I Main Lines In The History Of Pauline Interpretation

I Main Lines In The History Of Pauline Interpretation

I

MAIN LINES IN THE HISTORY OF PAULINE INTERPRETATION

SECTION 1. INTRODUCTION

It is not surprising that with respect to so profound and complicated a phenomenon as the manner in which the Apostle Paul has given form and expression to the gospel of Jesus Christ, a great variety of conceptions is to be traced in the history of Pauline investigation. Although this history demands a study in itself,¹ and to treat it at all exhaustively would take us far beyond the proportions of an introductory chapter, it is nevertheless profitable and necessary to acquaint oneself with the main lines along which this investