ab hoc appetitu et a suspicione constat alienos.

11 Denegare autem iurationem qualibet fide praeditas mentes, quanto magis fide Christiana, non dico aliquid contrarium confimiare, sed omnino dubitare, fas non est. De qua re quid sentiam, satis, ut arbitror, in epistula quam ad fratrem meum scripsi, planissime aperui. Scripsit mihi sanctitas tua : "Si aut ego aut Hipponienses hoc censent, ut iuri iurando violenter extorto satis fiat." Tu enim ipsa quid censes ? Placetne tibi, ut etiam certa morte imminente, quod tunc inaniter metuebatur, nomen domini dei sui in fallaciam Christianus adsumat, deum suum testem falsitati Christianus adhibeat ? Qui profecto si praeter iurationem ad falsum testimonium morte imminente cogeretur, maculare vitam suam magis timere debuit quam finire. Hostiles inter se acies et armatae certe apertissima mortis intentione confligunt, et tamen, cum invicem iurant, laudamus fidem servantes, fallentes autem merito detestamur. Ut autem iurarent, quid utraeque ab alterutris nisi occidi vel capi timuerunt ? Ac per hoc vel mortis vel captivltatis metu extortae iurationi " His letter to Alypius, Ep. cxxv., discussing how far an oath is binding. 244

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) many demands upon us, such as I do not think they in their day endured, would altogether prevent us. So in this matter let no further reproach of the base lust for money be made against the Christian people who constitute the Church of God. It is more tolerable that it should be made against us, for on us suspicion of that sin could fall, though without ground, yet not without probability, than upon those who are well known to be far removed from this lust and this suspicion.

For minds endowed with any faith—and how much 11 more Christian faith!—to deny an oath, I do not say to assert anything that contradicts it, but to waver in regard to it at all, this is utterly wrong. In the letter"

I wTote to my brother I have, I think, revealed with sufficient clearness my opinion on this point. Your Holiness has ^\Titten to me, asking whether the people of Hippo or I think that anyone should abide by an oath that was extorted by force. What do you think yourself.^ Does it meet with your approval that a Christian should call upon the name of the Lord his God with intent to deceive, that a Christian should make his God a witness to a falsehood, even under the menace of certain death, the fear of which was in this case unfounded ? Surely if he were compelled by the menace of death to bear false witness besides his oath, he ought to fear the loss of honour more than the loss of life. Hostile armies confront each other with weapons and contend with the undoubted and avowed purpose of dealing death, and yet when they take an oath to each other, we praise those who keep their word and rightly execrate those who break it. What impelled them to take an oath, unless the fear on each side of being slain or captured ? And so, unless the oath extorted by the fear of either

ST. AUGUSTINE

nisi parcatur, nisi fides quae ibi data est custodiatur, sacrilegii, periurii crimine detinentur etiam tales homines, qui magis metuunt peierare quam hominem occidere ; et nos, utrum implenda sit extorta iuratio servorum dei munere sanctitatis praeminentium, monachorum ad perfectionem mandatorum Christi reruni etiam suarum distributione currentium, quasi diseeptaturi ponimus quaestionem.

12 Nam quid exilii vel deportationis aut relegationis nomine promissa ilia praesentia praegravatur, obsecro te ? Puto quod presbyterium non est exilium. Hoc ergo noster eligeret quam illud exilium ? Absit a nobis ut sic sanctus dei et nobis carissimus defendatur ; absit, inquam, ut dicatur maluisse exilium quam presbyterium aut maluisse periurium quam exilium. Haec dicerem, si vere a nobis aut a populo iuratio ei fuisset extorta promittendae praesentiae ; nunc vero non extorta est dum negaretur, sed, dum of Ferretur accepta, et hoc ea spe, sicut supra diximus, quia per illam praesentiam creditum est eum etiam ad clericatum suscipiendum posse desiderantibus consentire. Postremo, quodlibet de nobis vel de

Hipponiensibus sentiatur, longe alia est eorum causa qui coegerint iurare, quam eorum qui non dicam coegerint, sed suaserint, peierare. Ipse etiam de quo agitur, considerare non renuat utrum sit peius

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) death or captivity be respected, unless the faith they have pledged in it be kept, even men of that kind are held back by the fear of being charged with sacrilege and perjury, because they are more afraid of breaking faith than of taking human life ; and yet we debate like splitters of hairs whether an oath should be fulfilled that was extorted from servants of God who are most notable by reason of their holiness, from ascetics who even by the distribution of their own property are swift to carry out Christ's commandments.

Is it that his promised residence here, I ask you, 12 is burdened with the name of exile or transportation or banishment ? I do not suppose that the office of priest is an exile. Would our friend then choose it in preference to that exile ? Far be it from us to make that excuse for one who is a saint of God and very dear to ourselves ; far be it from us, I repeat, to say of him that he preferred exile to the priestly office, or preferred perjury to exile. I might say that, if the oath by which he promised to reside here had been really extorted from him by us or by the people, but in point of fact it was not extorted in spite of his refusal, but accepted on being proffered, and that in the hope and belief, as I said above, that by his residence here he might possibly comply with their desire that he should undertake clerical office. In the last place, whatever opinion be entertained of the people of Hippo or of us, there is a great difference between the case of those who may have compelled him to take the oath and that of those who may have persuaded, not to say compelled, him to break it. Further, let him of whom we speak not refuse to consider whether an oath taken under the compulsion

ST. AUGUSTINE

sub quolibet timore ius iurandum, an remoto timore ipso periurium.

13 Deo gratias quia non aliter Hipponienses promissum circa se impleri sentiunt, quam ut adsit voluntate habitandi, et eat quo necesse fuerit, cum dispositione redeundi. Nam si verba iurationis adtenderent et exigerent, nuUo modo servus dei recedere quam ullo modo debuit peierare. Sed quia crimen eorum esset non dico talem virum sed quemlibet hominem sic tenere, nee ipsi aliam expectationem se habuisse probaverunt, qui audientes quod rediturus abscesserit, gratulati sunt, nee aliud illis verax iuratio debet quam id quod ab ilia expectaverunt. Quid est autem, quod dicitur eum iuratione ore suo expressa exceptionem fecisse necessitatis, quasi non ore suo rursus hoc iussit auferri ? Certe ad populum quando ipse locutus est, tunc etiam interponeret. Quod si fecisset, non utique responderetur : " Deo gratias," sed ad illam rediretur reclamationem quae facta fuerat quando sic a diacono recitatum est. Et numquid ad rem pertinet, sive interposita sit ad recedendum necessitatis excusatio sive non sit ? Nihil ab illo aliud expectatum est quam id quod supra diximus. Expectationem autem eorum quibus iuratur quisquis deceperit, non potest esse non periurus, NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI) of any kind of fear is a worse thing than the breaking of that oath, when the actual fear has been removed.

Thanks be to God that the people of Hippo regard 13 his promise towards themselves as being fulfilled if he comes to the town %\'ith the intention of residing in it, and departs whither necessity calls him with the purpose of returning. If they were to regard the letter of his oath and demand its literal fulfilment, God's servant ought in no wise to depart rather than in any -sdse to break his M'ord. Yet, since it would be criminal for them so to bind any individual, not to mention a man of his quality, they themselves have proved that they entertained no other expectation, for on hearing that he had departed with the promise of return, they manifested their satisfaction ; and fidelity to an oath requires no more and no less than the performance of what was anticipated from it by those to whom it was made. What is the use of saying that in taking the oath that he framed with his own lips, he added a proviso about circumstances that might necessitate his leaving the town ; the fact is that \\'ith his own lips he again ordered that clause to be struck out. To be sure, he might have put it in again when he spoke to the people, but if he had, they surely would not have made answer, " Thanks be to God ! " but would have returned to that protest which they made when it was read out by the deacon with the proviso inserted. And does it really affect the point, whether the excuse of necessity for leaving the town was inserted or was not ? Nothing more and nothing less was expected from him than what I mentioned above, and anyone who disappoints the expectations of those to whom he takes an oath cannot be anything but a perjurer.

ST. AUGUSTINE

14 Fiat ergo quod promissum est, et infirmorum corda sanentur, ne tanto exemplo, quibus hoc placuerit, ad imitandum periurium aedificentur, quibus autem displicet, iustissime dieant nulli nostrum credendum esse non solum promittenti aliquid sed etiam iuranti. Hinc enim potius cavendae sunt linguae inimicorum, de quibus tamquam iaculis ad interficiendos infirmos maior ille utitur inimicus. Sed absit ut de tali anima speremus aliud quam quod dei timor inspirat et tanta quae in ilia est excellentia sanctitatis hortatur. Ego autem, quern dicis etiam prohibere debuisse, fateor, non potui sic sapere, ut tanto vel tumultu vel of Fensione magis everti vellem ecclesiam cui servio, quam id quod a tali viro nobis of Ferebatur, accipere.

No. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII) DOMINO EXIMIO ET MERITO INSIGNI ATQUE

CARISSIMO FILIO MARCELLING AUGUSTINUS

EFISCOPUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Circumcelliones illos et clericos partis Donati, quos " Marcellinus, a tribune and notary, was brother to Apringius, proconsul of Africa, and was appointed by the Emperor Honorius to preside over an inquiry into the dispute between CathoHcs and Donatists. This conference took place in June 411, and in spite of the impartiality and moderation shown by Marcehinus, the Donatists accused him of receiving bribes (Ep. cxU. ; Cod. Theod. xvi. 11. 5). In this letter, and in cxxxviii. and cxxxix., Augustine deplores the violence of the Circumcellions, but exhorts him to show mercy to those misguided fanatics. Marcellinus and Augustine were on terms of close friendship, and to him Augustine dedicated his De Peccatorum Meritis et Remissione, De Spiritu et Littera, and the first two books of the De Civitate Dei, which he says were written at Marcellinus's 250

NO. 33 (Ep. CXXVI)—NO. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII)

Therefore let his promise be fulfilled and the heart 14 of the weak brethren be healed, so that this notable precedent may not encourage those who approve of it to commit similar perjury, or those who disapprove of it to say with perfect justice that no one of us is to be believed, not only on promise of anything, but even on oath. In this connexion we ought rather to safeguard ourselves against the tongues of our enemies, which our greater enemy employs like darts to slay the weak. But be it far from us to hope for anything from a soul like his, other than M'hat the fear of God inspires, and its own great, native excellence of holiness exhorts. As for myself, you say I ought actually to have forbidden his oath, but I confess I could not be so minded as to prefer seeing the church I serve overthrown by such an uproarious outbreak to accepting the offer made to me by a man of his standing.

No. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII) (a.d. 411) TO MY NOBLE AND JUSTLY DISTINGUISHED

LORD AND DEAREST SON, MARCELLINUS,'» BISHOP AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

Those Circumcellions and clergy of the Donatist 1 suggestion. In 413, during the revolt of Heraclian, Marcellinus and his brother were seized, imprisoned, and, in spite of a petition from several of the African bishops, put to death. Ep. cli. narrates the circumstances of his death and pays a noble tribute to his memory. The impartial conduct of Marcellinus towards the Donatists was commemorated in an imperial decree {Cod. Theod. xvi, 5. oo)^ and his memory is honoured by the Church of Rome on April 6.

ST. AUGUSTINE

de Hipponiensi ad iudicium pro factis eorum publicae disciplinae cura deduxerat, a tua nobilitate comperi auditos et plurimos eorum de homicidio quod in Restitutum, catholicum presbyterum, commiserunt, et de caede Innocentii, alterius catholic! presbyteri» atque de oculo eius ef Fosso et digito praeciso, fuisse confessos. Unde mihi sollicitudo maxima incussa est, ne forte sublimitas tua censeat eos tanta legum severitate plectendos, ut qualia fecerunt, talia patiantur. Ideoque his Htteris obtestor fidem tuam, quam habes in Christo, per ipsius domini Christi misericordiam, ut hoc nee facias nee fieri omnino permittas. Quamvis enim ab eorum interitu dissimulare possumus, qui non accusantibus nostris sed illorum notoria, ad quos tuendae pub Ucae pacis vigilantia pertinebat, praesentati videantur examini, nolumus tamen passiones servorum dei quasi vice tahonis paribus supp Uciis vindicari, non quo scelestis hominibus hcentiam facinorum prohibeamus auferri, sed hoc magis sufficere volumus, ut vivi et nulla corporis parte truncati vel ab inquietudine insana ad sanitatis otium legum cohercitione dirigantur vel a malignis operibus alicui utili operi deputentur. Vocatur quidem et ista damnatio, sed quis non intellegat magis beneficium quam supplicium nuncupandum, ubi nee saeviendi relaxetur audacia nee paenitendi medicina subtrahatur ?

NO. S4 (Ep. CXXXIII) party whom the guardians of pubUc order had taken from Hippo to be tried for their misdeeds, have been heard. I am informed, bv your Excellency, and the majority of them have confessed to having murdered Restitutus, a Catholic priest, and beaten Innocentius, another Catholic priest, and gouged out his eye and cut off a finger. This news has plunged me into the deepest anxiety, lest perchance your Highness may decide that they must endure a legal sentence so severe that their punishment shall be similar in kind to their crime. For that reason I implore you by the faith you have in Christ, by the mercy of Christ the Lord Himself, neither to do this nor to let it be done at all. For although we can disclaim responsibility for the death of men who were clearly made to appear before the court on no accusation of ours, but on the indictment of those officers who were concerned with the safe-guarding of the public peace, still it is not our desire that the sufferings of God's servants shall be avenged by the infliction of similar punishments, as if by way of retaliation ; not that we refuse to allow M-icked men to be deprived of impunity in crime, but that we rather desire that justice be satisfied in such a way as to turn the \^-icked by means of coercive measures from their mad frenzy to the peaceableness of sane men, without taking their life or crippling them in any part of the body, and so set them to some useful work instead of their works of malice. That too is called a penal sentence, but who can fail to see that it is to be termed rather a benefit than a punishment, when, on the one side, bold and frenzied violence is not allowed a free hand, and, on the other, the remedy of repentance is not withheld ?

ST. AUGUSTINE

2 Imple, Christiane iudex, pii patris officium, sic suscense iniquitati, ut consulere humanitati memineris, nee in peecatorum atrocitatibus exereeas uleiscendi libidinem, sed peecatorum vulneribus eurandi adhibeas voluntatem. Noli perdere paternani diligentiam, quam in ipsa inquisitione servasti, quando tantorum seelerum confessionem non extendente eculeo, non sulcantibus ungulis, non urentibus flammis, sed virgarum verberibus eruisti,—qui modus cohercitionis et a magistris artium liberalium et ab ipsis parentibus et saepe etiam in iudiciis solet ab episcopis haberi. Noli ergo atrocius vindicare quod lenius invenisti. Inquirendi quam puniendi necessitas maior est ; ad hoc enim et mitissimi homines facinus occultatum diligenter atque instanter examinant, ut inveniant quibus parcant. Unde plerumque necesse est, exerceatur acrius inquisitio, ut manifestato scelere, sit ubi appareat mansuetudo. Omnia quippe bona opera amant in luce constitui non propter humanam gloriam, sed ut videant, ait dominus, bona opera vestra et glorificent patrem vestrum, qui iji caelis est. Et ideo non sufficit apostolo monere ut mansuetudinem servaremus, sed ut earn etiam notam omnibus faceremus : Mansuetudo, inquit, vestra nota sit omnibus hominibus, et alio loco : Mansuetudinem ostentantes ad omnes homines, ut nee ilia sancti David, quando inimico sibi in manus tradito clementer pepercit, praeclarissima lenitas emineret, " Matt. V. 16. ^ Phil. iv. 5. ^ Titus iii. 2. ^ The reference is to David's sparing the life of Saul in the cave at En-gedi, when David cut off the skirt of Saul's robe (1 Samuel xxiv. 1-8). 254

NO. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII)

Christian judge, fulfil the duty of a devoted father ; 2 be angry at wickedness, yet forget not humane considerations, and do not give rein to the desire to seek revenge for the atrocity of their sinful deeds, but exert your will to the curing of the sores of the sinners. Do not lose that fatherly care that you maintained at the inquiry, when you extracted the confession of those heinous offences, not by stretching them on the rack, or by furrowing their flesh Mith hooks, or by burning them with flames, but by beating them with rods—a method of coercion employed by schoolmasters and by parents themselves, and often by bishops as well in their courts. Do not then punish with harsher sentence what you found out by gentler methods. The need for finding out is greater than that of punishment, for even the gentlest of men investigate a hidden crime with care and insistence, to the end that they may find out those whom they are to spare. That is why it is usually necessary to pursue the investigation with greater harshness, so that, when the guilt has been brought to light, there may be an opportunity for showing moderation. For all good works delight in being set in the light, not to gratify human vanity, but, as the Lord says, that men " may see your good works and glorify your Father which is in heaven." " And for this reason the Apostle was not satisfied with admonishing us to preserve our moderation, but urged us further to make it known to all, saying, " Let your moderation be known to all men," ^ and elsewhere, " Showing moderation to all men." ^ So, too, that very remarkable forbearance of the holy David, when in his clemency he spared the enemy who was delivered into his hands, ^ would not be so conspicuous, if his

ST. AUGUSTINE

nisi potestas pariter appareret. Non te ergo exasperet vindicandi potestas, cui lenitatem non excussit examinandi necessitas. Noli facinore invento quaerere percussorem, in quo inveniendo noluisti adhibere tortorem.

3 Postremo pro ecclesiae utilitate missus es. Hoc ecelesiae catholicae aut, ut modum dispensationis meae non supergredi videar, hoc ecclesiae ad Hipponiensium-Regiorum dioecesim pertinenti prodesse, hoc expedire contestor. Si non audis aniicum petentem. audi episcopum consulentem, quamvis, quoniam

Christiano loquor, niaxime in tali causa non arroganter dixerim, audire te episcopum convenit iubentem, domine eximie et merito insignis atque carissime fili, unde scio quidem causas ecclesiasticas excellentiae tuae potissimum iniunctas ; sed quia credo istam curam ad virum clarissimum atque spectabilem proconsulem pertinere, ad eum quoque litteras dedi, quas rogo ut ipse iUi tradere et allegare, si opus est, non graveris. Atque ambos obsecro, ne importunam arbitremini vel intercessionem vel suggestionem vel so Uicitudinem nostram, et passiones catholicorum servorum dei, quae infirmis ad aedificationem spiritalem utiles esse debent, baud reciproca inimicorum, a quibus passi sunt, poena decoloretis, sed potius refracta iudiciaria severitate et vestram fidem, quia filii estis ecclesiae, et ipsius matris mansuetu256

NO. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII) power to act otherwise were not equally apparent. So then, do not let your power to exact punishment drive you to harsh measures, when the need for making an investigation did not make you discard your clemency. Do not send for the executioner after finding out the crime, when to find it out you did not use the services of the torturer.

Finally, it is for the benefit of the Church that you S have been sent. I solemnly avow that such a line of action is to the advantage of the Church as a whole or, not to have the appearance of going beyond the limits of my own stewardship, of the church belonging to the diocese of Hippo Regius. If you will not give ear to the petition of a friend, give ear to a bishop's advice ; in fact, since I am addressing a Christian, it would not be arrogant in me to say, especially in a matter of this kind, that it is your duty, my noble and justly distinguished lord and wellbeloved son, to give ear to a bishop's commands, concerning that for which most of all, as I know, the Church cases have devolved upon your Excellency ; but as I believe this responsibility belongs to that illustrious and admirable man, the Proconsul, I have written a letter to him too, which I beg you to take the trouble to hand to him and, if need be, to recommend to his notice yourself. And I beseech both of you not to think I am importunate with either my intercession or advice or anxiety, and not to let the sufferings of the Catholic servants of God, which ought to be of benefit in the spiritual upbuilding of the weak, be sullied by the retaliation of punishment on the enemies at whose hand they suffered ; rather, blunting the edge of judicial rigour, exert every effort to commend your faith, since ye s 257

ST. AUGUSTINE

dinem commendare minime neglegatis. Deus omnipotens praestantiam tuam bonis omnibus augeat, domine eximie et merito insignis atque carissime fili.

No. 35 (Ep. CXLIV)

DOMINIS HOXORABILIBUS ET MERITO SUSCIPIENDIS CARISSIMIS AC DESIDERANTISSIMIS FRATRIBUS IN OMNI HONORUM GRADU CIRTENSIBUS AUGUSTINUS EPISCOPUS

1 Si id quod in vestra civitate nos graviter contristabat, absumptum est, si duritia cordis humani resistens manifestissimae et quodam modo publicae veritati eiusdem potentia veritatis evicta est, si sapit dulcedo pads unitatisque caritas non iam reverberat oculos saucios, sed sanos inlustrat ac vegetat, non sunt haec opera nostra sed dei, non haec hunianis opibus oninino tribuereni nee si, cum apud vos essemus, tanta conversio multitudinis nobis loquentibus et hortantibus proveniret. Hoc agit ille et efficit, qui per ministros suos rerum signis extrinsecus admonet, rebus autem ipsis per se ipsum intrinsecus docet. Nee ideo pigrius moveri nos " For Cirta or Constantine see p. 98 n. a. That town was apparently a stronghold of Donatism, and its Donatist bishop, Petilianus, was addressed by Augustine in two treatises. Contra litteras PeUliani and De xmico haptismo contra Petilianum ; there, too, a Donatist council was held in 396 (Ep. xxxiv. 5). After the Conference of 411, Donatists who refused to join the Catholic Church were exposed to the full rigour of the law, and in January 412 Honorius annulled all rescripts in their favour (Cod. Theod. xvi. 5. 52). At Cirta itself a Council of Numidian bishops was held on 258

NO. 34 (Ep. CXXXIII)—NO. 35 (Ep. CXLIV) are sons of the Church, and at the same time the moderation of your Holy Mother.

May Almighty God enrich your Excellency with all good things, my noble and deservedly distinguished lord and well-beloved son.

No. 35 (Ep. CXLRO

BISHOP AUGUSTINE TO MY HONOURABLE AND

JUSTLY ESTEEMED LORDS, MY DEAREST AND MUCH LONGED FOR BRETHREN, THE PEOPLE OF CIRTA « OF ALL RANKS

If that which greatly distressed me in your city 1 has been removed, if the hardness of the human heart, resisting the most evident and, as one might say, the most notorious truth, has been overcome by the power of that same truth, if there is relish for the sweet savour of peace, and the brotherly love that springs from unity no longer dazzles aching eyes, but fills with light and vigour eyes that are sound, this is not my doing, but God's ; I would not in the least attribute it to human resources, even if the conversion of so great a multitude had taken place when I was among you, in response to my own addresses and exhortations. That is His doing. His achievement. Who uses his ministers to draw attention to the external signs of things, but teaches men by things themselves within, through none but Himself. Yet June 14, 412, which addressed a letter (Ep. cxli.) to the Donatist laity. As a result of that Council the people of Cirta returned to the Church, whereupon Augustine wrote this letter of congratulation and exhortation.

ST. AUGUSTINE

oportet ad visendos vos, quoniam quicquid in vobis laudabile factum est, non a nobis sed ab illo factum est, qiti facit mirahilia solus. Multo enim alacrius debemus accurrere ad spectanda opera divina quam nostra, quia et nos, si quid boni sumus, opus illius, non hominum sumus ; unde apostolus dixit : Neque qui plantat est aliquid, neque qui rigat, sed qui i?icrementum dat deus.

2 Xenocrates Polemonem, ut scribitis et nos ex illis litteris recordamur, de fruge temperantiae disputando non solum ebriosum verum et tunc ebrium ad mores alios repente convertit. Quamquam ergo ille, sicut prudent er et veraciter intellexistis, non deo fuerit adquisitus sed tantum a dominatu luxuriae liberatus, tamen ne id ipsum quidem quod melius in eo factum est, humano operi tribuerim sed divino.

Ipsius namque corporis, quod est infimum nostrum, si qua bona sunt sicut forma et vires et salus et si quid eius modi est, non sunt nisi ex deo creatore ac perfectore naturae ; quanto magis animi bona donare nullus alius potest ! Quid enim superbius vel ingratius cogitare potest humana vecordia, si putaverit, cum carne pulchrum deus faciat hominem, animo castum ab homine fieri ? Hoc in libro Christianae sapientiae sic scriptum est : Cum scirem, inquit, quia nemo esse potest co?itinens, nisi deus det, et hoc

« Ps. Ixxi. 18. M Cor. ill. 7.

Polemo was a profligate Athenian youth, who with a band of revellers burst one day into the school of Xenocrates the philosopher, and was so arrested by the discourse, which happened to be about temperance, that he tore off the garlands with which he was bedecked and remained an attentive listener. Adopting an abstemious life, he became a disciple of Xenocrates and succeeded him as head of the school in 315 B.C. The story was often told by the ancients (see 260

NO. 35 (Ep. CXLR the fact that whatever praiseworthy change has been wrought in you has been MTOught not by us, but by Him "Who alone doeth wonderful works," « is no reason why we should be less eager to stir ourselves to visit you. With much more eagerness ought we to hasten to behold the works of God than our own, for we too, in so far as we are good at all, are His work, not the work of men. That is why the Apostle says, " Neither is he that planteth anything, neither he that watereth, but God that giveth the increase." ^

You mention in your letter an incident which I too recall from classical literature, how by discoursing on the fruits of temperance Xenocrates suddenly converted Polemo ^ to another mode of life, though he was not only a drunkard but was actually drunk at the time. Now although he was not won for God, but was only delivered from the thraldom of self-indulgence, as you have wisely and truly apprehended, yet I would not ascribe even that change wrought in him for the better to the work of man, but to that of God, for from God alone, by Whom nature was created and made perfect, come whatever good qualities there are in the body itself, the lowest part of us, such as comeliness and strength and health and the like. How much more sure is it, therefore, that no other can bestow its good qualities upon the soul. Can human folly harbour a more arrogant or ungrateful thought than the notion that whereas God makes man beautiful in body, man makes himself pure in heart ? In the book of Christian Wisdom it is written, "When I perceived that no one could have self-restraint, un-

Lejay on Horace, Sat. ii. 3. 254), and is frequently mentioned by Christian writers (Ambr. Helia, 12. 45 ; Aug. C. Jul. Pelag. i. 4. 12, 7. 35; Hier. In Osee, i. 1, etc.). 261

ST. AUGUSTINE

ipsum erat sapientiae scire cuius esset hoc donum. Polemon ergo si ex luxurioso continens factus, ita sciret cuius esset hoc donuni, ut euni abiectis superstitionibus gentium pie coleret, non solum continens sed etiam veraciter sapiens et salubriter religiosus existeret, quod ei non tantum ad praesentis vitae honestatem verum et ad futurae immortalitatem valeret. Quanto minus igitur mihi adrogare debeo conversionem istam vestram vel populi vestri, quam nobis modo nuntiastis, quae me nee loquente nee saltem praesente procul dubio divinitus facta est. in quibus veraciter facta est ! Hoc itaque praecipue cognoscite, hoc pie humi Uterque cogitate. Deo, fratres, deo gratias agite, deum timete, ne deficiatis, amate, ut proficiatis.

Si autem adhuc quosdam amor hominis occulte segregat et timor hominis fallaciter congregat, observent, qui tales sunt, quoniam deum, cui nuda est humana conscientia, nee testem fallunt nee iudicem fugiunt. Si quid autem illos de quaestione ipsius unitatis pro suae salutis sollicitudine permovet, hoc sibi, quantum existimo, iustissimum extorqueant, ut de catholica ecclesia, id est toto orbe diffusa, id potius credant quod scripturae divinae dicunt, non quod linguae humanae maledicunt. De ipsa vero dissensione, quae inter homines orta est — qui quales " Wisdom viii. 21.

He is referring to those Donatists who had not ytt joined the CathoHc communion.

Though much less frequent than quod and quia, quoniam is occasionally found in Augustine introducing an oblique statement after verbs of saying or thinking, and it is almost always followed by the indicative. Usually such occurrences are Scriptural ; the use is comparatively rare in Augustine's own language. 262

NO. ^5 (Ep. CXLI\0 less God give it him, and that this itself is a part of wisdom, to know whose gift it is." " If, then, in being converted from dissipation to self-restraint, Polemo had known whose gift that was, and so had thrown over the superstitions of the heathen and worshipped Him in reverence, he would then have become not only self-restrained, but also truly ^\ise and soundly religious, and that would have secured for him not only virtue in the present life, but also immortality in the life to come. How much less, then, should I presume to claim for myself the credit for your conversion or that of your people, which you have just reported to me ; in those in whom it really was accomplished, it was unquestionably accomplished from above, without either my words or even my presence. Recognize this fact, therefore, above everything else ; with humility and reverence keep it before your mind. To God, my brethren, to God render your thanks ; fear God, so that you may not fall back ; love Him, so that you may go forward.

If, however, there are some whom the love of man 3 keeps secretly apart and the fear of man keeps mistakenly united,* let all such take note that the human conscience lies naked to God and that they can neither deceive Him as witness nor escape Him as judge.'' But if, from anxiety to secure their own salvation, they are at all disturbed over this question of unity, let them force themselves to do what is, in my opinion, a thoroughly fair thing, namely, to accept the statements of Holy Scripture about the Church Catholic (that is, the Church spread abroad throughout the world) rather than the mis-statements of human tongues. With reference to this schism which has arisen among men (who, whatever they

ST. AUGUSTINE

libet fuerint, non utique praeiudicant promissis dei, qui dixit ad Abraham : hi semine tuo henedicentur omiies gentes, quod creditum est cum audiretur praedictum, et negatur cum \'idetur impletum,—hoc tamen interim brevissimum et, nisi fallor, imictissimum cogitent, aut actam esse istam causam in ecclesiastico transmarino iudicio aut non esse actam ; si acta ibi non est, innocens est Christi societas per omnes transmarinas gentes, cuius societatis nos communione gaudemus, et ideo ab eis innocentibus utique sacrilega diremptione separantur ; si vero acta ibi est ista causa, quis non intellegat, quis non sentiat, quis non videat eos in ea victos, quorum inde communio separata est ? Ehgant ergo utrum mahnt credere quod pronuntiaverunt ecclesiastici cognitores an quod murmurant victi Htigatores. Adversus istam complexionem dictu brevissimam, intellectu facillimam, adtendite dihgenter pro vestra prudentia quam nihil sobrium responderi possit ; et tamen malus Polemon magis ebrietate . . . inveterati erroris evertitur.

Date veniam prohxiori fortassis epistulae quam iucundiori verum tamen, ut arbitror, utihori quam blandiori, domini honorabiles et merito suscipiendi, carissimi ac desiderantissimi fratres. De adventu autem ad vos nostro utrorumque desiderium deus impleat. Quanto enim caritatis ardore accendamur ad visendos vos, verbis exphcare non pos-

Gen. xxvi, 4 (c/. xii. 3).

The Benedictine editors, followed by Goldbacher, indicate a lacuna here, but the sense must be something like what is suggested. 264

NO. 35 (Ep. CXLIV) may be, assuredly do not impair the promises of God, Who said to Abraham, " In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed," " a promise believed when it was heard as a prophecy and denied when it is seen as an accomplished fact), let them for the present meditate upon this very brief, but, unless I am mistaken, very unanswerable argument, that the case was either tried before a church court across the sea, or was not tried ; if it was not tried there, the society of Christians among all the overseas nations is guiltless ; we rejoice in communion with that society, and so their separation from those guiltless brethren is clearly an act of sacrilegious disruption. If, again, the case was tried there, who can fail to understand, and feel, and see, that those whose communion is sundered from those others are the defeated party in the case ? Let them have their choice then, whether they prefer to accept the verdict of the ecclesiastical judges or the insinuations of the defeated plaintiffs. Notice carefully, as you are wise enough to do, that no serious confutation can be offered against this tersely expressed, yet easily understood, dilemma ; and yet Polemo in his dissipation was more easily turned from his drunkenness than they from the folly of their deeply rooted error.

Grant me pardon, my noble and justly honoured lords, my beloved and much longed for brethren, for a letter which is perhaps more lengthy than agreeable, but yet, in my opinion, more likely to profit you than to flatter you. May God give fulfilment to the desire we both share, that I should visit you ! Words fail me to express the great and fervent love that inflames me to see you, but I have no doubt

ST. AUGUSTINE

sumus, sed vos benigne credere minime dubi tamus.

No. 36 (Ep. CXLT)

DOMINO DILECTISSIMO ET DESIDERANTISSIMO

FRATRI PELAGIO AUGUSTINUS IX DOMINO SALUTEM

Gratias ago plurimum quod me litteris tuis exhilarare dignatus es et certum facere de salute vestra.

Retribuat tibi dominus bona, quibus semper sis bonus, et cum illo aeterno vivas in aeternum, domine dilectissime et desiderantissime frater. Ego autem etsi in me non agnosco praeconia de me tua, quae tuae benignitatis epistula continet, benivolo tamen animo erga exiguitatem meam ingratus esse non possum., simul admonens ut potius ores pro me, quo talis a domino fiam, qualem me iam esse arbitraris.

[Et alia manu] Memor nostri incolumis domino placeas, domine dilectissime et desiderantissime frater.

" The heresiarch. Born in Britain, he was at Rome from about 401 to 409, when in consequence of the threatened invasion by Alaric, he withdrew to Sicily and afterwards to Africa. He visited Hippo when Augustine was absent, but they met later in Carthage. Pelagius soon sailed for Palestine, but his views were condemned by the Council of Carthage in 412. Augustine joined in the controversy, and between the Council and the writing of this letter -«Tote his treatises De Peccatorum Meritis and De Spiritu et Littera. Pelagius

NO. 35 (Ep. CXLIV)—NO. 36 (Ep. CXLVI) at all that you will be good enough to recognize that it is so.

No. 36 (Ep. CXLM) (a.d. 413) TO PELAGIUS," MY LORD GREATLY BELOVED

AND MY MUCH LONGED FOR BROTHER, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I am very grateful for your kindness in cheering me by a letter from you and in giving me news of your welfare. The Lord recompense you, my greatly beloved lord and much longed for brother, with such blessings that you may be ever blessed and may live eternally with Him \Yho is eternal. Although I do not recognize myself in those encomiums of me contained in your Benevolence's letter, yet I cannot be ungrateful for your goodwill towards one so insignificant as I. At the same time I urge you rather to pray for me, that the Lord may make me what you imagine I already am.

[hi another hand] May you abide in safety and be well-pleasing unto the Lord, my greatly beloved lord and much longed for brother. Forget us not ! wrote from Palestine, and the above reply is cordial enough to show that Augustine was still hoping that Pelagius would see and renounce his error. At the Synod of Diospolis in 415 Pelagius used this letter, among others, as evidence of his good repute. Augustine was then led to defend himself from the charge of favouring the heretic, and in his De Gestis

Pelagii, 50-53, he gives the text of his letter and discusses the language he used in it.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 37 (Ep. CL) DOMINARUM HONORE DIGNISSIMIS MERITO IN- LUSTRIBUS ET PRAESTANTISSLMIS FILIABUS PROBAE ET lULIANAE AUGUSTINUS IX DOMINO SALUTEM

Iniplestis gaudio cor nostrum tanto iucundius quanto carius, tanto gratius quanto citius. Vestrae namque stirpis sanctimoniam virginalem quoniam quacumque innotuistis, ac per hoc ubique, fama celeberrima praedicat, velocissimum volatum eius fideliore atque certiore litterarum nuntio praevenistis et prius nos fecistis exultare de cognito tarn excellentissimo bono quam dubitare de audito. Quis verbis explicet, quis digno praeconio prosequatur, quantum incomparabiliter gloriosius atque fructuosius habeat ex vestro sanguine feminas virgines Christus quam viros consules mundus ? Nam volumina temporum si magnum atque praeclarum est nominis dignitate signare, quanto est maius atque praeclarius cordis et corporis integritate transcendere ! Magis itaque " Proba was the wife of Sextus Anicius Petronius Probus, a member of one of the most illustrious families of Rome, consul in 371 and four times pretorian prefect. She is not to be identified with Falconia Proba, the compiler of a Virgilian cento which enjoyed great repute in the middle ages. Juliana was the wife of her son, Olybrius, and their daughter, Demetrias, mentioned in the text, delighted the Christian world in 413 by renouncing her worldly prospects and taking the vow of virginity. The family had left Rome shortly before the irruption of Alaric, but on arriving in Africa they fell into the hands of Count Heraclian, who seized a large part of their possessions. Augustine was not alone in offering congratulations and advice to the young 268

NO. 37 (Ep. CL)

No. 37 (Ep. CL)

TO THE LADIES PROBA AND JULIANA,'' MOST

NOBLE IN RANK, DAUGHTERS JUSTLY DISTINGUISHED AND EMINENT, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

You have filled my heart mth joy, the more delightful because of your affection, and the more welcome because of your promptitude. For while the consecration of a daughter of your house to the life of virginity is being proclaimed by busy rumour wherever your fame is known, and that is everywhere, you outstripped its speediest flight by the surer and more trustworthy information in your letter and made us exult at the news of so very excellent a blessing before we had time to doubt the rumour of it. What words are adequate to tell, what commendation worthy to commemorate, how incomparably greater is the glory and the gain, that Christ should have women from your family dedicated to virginity than that the world should have men from it elevated to the consulship ? For if it is a great and notable thing to leave the mark of an honoured name upon the scrolls of time, how much greater and more notable it is by unsullied innocence of mind and body to rise above them ! So let this maiden, noble in ascetic : Jerome wrote to Demetrias a very lengthy letter which is almost a treatise on the ascetic life, and Pelagius too wrote a long epistle. Ad Demetriadem, into which he insinuated some of his own errors, which Augustine sought to confute in a later letter (Ep. clxxxviii.) addressed to Juliana.

ST. AUGUSTINE

gaudeat puella nobilis genere, nobilior sanctitate, quod sit per di\1num consortium praecipuam in caelis consecutura sublimitatem, quam si esset per humanum conubium prolem propagatura sublimern.

Generosius quippe elegit Aniciana posteritas tarn inlustrem faniiliam beare nuptias nesciendo quam multiplicare pariendo et in carne iam imitari vitam angelorum quam ex carne numerum adhuc augere mortalium. Haec est uberior fecundiorque felicitas non ventre gravescere sed mente grandescere, non lactescere pectore sed corde candescere, non visceribus terram sed caelum orationibus parturire. Dominarum honore dignissimae et merito inlustres et praestantissimae fiiiae, perfruamini in ilia quod defuit vobis, ut nasceretur ex vobis ; perseveret usque in finem, adhaerens coniugio quod non habet finem.

Imitentur earn multae famulae dominam ignobiles nobilem, fragiliter excelsae excelsius humilem ; virgines quae sibi optant Aniciorum claritatem, eligant sanctitatem. Illud enim quanta libet cupiditate quando adsequentur ? Hoc autem, si plene cupierint, mox habebunt. Protegat vos incolumes et feliciores dextera altissimi, dominae honore dignissimae et praestantissimae fiiiae. Pignera sanctitatis vestrae, praecipue ipsam sanctitate praecipuam debito vestris

Of the Anieii Gibbon says {Decline and Fall, chap. 31) : " From the reign of Diocletian to the final extinction of the Western Empire that name shone with a lustre which v/as not eclipsed in the public estimation by the majesty of the Imperial purple." 270

NO. 37 (Ep. CL) her race, nobler in her holiness, find more cause for joy that she is destined to obtain through this divine espousal an especial distinction in heaven than if she had been destined to become through an earthly marriage the mother of a distinguished line. It was a more noble-minded thing for a scion of the Anicii" to prefer to magnify that illustrious family by repudiating marriage rather than to increase it by bearing children and now in the flesh to imitate the life of the angels rather than from the flesh still further to augment the number of mortals. It is a richer and more prolific happiness not to grow big with child but to grow great in mind, not to have milk in the breasts but to have purity in the heart, to bring forth not the earthly through travail, but the heavenly through prayer. May it be yours, ladies most worthy of honour and daughters deservedly famous and most distinguished, to enjoy in her what you surrendered to give her birth ! May she be steadfast unto the end, cleaving to that union which has no end ! May many low-born maids imitate her, the highborn mistress, and those whose eminence is perishable follow her who through humility has reached a higher eminence ; may the virgins who covet the splendour of the Anician family choose to emulate its holiness ! The one will always elude their grasp, however much they long for it ; the other will soon be theirs, if their longing be whole-hearted. May the right hand of the Most High be your covering unto safety and fuller happiness, ladies most worthy of honour and daughters most distinguished ! In the love of the Lord and with the respect due to your deservings, we greet the children of your holy house, especially her who is

ST. AUGUSTINE

meritis officio dilectione domini salutamus. \'elationis apophoretum gratissime accepimus.

No. 38 (Ep. CLIX) DOMINO BEATISSLMO AC VENERABILI ET DESIDERABILI FRATRI ET CONSACERDOTI MEO EVODIO ET TECUM FRATRIBUS AUGUSTINUS ET MECUM FRATRES IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Frater iste nomine Barbarus servus dei est iani diu apud Hipponem constitutus et verbi dei fervidus ac studiosus auditor. Desidera\-it ad tuam sanctitatem litteras nostras, in quibus tibi eum in domino commendamus tibique per eum salutem debitam dicimus. Litteris autem sanctitatis tuae quibus ingentes texuisti quaestiones, respondere operosissimum est etiam otiosis et multo maiore, quam nos sumus, praeditis facultate disserendi et acrimonia intellegendi. Duarum sane epistularum tuarum, quibus multa et magna conquiris, una nescio quo " Apophoreta {d7ro(p6p7]Ta} were presents given to guests to take home with them after an entertainment (Suet. Cal. 55, Vesp. 19; Lamprid. Heliog. 21. 7; Ambr. Ep. 3. 5 "qui ad convivium magnum invitantur, apophoreta secum referre consueverunt ") ; in Symmachus it is used of gifts sent to friends by those who had just given games {Ep. 2. 81,

5. 56, 9. o9). With the present passage compare Paul. Nol. Ep. 5. 21 " misimus testimonialem divitiarum nostrarum scutellam buxeam ; ut apophoretum voti spiritalis accipies." The word is occasionally employed by the Fathers in a transferred sense, as Ambrosiaster, Rom. 1. 1, 49a "ad quod omnes invitati apophoreta duplicia consequuntur : remissam enim peccatorum accipiunt, et filii Dei hunt."

Evodius was bishop of Uzalis and a prominent figure among the clergy of Xumidia. Born, like Augustine, at 272

NO. 37 (Ep. CL)—NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX) outstanding in holiness. We have been very glad to receive the gift " commemorating her taking the veil.

No. 38 (Ep. CLIX)

TO MY MOST SAINTLY LORD, MY VENERABLE

AND LONGED FOR BROTHER AND FELLOWPRIEST, EVODIUS* AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH YOU, AUGUSTINE AND THE BRETHREN WHO ARE WITH ME SEND GREETING IN THE LORD

The brother who brings this, Barbaras by name, 1 is a servant of God who has been settled for a long time now at Hippo and is an eager and diligent hearer of the word of God. He besought this letter from me to your Holiness, in which I commend him to you in the Lord and through him offer you my due greetings. To reply to your Holiness 's letter, into which you have woven big questions, is a very considerable undertaking even for men of leisure, possessing much more skill in argument and greater acuteness of understanding than I do. Of the two letters from you, containing many extensive queries, Tagaste, he had been converted shortly before him, and the two were in close fellowship at Milan and Cassiciaciim, where he appears as interlocutor with Augustine in the De

Quantitate Animae and the De Lihero Arhitrio. After being present at Ostia when Monnica died, Evodius returned to Africa with Augustine and shared the monastic life of Tagaste. Four letters from him to Augustine are extant, full of abstruse questions. The present letter is a reply to one of his, Ep. clxxxviii., which had raised the problem of the reality and meaning of visions. Of Barbarus, the bearer of the letter, there is no other mention.

ST. AUGUSTINE

modo aberra\-it et diu quaesita non potuit reperiri ; altera vero, quae inventa est, habet commendationem suaissimam ser\'i dei boni et cast! adulescentis, quo modo ex hac \-ita migraverit et quibus visionum fraternarum adtestationibus meritum eius vobis insinuari potuerit. Deinde ex hac occasione proponis et versas de anima obscurissimam quaestionem, utrum cum aliquo corpore egreditur e corpore, quo possit ad corporalia loca ferri vel locis corporalibus contineri. Huius igitur rei tractatus, si tamen ad liquidum a talibus, quales nos sumus, examinari potest, curam atque operam negotiosissimam postulat ac per hoc mentem ab his occupationibus otiosissimam.

Si autem breviter vis audire quid mihi videatur, nullo modo arbitror animam e corpore exire cum corpore.

2 A'isiones autem illae futurorumque praedictiones quo modo fiant, ille iam explicare conetur qui novit qua vi efficiantur in unoquoque animo tanta, cum cogitat. Videmus enim planeque cernimus in eo fieri multarum rerum visibihum et ad ceteros sensus corporis pertinentium innumerabiles imagines, quae nunc non interest quam ordinate vel turbide fiant sed tantum, quia fiunt, quod manifestum est, qua vi et quo modo fiant, quisquis potuerit explicare quae omnia certe cotidiana sunt atque continua, audeat praesumere aliquid ac definire etiam de illis rarissimis visis. Ego autem tanto minus hoc audeo, NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX) one, indeed, has somehow or other gone astray and after a long search has eluded discovery, but the other, which was found, contains a very charming commendation of a servant of God, a good and chaste young man, telling how he departed this life and by what testimony from the visions of brethren you were able to have assurance of his worth. Then you take the opportunity to set forth and discuss a very obscure question about the soul, whether, when it leaves the body, it is united with any other material body, so that it may be conveyed to material places or be enclosed in material places. The treatment of this problem, if indeed it can be clearly investigated by one such as myself, demands attention and the most laborious application, and therefore a mind quite free from such occupations as mine. But if you want to hear my opinion in a word or two, I certainly do not hold that the soul departs from the body with a material body.

How those visions and predictions of future events 2 come about is for him first to try to explain who knows what agency produces all those images that are in anyone's mind when he is thinking. For we see and clearly perceive that in it are found countless images of many objects that are discernible by the eye or by the other bodily senses ; it is of no importance for the moment whether they are produced in regular sequence or at random, but only that, since they do take place, as is obvious, anyone who can explain by what agency and in what way these phenomena are produced, all of which are of daily and repeated occurrence, may warrantably venture a conjecture or a definition about those very rare visions too. But for my part, the more I realize my incom-

ST. AUGUSTINE

quanto minus id quoque in nobis quod \'ita continua vigilantes dormientesque experiniur, quo pacto fiat, explicare sufficio. Nam cum ad te dictarem banc epistulam, te ipsum animo contuebar, te utique absente atque nesciente, et quo modo possis his verbis moveri, secundum notitiam quae mihi de te inest, imaginabar ; atque id quonam modo in animo meo fieret, capere ac investigare non poteram certus tamen non fieri corporeis molibus nee corporeis qualitatibus, cum corpori simillimum fieret. Hoc interim habeas ut ab occupato et festinante dictatum.

In duodecimo autem hbro eorum quos de genesi scripsi, versatur haec quaestio vehementer et multis exempHs rerum expertarum atque credibiliter auditarum disputatio ilia silvescit. Quid in ea potuerimus vel ef Fecerimus, cum legeris, iudicabis, si tamen dominus donare dignatur ut eos mihi libros, quantum possum, congruenter emendatos iam liceat edere et multorum fratrum expectationem non iam longa disputatione suspendere.

3 Narrabo autem unum aliquid breviter, unde cogites. Frater noster Gennadius, notissimus fere om.nibus nobisque carissimus medicus, qui nunc apud Carthaginem degit et Romae suae artis exercitatione praepolluit, ut hominem religiosum nosti atque erga " He is here referring to his twelve books De Genesi ad litteram, begun about 401 but not published until 415, in spite of repeated requests from friends that he should bring it to an early completion (Ep. cxliii. 14 " periculosissimarum quaestionum libros de Genesi . . . diutius teneo quam vultis et fertis "). The twelfth book is a study of St. Paul's vision, 2 Cor. xii. 2-4, and of supernatural visions in general. He had already before his ordination to the priesthood begun a controversial exposition of Genesis directed against the Manichees (De Genesi contra Manicliaeos), but later he came to the opinion that this treatise was too allegorical, so he 276

NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX) petence to account for the occurrence of the experience we have throughout hfe, asleep and awake, the more I shrink from attempting to explain these others. For while I am dictating this letter to you, I have a picture of you yourself in my mind, though naturally you are far away and unaware of mv thoughts, and, in the light of my inward knowledge of you, I try to see how my words can affect vou ; and I fail to comprehend and discover how that process takes place in my mind, though I am sure that it is not caused by material particles or material qualities, although the actual picture is very like something material. P'or the present, accept this as a statement dictated in haste and under the pressure of work. However, in the twelfth book of my treatise on Genesis,*^ this problem is examined with thoroughness, and the discussion there is luxuriant ^^•ith numerous examples drawn from personal experience and trustworthy report. When you read it, you will be able to judge of my competence or success in it, if the Lord is but pleased to grant me the opportunity of publishing those books suitablv corrected and by concluding the discussion to end the suspense of anticipation in many of mv brethren.

I shall give you a brief account, however, of one such example, which I commend to your consideration. Our brother Gennadius,^ the physician, very well known to almost everybody and very dear to us, who now lives at Carthage and was a leading figure in the practice of his art at Rome, is, as you know, a man of devout mind, unwearied compassion, most undertook, first, about 393, a Uteral exposition {De Genesi ad lift(ram imperfect us liber), then the work mentioned here.

Gennadius is not otherwise known. 277

ST. AUGUSTINE

pauperum curam inpigra misericordia facillimoque animo benignissimum, dubitabat tamen aliquando, ut modo nobis rettulit, cum adhuc esset adulescens et in his elemosynis ferventissimus, utrum esset ulla vita post mortem. Huius igitur mentem et opera miserieordiae quoniam deus nullo modo desereret, apparuit illi in somnis conspicuus iuvenis et dignus intendi eique dixit : " Sequere me." Quem dum sequeretur, venit ad quandam civitatem, ubi audire coepit a dextra parte sonos suavissimae cantilenae ultra solitam notamque suavitatem ; tunc ille intento quidnam esset, ait hymnos esse beatorum atque sanctorum ; sinistra autem parte quid se vidisse rettulit, non satis memini. E\igilavit et somnium aufugit tantumque de illo quantum de somnio cogitavit.

4 Alia vero nocte ecce idem ipse iuvenis eidem rursus apparuit, atque ab illo utrum cognosceretur interrogavit ; respondit iste quod eum bene pleneque cognosceret. Tum ille quaesivit ubi se nosset. Nee memoriae defuit quid iste identidem responderet, totumque visum ilium hymnosque sanctorum, ad quos audiendos eo duce venerat, qua recentissimos recordabatur facilitate, narravit. Hie ille percontatus est utrumnam id quod narraverat, in somnis vidisset an vigilans ; respondit : "In somnis." At ille : " Bene," inquit, " recolis ; verum est, in somnis ilia vidisti ; sed etiam nunc in somnis te videre scies."

NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX) gracious geniality, and great kindness to the afflicted poor. But at one time, as he told me recently, while he was still in the prime of life and most zealous in those works of charity, he was assailed by doubt of the existence of any life after death. As God would in no wise abandon a man so compassionate in temper and deeds, there appeared to him, accordingly, while he was asleep, a young man of striking appearance and imposing mien, and said to him, Follow me." He followed him and came to a certain city, in which he began to hear on the right hand the strains of a song so very sweet that it surpassed the sweetness of known and ordinary music ; listening eagerly, he asked what it was and was told that it was the hymns of the blessed and the holy. What he reported he had seen on the left hand, I do not clearly remember. He awoke and his dream fled, and he thought only of it as one does of a dream.

Yet another night, lo, the same young man in 4 person appeared to him again and asked if he recognized him. Gennadius replied that he recognized him perfectly well. Then the young man asked where he had got to know him ; he had quite a clear recollection of the answer to that too, and he told all about that vision and the hymns of the saints which, under the other's guidance, he had gone to hear, with that readiness which marked the recollection of very recent experiences. At this point the other asked him whether he was asleep or awake when he saw what he had been telling of ; the answer was that he was asleep. The other replied, " Your memory is good ; you are right, you were asleep when you saw that, but you must know that even now you can

ST. AUGUSTINE

Hoc cum audisset iste, ita esse credidit atque id responsione firmavit. Tunc qui hominem docebat, adiecit et ait : " Ubi est modo corpus tuum ? " Ille respondit : " In cubiculo meo." " Scisne," inquit ille, " in eodem corpusculo nunc esse inligatos et clauses et otiosos oculos tuos nihilque illis oculis te videre ? " Respondit: " Scio." Tunc ille: "Qui sunt ergo J " inquit, " isti oculi, quibus me vides ? "

Ad hoc iste non inveniens quid responderet, obticuit.

Cui haesitanti ille quod his interrogationibus docere mo Hebatur, aperuit, et continue : " Sicut," inquit, " illi oculi carnis tuae utique in dormiente atque in lectulo iacente nunc vacant nee aliquid operantur et tamen sunt isti, quibus me intueris et ista uteris visione, ita cum defunctus fueris, nihil agentibus oculis carnis tuae, vita tibi inerit qua vivas, sensusque, quo sentias. Cave iam deinceps, ne dubites vitam manere post mortem." Ita sibi homo fidelis ablatam dicit huius rei dubitationem, quo docente nisi providentia et misericordia dei ?

5 Ista narratione dixerit ahquis tantae rei nos non solvisse sed auxisse quaestionem. Verum tamen cum his verbis credere vel non credere liberum cuique sit, se ipsum quisque habet, quo se avocet, profundissimam quaestionem. Et vigilat homo et dormit homo cotidie et cogitat homo. Dicat unde fiant ista simiHa formis, similia qualitatibus, similia motibus corporum nee tamen materie corporal!. Dicat, si

NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX) see, though you are asleep." When Gennadius heard that, he accepted it as true and expressed his be Uef. Then his teacher went on to say, " Where is your body now ? " to which he made answer, " In my bed-chamber." " Do you know," said the other, " that in that puny body your eyes are at this moment bound down and shut and idle and that with those eyes you see nothing ? " He said, " I know." To which the other answered, " What eyes then are those with which you see me ? " Finding no reply to that question, Gennadius was silent, and when he hesitated, the young man revealed the lesson he was trying to teach by these questions and immediately replied, " Just as those eyes of your body that Hes sleeping in bed are now inactive and do nothing and yet you have eyes with which you behold me and employ another power of sight, so when you are dead and the eyes of your flesh have ceased to do anything, you still will have a Ufe by which you will live and perceptions by which you will perceive. Henceforth remember not to doubt the continuance of life after death." In this way that trustworthy man declares that his doubts concerning immortality were taken away. What taught him but the providence and mercy of God ? Someone may say that by this story I have not 5 solved but complicated this great problem. But yet, since each man is free to believe what I have said or to disbelieve it, each one has a ver}^ deep problem in himself, and with that he may delight himself. Man wakes and sleeps each day and thinks. Let any man tell whence proceed those occurrences ; they are not material bodies, yet bear a likeness in shape, in properties and in motion, to material bodies ; let

ST. AUGUSTINE

potest ; si autem non potest, quid se praecipitat de rarissimis aut inexpertis quasi definitam ferre sententiam, cum continua et cotidiana non solvat ? Ego autem, quamvis quo modo fiant ista veluti corporea sine corpore, verbis prorsus explicare non possim, tamen sicut scio non ea corpore fieri, utinam sic scirem quo modo discernerentur, quae videntur aliquando per spiritum et per corpus videri putantur, quove modo distinguantur visa eorum, quos error vel impietas plerumque deludit, quando visis piorum atque sanctorum similia pleraque narrantur ! Quorum exempla si commemorare voluissem, tempus mihi potius quam copia defuisset. Memor nostri in domini misericordia vegeteris, domine beatissime et venerabilis et desiderabilis frater.

No. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII)

DONATO PRESBYTERO PARTIS DOXATI AUGU

STINUS EPISCOPUS ECCLESIAE CATHOLICAE

1 Si posses videre dolorem cordis mei et sollicitudinem pro salute tua, fortasse miserereris animae tuae placens deo in audiendo verbo non nostro, sed ipsius, nee eius scripturas sic in memoria tua figeres, ut contra eas cor clauderes. Displicet tibi quia

This Donatus, a priest of the Donatist party, who had been compelled by law to join the Catholic Church and in his resistance had done himself bodily harm, is not further known. From § 7 it appears that he came from Mutugenna, which lay in the vicinity of Hippo. This letter is very instructive for Augustine's arguments against toleration.

Ecclus. XXX. 24^. 282

NO. 38 (Ep. CLIX)—NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) him tell, if he can, but if he cannot, why is he so hasty to pronounce a kind of final judgement about experiences he has very seldom or not at all, when he cannot explain matters that occur each day and every day ? Though, for my part, words fail me to explain how those semblances of material bodies ^vithout a real body come to be, yet, just as I know that they are not produced by the body, so I should wish to know how we can separate those things that are seen at times by the spirit and are thought to be seen by the body, or how we can distinguish the things seen by those who are often deluded by error or by impiety, when the majority of the visions they tell of bear a likeness to those seen by the good and the holy. If I had wanted to give examples of these, I should have been short of time rather than material. Remember me, my saintly lord and revered and longed for brother, and may the mercy of the Lord be your refreshment !

No. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII)

TO DONATUS," PRIEST OF THE DONATIST PARTY,

AUGUSTINE, BISHOP OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

If you could see my heart-felt grief and anxiety for 1 your salvation, you would perhaps " have pity on your own soul, doing what is pleasing unto God " ^ by giving ear to the injunction which is not ours, but His, and you would not impress His Scriptures on your memory only to close your heart against them. You

ST. AUGUSTINE

traheris ad salutem, cum tarn multos nostros ad perniciem traxeritis. Quid enim volumus, nisi te comprehendi et praesentari et servari, ne pereas ? Quod autem aliquantum in corpore laesus es, ipse tibi fecisti, qui iumento tibi mox admoto uti noluisti et te ad terram grav-iter conlisisti. Nam utique alius qui adductus est tecum, collega tuus, inlaesus venit, quia talia sibi ipse non fecit.

2 Sed neque hoc putas tibi fieri debuisse, quia neminem aestimas cogendum esse ad bonum. Adtende quid apostolus dixerit : Qui episcopatum desiderat, homim opus concupiscit, et tamen tarn multi, ut episcopatum suscipiant, tenentur inviti, perducuntur, includuntur, custodiuntur, patiuntur tanta quae nolunt, donee eis adsit voluntas suscipiendi operis boni ; quanto magis vos ab errore pernicioso, in quo vobis inimici estis, trahendi estis et perducendi ad veritatem vel cognoscendam vel eligendam, non solum ut honorem salubriter habeatis, sed etiam ne pessime pereatis ! Dicis deum dedisse liberum arbitrium, ideo non debere cogi hominem nee ad bonum. Quare ergo illi, de quibus supra dixi, coguntur ad bonum ? Adtende ergo quod considerare non vis. Ideo voluntas bona misericorditer " 1 Tim. iii. 1.

^ On forcible ordination see note on p. 35. 284

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) are angry because you are being dragged to salvation, although you and your friends have dragged so many of our people to destruction. What other intention have we, but to arrest you and bring you before the j udge and preserve you from perishing ? As for the fact that you received a slight bodily injury, you are to blame for that yourself, for you would not make use of the mule that was at once brought for you, and dashed yourself with violence to the ground ; for, as you know, the other person who was taken away with you, a colleague of yours, arrived uninjured, since he did not cause any such injury to himself.

But even that, in your opinion, should not have 2 been done to you, for you hold that no one should be forced to what is good. Mark the words of the Apostle, " If a man desire the office of bishop, he desireth a good work," " yet in spite of them, many men are led to undertake the office of bishop only by being detained against their will, brought from one place to another, shut up and kept under supervision, subjected to treatment that they do not like, until they acquire a willingness to undertake that " good work." ^ How much more fitting it is that you should be torn away from that pernicious error, by clinging to which you are your own worst enemies, and brought to either a knowledge or acceptance of the truth, so that you may not only retain your honour with safety to 3'ourselves, but also escape the great misery of destruction. You say that God has given man free-will and that therefore no one should be forced even to good. Why then are those men

I spoke of above compelled to good ? Mark well then a point you refuse to take into consideration : the reason why a good will expends itself in works

ST. AUGUSTINE

inpenditur, ut mala voluntas hominis dirigatur. Nani quis nesciat nee damnari hominem nisi merito malae voluntatis, nee liberari nisi bonam habuerit voluntatem ? Non tamen ideo, qui diliguntur, malae suae voluntati impune et crudeliter permittendi sunt, sed, ubi potestas datur, et a malo prohibendi et ad bonum cogendi.

3 Nam si voluntas mala semper suae permittenda est libertati, quare Israhelitae recusantes et murmurantes tam duris flagellis a malo prohibebantur et ad terram promissionis compellebantur ? Si voluntas mala semper suae permittenda est libertati, quare Paulus non est permissus uti pessima voluntate, qua persequebatur ecclesiam, sed prostratus est, ut excaecaretur, excaecatus, ut mutaretur, mutatus, ut mitteretur, missus, ut, qualia fecerat in errore, talia pro veritate pateretur ? Si voluntas mala semper suae permittenda est libertati, quare monetur pater in scripturis Sanctis filium durum non solum verbis corripere sed etiam latera eius tundere, ut ad bonam disciplinam coactus et domitus dirigatur ? Unde idem dicit : Tu quidem percidis eum virga, aniinam autem eius Uberabis a morte. Si mala voluntas semper suae permittenda est libertati, quare corripiuntur neglegentes pastores et dicitur eis : Errantem ovem non revocasiis, perditam non inquisistis ?

" Merito, as often in late Latin, has the meaning of propter, " because of," "by reason of." So in No. 7 § 1 above (p. 32), "merito peccatorum meorum." See ButlerOwen on Apul. Apol. 8. 15 ; Bayard, Le Latin de S. Cyprien, p. 156; Roensch, Itala u. Vulgata, p. 398, and compare the similar use of beneficio, common in Seneca and the Jurists.

" In late Latin tamen often has a much weakened sense, 286

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) of mercy is to provide guidance for man's evil will. For who does not know that man is not damned unless for " his evil will, nor, on the other hand, granted deliverance, unless he has a good will ?

it does not follow that those we love are to be cruelly left to enjoy their evil will without correction, but where the power is granted, they are to be both prevented from evil and forced to good.

CFor if an evil will is always to be left to enjoy its 3 liberty, why were such severe scourges employed to prevent the disobedient and querulous Israelites from evil and to compel them to the land of promise ? ^ If an evil will is always to be left to enjoy its liberty, why was Paul not allowed the free use of his perverted will to persecute the Church, but was thrown to the ground to be blinded, and blinded to be transformed, and transformed to be made an apostle, and made an apostle to endure for the truth sufferings such as he had inflicted when in error ? '^ If an evil will is always to be left to enjoy its liberty, why do the Holy Scriptures admonish a father not only to correct his obstinate son with rebukes, but also to punish his body with blows, so that, compelled and subdued, he may be led to habits of goodness ? ^ That is why the same writer says, " Thou shalt beat him with a rod, and shalt deliver his soul from hell." ^ If an evil will is always to be left to enjoy its liberty, why are careless pastors rebuked with the words, " Ye have not brought back the wandering sheep, ye have not sought that which was lost "^ } You too becoming simply continuative. See Lofstedt, Philol. Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae, pp. 27-33.

Exod. XV. 22 sqq. ^ Acts ix. 1-9.

Ecchis. XXX. 12. ^ Prov. xxiii. 14. » Ezek. xxxiv. 4.

ST. AUGUSTINE

Et vos oves Christi estis, characterem dominicum portatis in sacramento quod accepistis, sed errastis et peristis. Non ideo vobis displiceamus, quia revocamus errantes et quaerimus perditos ; melius enini facimus voluntatem domini monentis ut vos ad eius o\'ile redire cogamus, quam consentinius voluntati o\iuin errantium, ut perire vos permittamus. Noli ergo iam dicere, quod te assidue audio dicere : " Sic volo errare, sic volo perire "; melius enim nos hoc omnino non permittimus, quantum possumus. 4 Modo quod te in puteum, ut morereris, misisti, utique libera voluntate fecisti. Sed quam crudeles essent servi dei, si huic malae tuae voluntati te permitterent et non te de ilia morte Hberarent ! Quis eos non merito culparet ? Quis non impios recte iudicaret ? Et tamen tu te volens in aquam misisti, ut morereris, illi te nolentem de aqua levaverunt, ne morereris ; tu fecisti secundum voluntatem tuam sed in perniciem tuam, illi contra voluntatem tuam sed propter salutem tuam. Si ergo salus ista corporalis sic custodienda est, ut etiam in nolentibus ab eis qui eos diligunt, servetur, quanto magis ilia spiritalis, in cuius desertione mors aeterna metuitur ! Quamquam in ista morte quam tibi tu ipse inferre voluisti, non solum ad tempus sed etiam in aeternum

Character, an Augustinian term, he defines {Serm. 302.

5. 3) thus : "characterem accipit Christianus, cum lit catechumenus." It is like the imprint on imperial money, or the nota militaris of the soldier, or the mark a shepherd places on his sheep (C. Ep. Farm. ii. 29), an indelible consecration.

It is linked up with Augustine's theory of the Church and of Baptism, which once validly bestowed is not to be repeated, but is efficacious only when the baptized are joined to the Church Catholic and are in grace. 288

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) are Christ's sheep ; you bear the mark " of the Lord in the sacrament you have received, but you have v>'andered away and are lost. There is no reason why you should be angry with us for recalling you from wandering and seeking you when you were lost, for it is better for us to carry out the will of the Lord, Who gave us the injunction to compel you to return to His fold, than to acquiesce in the will of the wandering sheep and allow you to be lost. Do not then say what I hear you keep saying, " I want to wander in my own way ; I want to be lost in my own way," for it is better that we should not allow that at all, as far as in us lies. ) When lately you threw yourself into a well ^\'lth 4 the intention of slaying your body, you certainly did that of your own free will. But how cruel the servants of God would have been if they had handed you over to your own evil will and not delivered you from that death ! Who would not have justly blamed them ? Who would not have been right in judging them inhuman ? And yet you threw yourself into the water, intending to slay your body, of your own free will, and they lifted you out of the water, to defeat your intention, against your will ; you acted according to your own ^^^ll, but to your own destruction, while they acted against your ^^-ill, but for your oyn preservation. If then the preservation of the body is to be safeguarded so that those who do not wish it are to be secured by their friends, how much more the preservation of the spirit, for the abandoning of which the fearsome consequence is eternal death ! And yet the death you sought to deal yourself was not only a death for time but for eternity, for even if you u 289

ST. AUGUSTINE

morereris, quia, etsi non ad salutem, non ad ecclesiae pacem, non ad Christi corporis unitatem, non ad sanctam et indi\-iduam caritatem. sed ad mala aliqua cogereris, nee sic tibi ipse mortem inferre debuisti.

6 Considera scripturas di\dnas et discute quantum potes, et vide utrum hoc fecerit aliquis aliquando iustorum atque fidelium, cum ab eis tanta mala perpessi sint qui eos ad aeternum interitum non ad vitam aeternara, quo tu compelleris, adigebant.

quod dixeris apostolum Paulum significasse hoc fieri debere, ubi ait : Et si tradidero corpus meum, ut ardeam. Quia videlicet omnia bona dicebat, quae sine caritate nihil prosunt, sicut sunt hnguae hominum et angelorum et omnia sacramenta et omnis scientia et omnis prophetia et omnis fides ita ut montes transferantur, et rerum suarum distributio pauperibus, ideo videtur tibi etiam hoc inter bona numerasse, ut sibi quisque inferat mortem. Sed adtende diligenter et cognosce quem ad modum dicat scriptura quod tradat quisque suum corpus ut ardeat, non utique, ut ipse se in ignem mittat, quando persequentem patitur inimicum, sed, quando ei proponitur ut aut mali aliquid faciat aut maU aliquid patiatur, ehgat non facere mala quam non pati mala atque ita corpus suum tradat in potestatem interfectoris, sicut tres illi viri fecerunt qui auream statuam cogebantur adorare et, nisi facerent, minabatur eis ille qui cogebat, caminum ignis ardentem. Idolum adorare noluerunt, non ipsi se in ignem miserunt et tamen " 1 Cor. xiii. 3. ^ 1 Cor. xiii. 1-3. - Dan. iii. 13-21. 290

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) were being compelled to some evil deed instead of to self-preservation, to the peace of the Chm-ch, to the unity of Christ's body, or to holy and indivisible charity, even so, you had no right to attempt to take your ov.Ti hfe.

Examine the Holy Scriptures and scrutinize them 5 to the best of your ability, and see if at any tim.e any one of the righteous and the faithful took this course, although they endured such great sufferings at the hands of those who sought to impel them to everlasting: destruction . not to everlasting; life , to which you are being forced. I have heard that you have said that the apostle Paul indicated that self-immolation was lawful, in the words, " Though I give my body to be burned," ° on the supposition that, as he was there enumerating all the good things that are of no avail without charity, such as the tongues of men and of angels, and all mysteries, and all knowledge and all prophecy and all faith that could remove mountains, and the bestowal of one's property on the poor,^ he intended among these good things to count even self-immolation. But observe carefully and notice in what sense the Scripture says that a man may give his body to be burned : certainly not that he may throw himself into the fire when he is harassed by a pursuing enemy, but that when the proposal is made to him that he should do \\Tong or else suffer

he should choose not to do MTong rather than not to suffer A\Tong and so give his body over to him who has power to slay it, as did those three men who were compelled to worship the golden statue, when he who apphed the compulsion threatened them with the fiery furnace if they did not comply.^ They refused to worship the image ; they did not cast them-

ST. AUGUSTINE

etiam de illis scriptum est quod tradiderunt corpora sua, ut neque servirent neque adorarent ullum deian sed deum suum. Ecce quo modo dixit apostolus : Si tradidero corpus meum, ut ardeam.

6 Quod autem sequitur, vide : Si caritatern non haheam, nihil miki prodest. Ad istam caritatern vocaris, ab ista caritate perire non sineris et putas tibi aliquid prodesse, si te ipse praecipites in interitum, cum tibi nihil prodesset, etiamsi alter te occideret caritatis inimicum. Foris autem ab ecclesia constitutus et separatus a compage unitatis et vinculo caritatis aeterno supplicio punireris, etiamsi pro

Christi nomine vivus incendereris. Hoc est enim quod ait apostolus : Et si tradidero corpus meum, ut ardeam, caritatern autejn non haheam, ?iihil mihi prodest. Revoca ergo animum ad sanam considerationem et sobriam cogitationem ; adtende diligenter utrum ad errorem et impietatem voceris, et patere pro veritate quaslibet molestias. Si autem tu potius in errore atque in impietate versaris, quo autem vocaris ibi est Veritas et pietas, quia ibi Christiana unitas et sancti spiritus caritas, quid adhuc tibi esse conaris inimicus ?

7 Ideo praestitit misericordia dei, ut et nos et episcopi vestri tam frequenti numerosoque conventu Carthaginem veniremus atque inter nos de ipsa " Dan. iii. 95. ^ 1 Cor. xiii. 3.

The Conference of June 411, attended by 286 Catholic bishops and 279 Donatists. Its minutes, the Gesta Collationis, are printed in Mansi, iv., and in the appendix to the works of Optatus {P.L. xi. 1257-1420); they are summarized in Augustine's Brevkulus Collationis, published soon after the Conference.

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) selves into the fire, and yet it was written even of them that " they yielded their bodies that they might not serve nor worship any god except their own God."^ That is the sense in Avhich the Apostle said, " If I give my body to be bm-ned."

Notice, however, what follows : " If I have not 6 charity, it profiteth me nothing." ^ To that charity you are summoned ; by that charity you are withheld from perishing, and yet you think that to throw yourself headlong to destruction does to some degree profit you, although even if you suffered death at the hands of another person while you are still a foe to charity, that would profit you nothing ; indeed, as long as you remain outside the Church and severed from the fabric of unity and the bond of charity, you would be punished ^\^th everlasting chastisement, even if you v.ere burned alive for Christ's sake. That is what the Apostle means when he says, " Though I give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing." Bring back your mind, then, to sane reflection and sober thought ; consider carefully whether it is to error and impiety that you are being summoned, and endure any troubles you like for truth's sake. But if you rather are living in error and in impiety, and truth and piety rather exist in the place to which you are summoned, for the reason that there are to be found Christian unity and the charity of the Holy Spirit, why do you keep on trying to be your own worst enemy ?

It was with this end in view that God in His mercy 7 provided your bishops and us \\ith an opportunity of meeting at Carthage in a crowded and well-attended conference ^ and of reasoning together in the most

ST. AUGUSTINE

dissensione ordinatissime conferremus. Gesta conscripta sunt, nostrae etiam subscriptiones tenentur. Lege vel patere ut tibi legatur, et tunc elige quod volueris. Audivi quod dixeris posse te nobiscum de ipsis gestis aliquid agere, si omittamus verba episcoporuni vestrorum, ubi dixerunt : " Nee causa causae nee persona personae praeiudicat." Haec verba vis omittamus, ubi per eos nescientes Veritas ipsa locuta est. Sed tu dicturus es hie eos errasse et in falsam sententiam incautius cecidisse ; nos autem dicimus hoc eos verum dixisse et hoc per te ipsum facil Ume probamus. Si enim episcopi vestri electi ab universa parte Donati, qui causam omnium sustinerent et, si quid egissent, gratum et acceptum ceteri haberent, tamen in eo quod illos temere et non recte dixisse arbitraris, non vis ut tibi praeiudicent, verum ergo dixerunt, quia " nee causa causae nee persona personae praeiudicat." Et ibi debes agnoscere quia, si persona tot episcoporum tuorum in iiUs septem constitutorum non vis ut prae- " The words were used by the Donatists at the Conference of Carthage, " Quia ergo diximiis eis sicut ilhid [concihiim] non obesse Caeciliano, quemadmodum hoc non obest Primiano, quoniam contra absentes facta sunt ambo concilia ; continuo non invenientes quae responderent, et horribiles angustias passi, dixerunt nee causam causae, nee personam praeiudicare personae '.' {Ad Bon. p. Coll. 3. 3). His point here is that, on this Donatist admission that one man's guilt does not affect another, the crimes alleged by the Council of Carthage in 312 against Caecilian in no way affect his successors, still less the Church Universal. Seeing 294

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) orderly manner about this very question of separation. The minutes were ^\Titten down ; further, our signatures are on record. Read them, or have them read to you, and choose then which you prefer. I have heard you have stated that you could have some discussion \Wth us about those minutes, if we leave out the words of your bishops, in which it is said, " One case does not compromise another case, nor one person another person." " You want us to leave these words out, which truth itself spoke through them, though they knew it not. But you will say that in this point they were mistaken and through lack of foresight fell into a false opinion ; we say that what they said was true, and we very easily prove this by referring to yourself. For if you refuse to allow those bishops of yours, chosen by the entire Donatist party to represent the whole body in such wise that whatever they did, the rest should take as satisfactory and acceptable, to prejudice your case by what you hold to be a rash and incorrect statement on their part, by this refusal you admit the truth of their statement that one case does not compromise another case, nor one person another person. And at this point you ought to grant that, if you refuse to allow the person of so many of your bishops as represented in those seven ^ the consequences of this argument, the Donatists declared that this admission by their leaders at the Conference of the intransmissibilitv of guilt was not " satisfactory and acceptable."

At the Conference Catholics and Donatists each chose seven representatives to address the gathering, seven more as counsel, and four others to supervise the taking of the minutes. The reference here is to the seven speakers on the Donatist side.

ST. AUGUSTINE

iudicet personae Donati Mutugennensis presbyteri, quanto minus non debet praeiudicare Caeciliani persona, etiamsi mali aliquid in illo esset inventum, universae unitati Christi, quae non in una villa Mutugenna concluditur, sed toto terrarum orbe diffunditur !

Sed ecce facimus quod voluisti ; sic tecum agimus, ac si non dixerint vestri : " Nee causa causae nee persona personae praeiudicat." Tu inveni quid illic dicere debuerint, cum eis obiecta esset causa et persona Primiani, qui damnatores suos et damnavit cum ceteris et damnatos ac detestatos in suo rursus honore suscepit, et baptismum quem mortui dederant (quia de ipsis in ilia praeclara sententia dictum erat " Caecilian was first archdeacon, then from 311 bishop, of Carthage ; the question whether his ordination was valid or not was the beginning of the Donatist schism.

Primianus was Donatist bishop of Carthage, appointed in 391, the year which saw AureHus elevated to the Cathohc see in Carthage and Augustine ordained to the priesthood at Hippo. These two at once came to grips with the Donatist problem, but that party had as well its own internal difhculties. Primianus became embroiled with a rival, Maximian, and at a synod held in the province of Byzacena, Primianus was deposed and Maximian appointed in his stead (June 393). Primianus rallied his supporters in Xumidia, where the original strength of Donatism lay, and at Bagai, in April 394, a synod of Primianist Donatists restored him. The rebel Gildo, aided by the infamous Optatus, bishop of Timgad, supported their cause, but when the rebellion was put down in 398 the Donatists found themselves acutely divided and in great disfavour. The Catholic party invoked 296

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) to compromise the person of Donatus, priest of Mutugenna," all the less ought the person of Caecilian, even if some degree of evil had been detected in him, to compromise Christian unity, M'hich is not confined to the single village of Mutugenna, but is spread abroad throughout the world.

But see, we shall do as you have desired ; we 8 shall treat with you as if your bishops had not said, One case does not compromise another case, nor one person another person." Do you find out what they ought to have replied to that point, when the objection was made to them of the case and person of Primianus,^ who although he joined the others in anathematizing those who had anathematized him, nevertheless received back with their former honours those whom he had anathematized and cursed, and chose rather to recognize and accept, than to abolish and breathe scorn upon,*^ the baptism given by dead men (for of them it was said in that famous in 404 the aid of the secular arm, and Primianus was dispossessed, but soon returned, playing a prominent part in the Conference of 41 1. This marked a definite stage in the history of Donatism, and Primianus's power was quite broken.

" Exsiifflo is a late word, properly " to breathe out," " blow out," as Gael. Aur. Chron. 4. 3 " exsuflflatis omnibus quae de se admiserint"; then, naturally, it came to imply scorn (Iren.-Lat. i. 13. 4 " exsufflantes et catathemizantes eum "). In the baptism of the young, exsufflation was part of the ceremony of exorcism from very early in the Church's history (Augustine calls it an " antiqui?simam Ecclesiae traditionem," De Xvpf. h. 29. 51) ; then, since in re-baptizing Catholic Christians the Donatists " exsuflflated " the previous baptism (" iterata baptismata, exsufflata sacramenta," Ep. xliii. 24 ; " fidelis si veniat, exsufflant et rebaptizant," Ep. lii. 2), it becomes almost a technical term to describe the attitude of Donatists to the Catholic sacraments.

ST. AUGUSTINE

quod " mortuorum funeribus plena sint litora "), agiioscere potius et acceptare quam exsufflare et rescindere maluit, totumque dissolvit quod male intellegentes dicere soletis, quia qui baptizatur a mortuo, quid ei prodest lavacrum eius? Si ergo non dicerent : " Nee causa causae nee persona personae praeiudicat," rei tenerentur in causa Primiani ; cum autem hoc dixerunt, immunem fecerunt ecclesiam catholicam, sicut nos adserebamus, a causa Caeciliani.

9 Sed cetera lege, cetera discute. Vide utrum in ipsura Caecilianum, de cuius persona praeiudicare conabantur ecclesiae, aliquid mali probare potuerint. Vide utrum non potius etiam pro illo multa egerint et pluribus lectionibus, quas contra se protulerunt et recitaverunt, causam eius bonam omnino firmaverint. Lege ista vel legantur tibi. Considera omnia, retracta diligenter, et elige quid sequaris, utrum nobiscum in Christi pace, in ecclesiae catholicae unitate, in fraterna caritate gaudere, an pro nefaria dissensione, pro Donati parte, pro sacrilega divisione importunitatem nostrae circa te dilectionis diutius sustinere.

10 Adtendis enim et saepe repetis, sicut audio, quod in evangelio scriptum est recessisse a domino septua- " The sentence is given in full in Augustine's Contra Gaudenthim, i. 54, " Aegyptiorum admodum exemplo pereuntium funeribus plena sunt litora," the reference being to Exod. xiv. SI, when the Israelites " viderunt Aegyptios mortuos super litus maris," and the implication being that the Donatists behold the catholic successors of Caecilian, with the appearance of Christian life but a real absence of it, widespread in Africa, but quite ineffective. The " wrong interpretation " refers to the Donatist practice of adducing in support of their re-baptizing of Catholics the text from Ecclus. xxxiv. 25, " qui baptizatur a mortuo, et iterum tangit 298

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) decree*^ that " the shores were full of dead men "), and so gave a complete denial to that argument which you are wont to deduce from a ^vl•ong interpretation of the words, " He that washeth himself after touching a dead body, what availeth his washing ? " ^ If then your bishops had not said, " One case does not compromise another case, nor one person another person," they would have been held to share the guilt in the case of Primianus ; but in making that assertion they secured the Catholic Church, as we contended, from any guilt in the case of Caecilian.

But read all the rest and examine it well. Notice 9 whether they have succeeded in proving any evil against Caecilian himself, from whose person they attempted to compromise the Church; notice whether they have not rather achieved much in his favour and altogether confirmed the soundness of his case by the comparatively large number of extracts they produced and recited to the detriment of their own position. Read those, or have them read to you ; consider the whole matter, give it a further careful investigation, and choose which you will follow, whether you mil share our joy in the peace of Christ, in the unity of the Church Catholic, in brotherly affection, or, in the cause of ^\^cked discord, the Donatist party and sacrilegious schism, will endure still further the importunity of our love for you.

I hear that you often quote and draw attention to 10 the fact recorded in the Gospels that seventy disciples vdthdrew from the Lord and were left to their mortuiim, quid ei prodest lavacrum eius ? " with the omission of the middle clause, " if he touch it again," and a monstrous perversion of the meaning. The Catholics, the Donatists argued, being mortui, could not confer a valid sacrament.

^ Ecclus. xxxiv. 30.

ST. AUGUSTINE

ginta discipulos et arbitrio suae malae atque impiae discessionis fuisse permissos, ceterisque duodecim qui remanserant, fuisse responsum : Xtf)?2quid et vos vultis ire? Et non adtendis quia tunc priniuin ecclesia novello germine pullulabat nondumque in ea fuerat completa ilia prophetia : Et adorahunt eiun omnes reges ierrae, omnes gentes servient illi, quod utique quanto magis impletur, tanto maiore utitur ecclesia potestate, ut non solum invitet, sed etiam cogat ad bonum. Hoc tunc doniinus significare volebat, qui quamvis haberet magnam potestatem, prius tamen elegit commendare humilitatem. Hoc et in ilia con\ivii similitudine satis e\identer ostendit, ubi misit ad invitatos et venire noluerunt ; et ait servo : Exi in plateas et vicos civitatis et paiiperes et debiles et caecos et claudos introduc hue. Et ait servus domino : " Factum est, id imperasti, et adhuc locus est.'' Et ait dominus servo : Exi in vias et saepes et compelle imrare, ut impleatur domus mea. \ ide nunc quern ad niodum de his qui prius venerunt, dictum est : " Introduc " eos, non dictum est " compelle "; ita significata sunt ecclesiae primordia adhuc crescentis, ut essent vires etiam compellendi. Proinde, quia oportebat eius iam viribus et magnitudine roborata etiam compelli homines ad convivium salutis aeternae, posteaquam dictum est : Factum est, quod iussisti, et adhuc est

« John vi. 67-68. " Ps. Ixxi. 11. " Luke xiv. 21-23. 300

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII) own choice in this wicked and undutiful desertion, and that to the other twelve who remained it was said, " Will ye also go away ? " ® But you neglect to draw attention to the fact that then the Church was just beginning to sprout with new shoots and that as yet that prophecy had not received fulfilment in her : " All kings shall fall down before him, yea, all nations shall serve him " ^ ; it is in proportion to the more complete fulfilment of that prophecy that the Church enjoys greater authority, so that she not only invites, but actually compels, men to goodness. This is what our Lord intended in that incident to indicate, for although He possessed great authority. He chose rather to give the example of humility. This too He taught clearly enough in that parable of the feast, in which, after a message had been sent to the invited guests and they had refused to come, the servant was told, " ' Go out into the streets and lanes of the city and bring in hither the poor and the maimed and the halt and the blind.' And the servant said to his ' It is done as thou hast commanded, and yet there is room.' And the lord said to his servant, ' Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them lord, to come in, that my house may be filled.' "^ Just notice the phrase used of those who came first : " bring them in," not the phrase, " compel them to come in "; that symbolized the incipient stage of the Church, still developing to the point where it would have the strength to compel men to it. Accordingly, since it v/as right that when it had grown stronger in power and extent men should actually be compelled to the feast of everlasting salvation, the words were afterwards added : "It is done as thou hast commanded, and still there is room. And the

ST. AUGUSTINE

locus, exi, inquit, in vias et saepes et compelle intrare. Quapropter,. si ambularetis quieti extra hoc convi^-ium sanctae unitatis ecclesiae, tamquam in viis vos inveniremus ; nunc vero, quia per multa mala et saeva quae in nostros committitis, tamquam spinis et asperitate pleni estis, vos tamquam in saepibus invenimus et intrare compeilimus. Qui compellitur, quo non vult cogitur, sed, cum intraverit, iam volens pascitur. Cohibe itaque iam iniquum et inpacatum animum, ut in vera ecclesia Christi invenias salutare con\'ivium.

No. 40 (Ep. CLXXnO DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET SINCERISSIMA CARI-

TATE VENERANDO SANCTO FRATRI ET CON

SACERDOTI PAPAE AURELIO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

De trinitate, quae deus summus et verus est, libros iuvenis inchoavi, senex edidi. Omiseram quippe hoc opus, posteaquam comperi praereptos mihi esse sive subreptos, antequam eos absolverem et retractatos, ut mea dispositio fuerat, expo Urem. Non enim singillatim, sed omnes simul edere ea ratione decreveram, quoniam praecedentibus consequentes inquisitione proficiente nectuntur. Cum ergo per " The title pajja was applied to all bishops indiscriminately from the third century until the ninth, and only then was reserved to the bishop of Rome (see P. de Labriolle in the Bulletin Du Cange t. iv. pp. 65-75). For Aurelius see note on p. 40.

The De Trinitate was begun about 400, but the first twelve books having been published without his authority, it was not until 416, in response to several urgent requests, 302

NO. 39 (Ep. CLXXIII)—NO. 40 (Ep. CLXXIV) ' Go out into the highways and hedges and compel them to come in.' " Wherefore, if you were walking quietly outside this feast of the Church's holy unity, we should find you, so to speak, in the " highways " lord said, ; but as it is, you are, so to say, full of thorns and sharpness, by reason of the many cruel sufferings you inflict on our people, so we find you, as it were, in the " hedges " and compel you to come in. He who is compelled is forced to go where he has no wish to go, but when he has come in, he partakes of the feast right willingly. So curb your hostile and rebellious spirit, that you may find the feast of salvation within the true Church of Christ.

No. 40 (Ep. CLXXIV) (a.d. 416) TO MY SAINTLY LORD, REVERED WITH VERY

GENUINE LOVE, MY HOLY BROTHER AND FELLOW-PRIEST, POPE AURELIUS,'» AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I was young when I began my work on the Trinity,^ the supreme, true God ; I am old now when it is published. I had indeed abandoned the task, after learning that someone had stolen it from me or at least stolen a march on me before I could finish and revise it and give it the final touch I had intended. For I had decided not to pubhsh the books separately but all together, for the reason that the later books are linked up with the earlier in a progressive inquiry. that he completed and published the whole fifteen books {Retract, ii. 15, Ejyp. cxx. 13, cxliii. 4, clxiv. 2, clxix. 1). 303

ST. AUGUSTINE

eos homines qui, priusquam vellem, ad quosdam illorum pervenire potuerunt, dispositio mea nequivisset impleri, interruptam dictationem reliqueram cogitans hoc ipsum in aHquibus scriptis meis conqueri. ut scirent qui possent non a me fuisse eosdem libros editos, sed ablatos priusquam mihi editione mea digni viderentur. Verum multorum fratrum vehementissima postalatione et maxime tua iussione compulsus, opus tarn laboriosum adiuvante domino terminare curavi, eosque emendatos, non ut volui, sed ut potui, ne ab illis, qui subrepti iam in manus hominum exierant, plurimum discreparent, venerationi tuae per fi Uum nostrum condiaconum carissimum misi et cuicumque audiendos, legendos describendosque permisi. In quibus si servari mea dispositio potuisset, essent profecto, etsi easdem sententias habentes, multo tamen enodatiores atque planiores, quantum rerum tantarum explicandarum difficultas et facultas nostra pateretur. Sunt autem qui primos quattuor vel potius quinque etiam sine prooemiis habent et duodecimum sine extrema parte non parva. Sed si eis haec editio potuerit innotescere, omnia, si voluerint et valuerint, emendabunt. Peto sane ut banc epistulam seorsum quidem sed tamen ad caput eorundem Ubrorum iubeas anteponi. Ora pro me.

NO. 40 (Ep. CLXXIV)

Seeing, then, that my intention was prevented from being carried out because of those persons who were able to have access to some of the books before I wanted them to, I broke off my dictation and abandoned it, thinking to voice my complaint in some other work of mine, so as to let those who could, know that those same books were not published by me, but were taken out of my hands before they seemed to me fit for publication by me. But compelled by the most urgent demands of many of my brethren and most of all by your command, I have taken the trouble to bring to completion, with the help of God, a work on which I have expended so much effort, and now by our son and dear fellowdeacon I am sending them to your Grace, and handing them over for anyone to hear, read, or copy, corrected as well as I could, not as well as I would, in case they might differ too much from those copies which were stolen from me and are already in circulation. If I could have stuck to what I intended in them, they should have contained the same opinions, but should certainly have been much less obscure and more easy to read, as far as the difficulty of explaining such weighty matters and my own ability allowed it. Now there are some people who possess the first four or rather five books without the introductions and the twelfth without the last portion, which is of a fair length ; but if this edition happens to come to their notice, they will be able to make all the corrections, if they have the wish and the ability. I beg you by all means to give instructions for the placing of this letter at the head of those books, but apart from them. Pray for me.

ST. AUGUSTINE

No. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)

DOMINO BEATISSIMO ET MERITO VENERABILI FRATRI ET COEPISCOPO lOHANNI AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 Quod tuae sanctitatis scripta non merui, nihil audeo suscensere ; melius enim perlatorem credo defuisse, quam me suspicor a tua veneratione contemptum, domine beatissime et merito venerabilis frater. Nunc vero, quoniam servum dei Lucam, per quem ista direxi, cito comperi esse rediturum, agam domino et tuae benignitati uberes gratias, si me litteris fueris visitare dignatus. Pelagium vero fratrem nostrum, filium tuum, quem audio quod multum diligis, banc illi suggero exhibeas dilectionem, ut homines, qui eum noverunt et diligenter audierunt, non ab eo tuam sanctitatem existiment falli.

2 Nam quidam ex discipulis eius adulescentes honestissime nati et institutis liberalibus eruditi spem, quam habebant in saeculo, eius exhortatione dimiserunt et se ad dei servitium contulerunt. In quibus tamen cum apparuissent quaedam sanae doctrinae adversantia, quae salvatoris evangelio " This is John, bishop of Jerusalem from 386 to 417. When Pelagius and Coelestius reached Palestine in 415, John refused to accept the decrees of the Council of Carthage against them and held his own synod in 415. In 416 the Synod of Diospolis gave a decision favourable to Pelagius, but later this was reversed. Meantime Augustine writes warning John to beware of tolerating and encouraging the Pelagian heresy. For Augustine's earlier relations with Pelagius see No. 36.

These young men were Timasius and Jacobus, who in 415 sent Augustine a copy of Pelagius's De Natura, to which 306

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)

No. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)

TO MY SAINTLY LORD AND DESERVEDLY RE

VERED BROTHER AND FELLOW - BISHOP, JOHN,« AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I would not for anything venture to cherish re1 sentment that I have not been honoured with letters from your Holiness ; for it is better for me to believe that you, my saintly lord and deservedly revered brother, were without anyone to convey them, than to harbour the suspicion that your Grace was scorning me. But now, as I have learned that Luke, the servant of God by whom I am sending this letter to you, is going to return very shortly, I shall give hearty thanks to the Lord and to your Benignity, if you have the kindness to visit me by letter. As for Pelagius, our brother and your son, to whom I hear you show much affection, I suggest that the affection you show him be such that the people who know him and have carefully listened to him may not imagine that your Holiness is being deceived by him.

Some of his disciples, indeed, young men of very 2 noble birth and education in the liberal arts,^ gave up their worldly prospects at his persuasion and betook themselves to the service of God. When, however, they gave evidence of certain theories at variance vrith sound doctrine as contained in the Gospel of the Saviour and declared in the words of Augustine replied in his D& Natura et Gratia, dedicated to tlie two young men ; their letter of thanks on receiving the reply is printed as Ep. clxviii.

ST. AUGUSTINE

continetur et apostolicis sermonibus declaratur, id est cum invenirentur contra dei gratiam disputari, propter quam Christian! sumus et in qua spiritu ex jide spem iustitiae eocpectamus, et admonitionibus nostris inciperent emendari, dederunt mihi librum, quern eiusdem Pelagii esse dixerunt, rogantes ut ei potius responderem. Quod posteaquam vidi nie facere debere, ut eo modo error ipse nefarius de cordibus eorum perfectius auferretur, legi atque respondi.

3 In hoc hbro ille dei gratiam non appellat nisi naturam, qua Hbero arbitrio conditi sumus. lUam vero, quam innumerabilibus testimoniis sancta scriptura commendat ea nos iustificari, hoc est iustos fieri docens et in omni opere bono sive agendo sive perficiendo dei misericordia iuvari, quod etiam orationes sanctorum apertissime ostendunt, quibus ea petuntur a domino, quae praecipiuntur a domino, hanc ergo gratiam non solum tacet, sed ei contraria multa loquitur. Adfirmat enim vehementerque contendit per solum liberum arbitrium sibi humanam suf Rcere posse naturam ad operandam iustitiam et omnia dei mandata servanda. Unde quis non videat, cum eundem librum legerit, quem ad modum oppugnetur gratia dei, de qua dicit apostolus : Miser ego homo ! Quis me liherahit de corpore mortis huius ? Gratia dei per dotninum nostrum lesum

Christum, et nullus locus divino adiutorio relinquatur, propter quod orantes dicere debeamus : Ne nos inferas in temptationem, sine causa etiam dominus

" Gal. V. 5. * Rom. vii. 24-25.

Matt. vi. 13 ; Luke xi. 4. 308

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX) the apostles—that is, when they were discovered to be arguing against the grace of God, by means of which we become Christians and in which " we through the Spirit wait for the hope of righteousness by faith," <^ and were beginning to reject their errors under my strictures, they gave me a book which, they said, was by the same Pelagius, asking me instead to reply to him. After I saw that it was my duty to do so in order the more thoroughly to drive that wicked error from their hearts, I read it and composed an answer.

In that book he declares the grace of God to be 3 only nature, in which we are created with free-^\-ill. (As for that grace, however, which Holy Scripture commends to us in countless texts, teaching that it is by it that we are justified, that is, made just, and assisted, by God's mercy, in doing or completing every good work (as is shown too very clearly by the prayers of the holy, in which those things are sought from the Lord which have been enjoined by the Lord)—this grace, then, he not only passes over in silence, but advances many statements opposed to it. ('For he asserts and urgently argues that through free-will alone human nature can be sufficient to do the works of righteousness and keep all God's commandments. From that anyone can see, on reading the same book, what an attack is made upon the grace of God, of which the apostle says, " O wretched man that I am ! Who shall deliver me from the body of this death ? The grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ," ^ and how there is no place left for that divine assistance because of which it is our duty to say, when we pray, " Lead us not into temptation " further, the Lord seems to have had no reason for

ST. AUGUSTINE

apostolo Petro dixisse videatur : Bogavi pro te, ne deficiat fides tua, si hoc totum in nobis niillo auxilio dei sed potestate voluntatis impletur ?

4 His itaque disputationibus perversis et impiis non solum contradicitur orationibus nostris, quibus a domino petimus quicquid sanctos petisse legimus et tenemus, verum etiam benedictionibus nostris resistitur, quando super populum dicimus optantes eis et poscentes a domino, ut eos abundare facial in caritate ijivicem et i?i omiies et det eis secundum divitias gloriae suae virtute corroborari per spiritum eius et impleat eos omni gaudio et pace in credendo et abundent in spe et potentia spiritus sancti. Ut quid eis ista petimus, quae populis a domino petisse apostolum novimus, si iam natura nostra creata cum libero arbitrio omnia haec sibi potest sua voluntate praestare ? Ut quid etiam dicit idem ipse apostolus : Quotquot enim spiritu dei aguntur, hi filii sunt dei, si spiritu naturae nostrae agimur, ut efficiamur filii dei ? Ut quid dicit similiter : Spiritus adiuvat infirmitatem nosiram, si natura nostra sic creata est, ut spiritu ad opera iustitiae non indigeat adiuvari ? Ut quid scriptum est : Fidelis autem deus, qui non permittet vos temptari super id quod potestis, sed faciet cum temptatiojie etiam exitum, ut possitis susti?iere, si iam ita conditi sumus, ut viribus liberi arbitrii universas temptationes sustinendo superare possimus ?

Luke xxii. 32. * 1 Thess. ill. 12.

Eph. iii. 16. " Rom. xv. 13. * Rom. viii. U.

/ Rom. viii. 26. » 1 Cor. x. 13. 310

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX) saying to the apostle Peter, " I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not," " if all this receives its fulfilment in us without any help from God, but by the power of our will alone.)

So these perverted and sacrilegious arguments not 4 only give the lie to our prayers, in which we ask the Lord for anything that we read and believe that the holy have asked, but also are in conflict with the benediction we give, when over the people we utter the prayer and petition to God that He will " make them to increase and abound in love one towards another and towards all men," ^ and " grant them according to the riches of His glory to be strengthened with might by his Spirit," ^ and " fill them with joy and peace in believing and make them to abound in hope and in the power of the Holy Spirit." '^ (Why do we ask these things for them which we know the apostle asked from the Lord for the nations, if even now our nature, created ^\^th free-will, can provide all of them for itself by its own will ? And why does this same apostle say too, " For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God," ^ if we are led by the spirit of our nature to be made the sons of God ? And why does he likewise say, " The Spirit helpeth our infirmities,"-'^ if our nature is created such that it does not need any help from the Spirit to do the works of righteousness ? And why does Scripture say, " But God is faithful, who will not suffer you to be tempted above that ye are able, but will with the temptation also make a way to escape, that ye may be able to bear it,"^ if we have been created such that by the strength of our freewill we are able to overcome all temptations by simply enduring them ?J

ST. AUGUSTINE

5 Quid pluribus agam apud sanctitatem vestram, quando quidem me onerosum sentio, maxime quia per interpretem audis litteras meas ? Si diligitis Pelagium, diligat vos etiam ipse, immo magis se ipsum et non vos fallat. Cum enim auditis eum confiteri gratiam dei et adiutorium dei, putatis hoc eum dicere quod et vos, qui catholica regula sapitis, quoniam quid in libro suo scripserit, ignoratis. Propter hoc ipsum hbrum misi et meum, quo ei respondi ; unde perspiciat venerabilitas vestra quam gratiam vel adiutorium dei dicat, quando illi obicitur quod gratiae dei et adiutorio contradicat. Proinde ostende ilU docendo et hortando et pro eius salute, quae in Christo esse debet, orando, ut eam dei gratiam confiteatur, quam probantur sancti dei fuisse confessi, cum a domino ea ipsi peterent, quae ilhs iubebat ut facerent, quoniam neque iuberentur, nisi ut nostra voluntas ostenderetur, neque peterentur, nisi ut voluntatis infirmitas ab illo, qui iusserat, iuvaretur.

6 Aperte interrogetur, utrum ei placeat orandum esse a domino, ne peccemus. Quod si ei displicet, legatur in auribus eius apostolus dicens : Oramus autem ad deum, ne quid facialis mali ; si autem placet, aperte praedicet gratiam, qua iuvamur, ne ipse faciat multum mali. Hac enim gratia dei per lesum Christum dominum nostrum omnes liberantur, quicumque liberantur, quoniam nemo praeter ipsam quolibet alio modo liberari potest. Propter hoc " His own language was Greek, ^ 2 Cor. xiii. 7. 312

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)

Why need I dilate upon the point to your Holiness, 5 when I already reahze that I am wearying you, especially as you hsten to my letter through an interpreter ? ^ If you love Pelagius.may he too love you, or rather deceive himself and not you ! For when you hear him confessing God's grace and God's help, you think he means the same as you do, who understand them in the hght of the Catholic rule of faith, because you are unacquainted M-ith what he has MTitten in his book. For this reason I have sent the book itself and the reply I wrote to it; from these your Reverence may see what grace or help of God he speaks of, when the objection is made to him that he is speaking of something opposed to the grace and help of God. Open his eyes then by teaching and exhorting him and praying for the salvation he ought to have in Christ, so that he may confess that grace of God the saints are proved to have confessed, when they sought those things from the Lord which He commanded them to seek, for those things would have not been commanded unless to the end that our will should be revealed, nor would they be asked for, unless to the end that the weakness of our ^^-ill should have the help of Him who commanded them.

Let the question be openly put to him whether he 6 approves of praying the Lord that we fall not into sin.

If he disapproves of it, let the apostle be read in his ears, in the words, " Now I pray to God that ye do no e\'il " ^ ; but if he does approve of it, let him openly preach that grace which assists us, so that he himself may be kept from doing much evil. For it is by this grace of God through Jesus Christ oiu: Lord that all those who are delivered, are dehvered, since no one can be delivered in any other way than through it. 313

ST. AUGUSTINE

scriptum est : Sicut in Adam omnes moriuntur, sic et in Christo omnes vivijicaburitur, non quia nemo damnabitur, sed quia nemo aliter liberabitur, quia, sicut nulli nisi per Adam filii hominis, ita nulli nisi per Christum filii dei. Omnes itaque filii hominis nonnisi per Adam et omnes ex eis filii dei nonnisi per Christum fieri possunt. Aperte itaque etiam hinc exprimat quid sentiat, utrum placeat ei etiam parvulos, qui nondum iustitiam possunt velle vel nolle, tamen propter unum hominem, per quem peccatum i?itravit in mundum et per peccatum mors et ita in omnes homines pertransiit, in quo onmes peccaverunt, per Christ! gratiam liberari, utrum etiam pro ipsis fusum credat sanguinem Christi propter originale peccatum, qui utique in remissionem fusus est peccatorum. De his maxime ab illo volumus nosse quid credat, quid teneat, quid certe confiteatur et praedicet. In aliis autem, quae illi obiciuntur, etiamsi errare convincitur, tamen, donee corrigatur, tolerabilius sustinetur.

Peto etiam nobis transmittere, quibus perhibetur esse purgatus, ecclesiastica gesta digneris. Quod ex multorum episcoporum desiderio peto, quos mecum de hac re fama incerta perturbat ; sed ideo solus hoc scripsi, quia occasionem perlatoris festinantis a nobis, quem cito ad nos audivi posse remeare, praetermittere nolui. Pro quibus gestis iam nobis misit " 1 Cor. XV. 22. ^ Rom. v. 12. <" Matt. xxvi. 28.

Held at Diospolis, the ancient Lydda, in December 415. When the minutes came into Augustine's hands, about the end of 416 or early in 417, he found that Pelagius's summary of the discussion was unfair, so he wrote the historical tract De Gestis Pelagii, an account of the proceedings against Pelagius in Palestine.

314»

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)

For that reason it is written, " For as in x\dam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive," "^ not that no one will be damned, but that no one \\ill be delivered in any other way ; for just as all those who are children of men are so through Adam, so all those Mho are children of God are so through Christ. So all children of men are able to become such only through Adam, and all of them who have become children of God, only through Christ. Let him therefore openly express his views on this further point, whether he accepts the fact that even little children, who have not yet reached the stage of willing righteousness or of refusing it, yet because of one man, bv whom " sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death passed ypon all men, for that all have sinned," ^ are delivered by the grace of Christ—whether even for them, because of original sin, he beheves that the blood of Christ was shed, which was, to be sure, shed for the remission of sins.^ About these points in particular I am anxious to know what he believes and holds, what he definitely confesses and preaches. In the other points, however, that are raised against him, even if he be proved to be in error, none the less until he accepts correction, it is more tolerable to bear with him.

Further, I beg you to have the kindness to send to 7 me the minutes of the Church council ^ which declare him to be cleared of the charge of heresy. This I beg at the desire of many bishops who have, like me, been troubled by the indefinite rumour about this ; I have WTitten, however, asking this in my own name for the reason that I did not want to miss the opportunity of the messenger, who is in a position, I understand, to return to us speedily. In place of these

ST. AUGUSTINE

non quidem ullam partem gestorum sed quandam a se conscriptam velut defensionem suam, qua se dixit obiectis respondisse Gallorum. In qua, ut alia omittam, cum ad illud responderet, quod ei obiectum est, eum dixisse posse hominem esse sine peccato et mandata dei custodire, si velit, " diximus," inquit ; " banc enim illi deus possibilitatem dedit ; non diximus quoniam inveniatur quis, ab infantia usque ad senectam qui numquam peccaverit, sed quoniam a peccatis conversus labore proprio et gratia dei adiutus potest absque peccato esse nee propter hoc in posterum erit inconvertibilis."

8 In hac Pelagii responsione cernit reverentia tua hoc eum fuisse confessum, priorem hominis vitam, quae est ab infantia, sine peccato non esse, sed eum ad vitam, quae sine peccato sit, labore proprio et adiutus per gratiam dei posse converti. Cur ergo in hoc libro, cui respondi, Abel ita hie vixisse dicit, ut nihil omnino peccaverit ? Nam eius de hac re ista sunt verba : " Hoc," inquit, " recte dici potest de his, quorum neque bonorum neque malorum scriptura sit memor ; de illis vero, quorum iustitiae meminit, et peccatorum sine dubio meminisset, si qua eos peccasse sensisset. Sed esto," inquit, " aliis temporibus turbae numerositate omnium dissimulaverit peccata contexere, in ipso statim mundi primordio, ubi nonnisi quattuor homines erant, quid," inquit, " Pelagius had sent this to Augustine by Charus, a deacon in Palestine, by birth a citizen of Hippo. See De Gest. Pel. i. 57, 58. The Gauls are two bishops, Heros of Aries and Lazarus of Aix, who had taken refuge in Palestine, after undeserved ejection from their sees. They drew up a series 316

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX) minutes Pelagius has already sent us not indeed any portion of the minutes, but a kind of defence of himself, written by his own hand, in which he says he has answered the objections of the Gauls." In it, to leave other matters out, he rephed to the objection made to him that he had said man could Hve without sin and keep God's commandments if he wished to ; his words are : " I maintained that this power was conferred upon him by God ; I did not maintain that any person would be found who had never committed a sin from his infancy to his old age, but that after turning from sin by his own effort and with the help of God's grace he can live ^\•ithout sin, and that the fact of having sinned does not prevent a man fromi turning from it at a future date."

In this reply of Pelagius your Reverence can discern that he has confessed that a man's earlier life, that is in infancy, is not without sin, but that he can be turned by his own effort, assisted by the grace of God, to the sinless life. Why then, in the book

I have rephed to, does he allege that Abel lived a life that was completely without sin ? These are his words about this point : " This can ^vith justice be said of those of whose good deeds and evil deeds alike Scripture has no record ; but it would assuredly have recorded the sins of those whose righteousness it records, if it had perceived that they had sinned at all. But granted," he says, " that in other ages the great throng of men made Scripture neglect to weave an account of the sins of every one : right at the very beginning of the world, when there were only four people in existence, what reason," he of formal charges against Pelagius, to consider which the Synod of Diospolis was called.

ST. AUGUSTINE

" dicimus, cur non omnium voluerit delicta memorare? Utrumne ingentis multitudinis causa, quae nondum erat ? An quia illorum tantum, qui commiserant, meminit, illius vero, qui nulla commiserat, meminisse non potuit ? Certe," inquit, " primo in tempore Adam et Eva, ex quibus Cain et Abel nati sunt, quattuor homines tantum fuisse referuntur. Peccavit Eva, scriptura hoc prodidit ; Adam quoque deliquit, eadem scriptura non tacuit ; sed et Cain peccasse ipsa quoque scriptura testata est. Quorum non modo peccata, verum etiam peccatorum indicat qualitatem. Quod si et Abel peccasset," inquit, " et hoc sine dubio scriptura dixisset ; si non dixit, ergo nee ille pecca\it."

9 Haec verba de libro eius decerpsi, quae in ipso quoque volumine tua sanctitas poterit invenire, ut intellegatis quem ad modum et cetera neganti credere debeatis, nisi forte dicat ipsum Abel nihil peccasse, sed ideo non fuisse sine peccato et ideo non posse domino comparari, qui in carne mortali solus sine peccato fuit, quia erat in Abel originale peccatum quod de Adam traxerat, non in se ipso ipse commiserat—utinam saltem hoc dicat, ut interim eius de baptismo parvulorum certam sententiam tenere possimus !—aut si forte, quoniam dixit " ab infantia usque ad senectutem," ideo dicat Abel non peccasse, quia nee senuisse monstratur. Non hoc indicant verba eius ; ab initio priorem vitam dixit peccatricem, posteriorem vero posse esse sine peccato. Ait enim

This passage from Pelagius is again quoted and discussed by Augustine in JJe ISatura et Gratia §§ 43-45. 318

NO. il (Ep. CLXXIX) asks, " can we give for its failure to mention the sins of every one ? Is it because of the great number of people ? There was as yet nothing of the kind. Is it because it remembered only those who had committed sin, and was unable to remember the one who had not committed any ? To be sure," he says, " in the first age of the world there Mere Adam and Eve, from whom were born Cain and Abel—four people only are mentioned as existing. Eve sinned ; the Scripture has revealed that to us ; Adam also sinned ; the same Scripture does not omit to mention it, and that Scripture has testified too that Cain sinned as well, and it points out not only their sins, but also the nature of their sins. If Abel too had sinned, that too would have been mentioned by Scripture ; but it is not mentioned, so he did not sin." ^

I have culled from his book these words, which your Holiness will be able to find in the volume itself, so that you may understand what manner of credence you should afford him when he denies the other points as well ; unless perhaps he says that Abel himself committed no sin, but that he was not therefore without sin and could not therefore bear comparison with the Lord, Who alone in mortal flesh was without sin, since in Abel there was original sin inherited from Adam, not committed by himself in his own person (I wish he would at least make this assertion, so that we might for the present obtain from him a definite expression of opinion about infant baptism) ; or unless he says perhaps, since he has used the words " from infancy to old age," that Abel did not sin because he is shown not to have lived to old age. This is not what his words indicate : he said that from the beginning the earher period of life was given to sin. but that the

ST. AUGUSTINE

non se dixisse quoniam inveniatur quis ab infantia usque ad senectutem qui non peccaverit, sed quoniam a peccatis conversus labore proprio et gratia dei adiutus potest absque peccato esse. Cum enim dicit " a peccatis conversus," ostendit priorem vitam in peccatis agi. Fateatur ergo quod peccaverit Abel, cuius prima \'ita fuit in saeculo, quam fatetur non carere peccatis, et respiciat librum suum, ubi eum dixisse constat quod ait in hac defensione : " Non diximus."

10 Si autem et hunc librum vel hunc in eo libro locum esse negaverit suum, ego quidem idoneos testes habeo honestos et fideles viros et eius sine dubio dilectores, quibus adtestantibus purgare me possum quod eundem librum ipsi mihi dederint et ibi hoc legatur eumque Pelagii esse dixerint, ut saltem hoc mihi sufficiat, ne dicat a me fuisse sive conscriptum sive falsatum. lam inter illos eligat quisque cui credat. Meum non est de hac re diutius disputare. Rogamus, ut certe transmittas sibi, si negaverit se ista sentire, quae illi obiciuntur inimica gratiae

Christi. Tam quippe aperta est eius defensio, ut, si vestram sanctam prudentiam, qui eius alia scripta non nostis, nulla verborum ambiguitate fefellerit, ^ The Benedictine edition here reads transmittas ipsi si, the manuscripts two of the fifteenth century transmittas sibi si. Goldhacher marks a lacuna, rchich is hardly necessary ; sibi is probably a corruption of illi or ei.

" The reasoning here is a little involved. Pelagius has been trying to prove the sinlessness of Abel, in order to justify his own denial of the transmission of original sin and his theory that even before Christ there had been sinless lives. Augustine asks if he will maintain that Abel, whom he declares to have committed no sin, is therefore to be put on a level with Christ ; assuming Pelagius will hardly go so far, 320

NO. 4.1 (Ep. CLXXIX) later could be sinless ; for he declares he did not state that anyone Mould be found who from infancy to old age had not committed sin, but that after turning from sin by his own effort and with the help of God's grace, he could live without sin. For when he says " turning from sin," he shows that the earlier part of life was lived in sin. Let him then admit that Abel did sin, since his early life was lived in the world, and it, according to his admission, is not without sin ; and let him take another look at his own book, where it is quite plain he did make the statement which in this defence he denies havingr made.'*

But if he asserts that this book, or this passage in 10 the book, is not from his pen, I on my side have adequate witnesses, men of honour and reliability and undoubted friends of his own, and I can acquit myself by their testimony that they handed this same book to me containing that sentence and that they declared it was from the pen of Pelagius ; that evidence at any rate is sufficient to deter anyone from saying that it was written or fabricated by me. Now among these let each man choose whom to believe.

It is not my business to discuss the matter at any greater length. I ask you to convey to him by a sure hand, if he denies that those are his opinions, the points to which objection is taken as being in conflict with the grace of Christ. So plausible is his defence, indeed, that we shall rejoice with exceeding joy if he has not deceived your wise Holiness, unacquainted as you are with his other writings, by any he gives two alternatives : either Abel was not sinless in character, even if he did no sinful deed, or else he turned from sin—in either case, therefore, he was not without the taint of original sin which Pelagius is seeking to deny.

ST. AUGUSTINE

niagno gaudio gratulabiniur non multum curantes, utrum ilia perversa et impia numquam senserit an se ab eis aliquando correxerit.

No. 42 (Ep. CLXXXIX) DOMINO EXIMIO ET MERITO INSIGNI ATQUE

HONORABILI FILIO BONIFATIO AUGUSTINUS IN DOMINO SALUTEM

1 lam rescripseram caritati tuae, sed, cum epistulae dirigendae occasio quaereretur, supervenit dilectissimus filius meus Faustus pergens ad eximietatem tuam. Qui cum ipsas litteras, quas iam feceram, accepisset tuae benivolentiae perferendas, suggessit mihi multum te desiderare ut aliquid tibi scriberem quod te aedificet ad sempiternam salutem, cuius tibi spes in Christo lesu domino nostro. Et quamvis mihi occupato tantum institit ut facere non differrem, quantum scis quod te sinceriter diligat. Festinanti ergo ut occurrerem, malui festinanter aliquid scribere quam religiosum tuum desiderium retardare, domine eximie et merito insignis atque honorabilis fili.

2 Quod ergo breviter possum dicere : Dilige dominum deum tuum in toto corde tuo et in iota anima tua et in tota virtute tua, et : Dilige proximum tuum tamquam

Count Boniface was governor of Africa under Honorius and Placidia. Through the treachery of his perfidious rival Aetius, he was unjustly disgraced and revenged himself by making alliance with Genseric, king of the Vandals, who at his invitation invaded Africa in 429. The duplicity of Aetius being discovered, Boniface was restored to favour, and set himself to oppose the invaders. He retired to Hippo, which was besieged for fourteen months, during which time

NO. 41 (Ep. CLXXIX)—NO. 4-2 (Ep. CLXXXIX) ambiguous statement. For the rest we care not overmuch whether those perverted and impious opinions vrere never his, or if at last he has renounced them.

No. 42 (Ep. CLXXXIX)

TO BONIFACE,^ MY NOBLE LORD AND JUSTLY

DISTINGUISHED AND HONOURABLE SOX, AUGUSTINE SENDS GREETING IN THE LORD

I had already written my reply to your Charity, 1 but when I was looking for an opportunity of transmitting my letter, my beloved son Faustus arrived on his way to your Excellency. After receiving the letter which I had already composed for conveyance to your Benevolence, he intimated to me your strong desire that I should ^\Tite something to you that would build you up unto that eternal salvation of which your confidence is in Christ Jesus our Lord. And although I was busily occupied, he urged me with that instancy which, as you know, is proportioned to his affection for you, not to postpone the writing of it. To meet his haste, then, I have chosen rather to ^^Tite something in haste than to keep your holy desire in suspense, my noble and justly distinguished lord and honourable son.

All then that I can say in the short time I have is this : 2 " Love the Lord thy God Avith all thy heart and with all thy soul and with all thy strength," and " love thy

Augustine's death took place, and was finally taken. Boniface returned to Italy, but was slain in battle with Aetius in 432. He is addressed in No. 51 infra.

ST. AUGUSTINE

te ipsum—hoc est enim verbum, quod breviavit dominus super terrain dicens in evangelio : In his duohus praeceptis tota lex pendet et prophetae,—in hac ergo dilectione cotidie profice et orando et bene agendo, ut ipso adiuvante, qui tibi earn praecepit atque donavit, nutriatur et crescat, donee haec te perfecta perficiat. Ipsa est enim caritas, quae, sicut dicit apostolus, diffusa est in cordibus ?wstris per spiritum sanctum, qui datus est nobis ; ipsa est, de qua item dicit : Plenitudo legis caritas ; ipsa est, per quam fides operatur, unde iterum dicit : Keque circumcisio quicquam valet neque praeputium sed fides, quae per dilectionem operatur.

3 In hac omnes sancti patres nostri et patriarchae et prophetae et apostoH placuerunt deo ; in hac omnes veri martyres usque ad sanguinem contra diabolum certaverunt et, quia in eis non refriguit nee defecit, ideo vicerunt ; in hac omnes boni fideles cotidie proficiunt, pervenire cupientes non ad regnum mortalium, sed ad regnum caelorum, non ad temporalem, sed ad sempiternam hereditatem, non ad aurum et argentum, sed ad divitias incorruptibiles angelorum, non ad aUqua bona huius saecuh, in quibus cum timore \'ivatur nee ea quisquam secum potest auferre dum moritur, sed ad videndum deum ; cuius suavitas et delectatio excedit omnem non solum terrestrium, verum etiam caelestium corporum pulchritudinem, excedit omnem decorem animarum quantum libet iustarum atque sanctarum, excedit omnem speciem supernorum angelorum atque virtutum, excedit quicquid de illo non solum dicitur, " Luke X. 27, etc. * Matt. xxii. 40. ^ Rom. v. 5.

^ Rom. xiii. 10. " Gal. v. 6. f Matt. xxiv. 12.

" Matt. vii. 21 ; Heb. ix. 15. * Matt. v. 8. 324

NO. 42 (Ep. CLXXXIX) ' '^ These are the words in which the Lord Avhile upon earth summed up everything, saying in the Gospel : " On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets."^ In this neighbour as thyself. love therefore make daily progress by both prayer and good deeds, so that by the help of Him who enjoined it upon you and granted you to possess it, it may find nourishment and increase, until being perfect it makes you perfect. For that is the love which, in the words of the apostle, " is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is given unto us " ^'; it is that love which he also describes as the " fulfilhng of the law " '^ ; it is that by which faith worketh, of which he says again, " Neither circumcision availeth anything nor uncircumcision, but faith, which worketh by love."^

In this love all our holy fathers and patriarchs and 3 prophets and apostles pleased God ; in it all true martyrs contended against the devil even unto blood,^ and because in them it neither waxed cold nor failed, they won the day : in it all good believers make daily progress, seeking to attain not unto an earthly kingdom, but unto the kingdom of heaven, not unto a temporal, but unto an eternal inheritance,^ not unto gold and silver, but unto the incorruptible riches of the angels, not unto any of this world's good things, which make life full of fear and which no one can take with him when he dies, but unto the vision of God.'^ His sweetness and delight transcend all beauty of form not only in earthly things, but even in heavenly, transcend all loveliness of souls however righteous and holy, transcend all the comeliness of angels and powers above, transcend not only everything that language can express about Him, but also

ST. AUGUSTINE

verum etiam cogitatur. Neque banc tarn magnam promissionem, quia valde magna est, ideo desperemus, sed potius, quia valde magnus earn promisit, accepturos nos esse credamus. Sicut enim dicit beatus lohannes apostolus,^//? dei sumus et nondum apparuit, quid erijnus ; scimus quia, cum apparuerit, similes ei erimus, quoniam videbimus eum sicuti est.

Noli existimare neminem deo placere posse, qui in armis bellicis militat. In his erat sanctus David, cui dominus tani magnum perhibuit testimonium ; in his etiam plurimi illius temporis iusti ; in his erat et ille centurio, qui domino dixit : Non sum dignus, ut intres sub tectum meum, sed tantum die verbo ei sanabitur puer meus. Nam et ego homo sum sub potestate constitutus habejis sub me milites et dico huic : " Fade " et vadit, et alio : " Veni " et venit, et servo meo : " Fac hoc " et facit; de quo et dominus : Amen dico vobis ; non inveni tantam Jidem in Israhel. In his erat et ille

Cornelius, ad quem missus angelus dixit : Corneli, acceptae sunt elemosynae iuae et exauditae sunt orationes tuae ; ubi eum admonuit, ut ad beatum Petrum apostolum mitteret et ab illo audiret quae facere deberet ; ad quem apostolum, ut ad eum veniret, etiam religiosum militem misit. In his erant et illi, qui baptizandi cum venissent ad lohannem, sanctum domini praecursorem et amicum sponsi, de quo ipse dominus ait : In natis mulierum non exsurrexit maior lohanne Baptista, et quaesissent ab eo, quid facerent, « 1 John ill. 2. " Matt. viii. 8-10; Luke vii. 6-9.

" Acts X. 1-8, 30-33 <* Matt. xi. 11. 826

NO. 42 (Ep. CLXXXIX) everything that the mind can imagine. And let us not despair of the fulfihiient of a promise so great, since it is great indeed, but rather let us have faith that we shall obtain it, since He is great Who made the promise ; as the blessed John the apostle says, " Now are we the sons of God, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be ; but we know that, when He shall appear, we shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is."° Do not think that it is impossible for anyone to 4 please God while engaged in military service. Among such was the holy David, to whom the Lord gave so great a testimony, and among such were also many righteous men of that dispensation ; among such too was that centurion who said to the Lord, " I am not worthy that Thou shouldest come under my roof, but speak the word only and my servant shall be healed ; for I am a man under authority, having soldiers under me, and I say to this man, Go, and he goeth, and to another. Come, and he cometh, and to my servant. Do this, and he doeth it," and of whom the Lord said, " Verily, I say unto you, I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel." ^ Among such too was that Cornelius to whom an angel said, " Cornelius, thine alms are accepted, and thy prayers are heard," ^ by which v*'ords he signified that he should send to the blessed apostle Peter and hear from him what he should do ; to which apostle he sent a godly soldier, asking him to visit him. Among such too were those who came to be baptized by John, the holy forerunner of the Lord and the friend of the bridegroom, about whom the Lord Himself said, " Among them that are born of women there hath not arisen a greater than John the Baptist " ^ ; they

ST. AUGUSTINE

respondit eis : Neminejn concusseritis, nidli calumniam feceritis, sufficiat vohis stipejidium vestruvi. Non eos utique sub armis militare prohibuit, quibus suum stipendium sufficere debere praecepit.

5 Maioris quidem loci sunt apud deum, qui omnibus istis saecularibus actionibus derelictis etiam summa continentia castitatis ei serviunt. Sed unusquisque, sicut dicit apostolus, propriuj?i donum hahet a deo, alius sic, alius autem sic. Alii ergo pro vobis orando pugnant contra invisibiles inimicos, vos pro eis pugnando laboratis contra visibiles barbaros. Utinam una fides esset in omnibus, quia et minus laboraretur et facilius diabolus cum suis angelis vinceretur ! Sed quia in hoc saeculo necesse est, ut cives regni caelorum inter errantes et impios temptationibus agitentur, ut exerceantur et tamquam in fornace sicut aurum probentur, non debemus ante tempus velle cum solis Sanctis et iustis vivere, ut hoc suo tempore mereamur accipere.

6 Hoc ergo primum cogita, quando armaris ad pugnam, quia virtus tua etiam ipsa corporalis donum dei est ; sic enim cogitabis de dono dei non facere contra deum. Fides enim quando promittitur, etiam hosti servanda est, contra quem bellum geritur quanto magis amico, pro quo pugnatur ! Pacem habere debet voluntas, bellum necessitas, ut liberet deus a necessitate et conservet in pace. Non enim

" Luke iii. 12-14. " 1 Cor. vii. 7.

Wisdom iii. 5-Q.

NO. 42 (Ep. CLXXXIX) asked of him what they should do, and he made answer to them : " Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages. "'^ To be sure, when he commanded them to be content with their military wages, he did not forbid them to serve as soldiers.

They have a greater place before God, who 5 abandon all these worldly employments to serve him with the strictest self-discipline and chastity ; " but everyone," as the apostle says, " hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner and another after that." ^ There are some, then, who by praying for you fight against your invisible foes, while you by fighting for them are striving against the visible barbarians. Would that there were one faith in all, for there would be less of striving and the devil with his angels would be more easily overcome ! But as it is necessary in this world that the citizens of the kingdom of heaven should be harassed by temptations among erring and irreverent men so that they may be exercised and tried as gold in the furnace,^ we ought not before the appointed time to desire to live M'ith the saints and righteous alone, so that we may deserve to receive this blessedness in its own due time.

Think, then, of this point first of all when you are 6 arming for battle, that your strength, even that of the body, is a gift from God ; in this wav vou will not think of using God's gift against God. For when faith is pledged, it is to be kept even with the enemy against whom you are waging war ; how much more with the friend, for whose sake you are fighting ! You ought to have peace as the object of your choice and war only as the result of necessity, so that God may deliver you from the necessity and preserve you

↑ Back to top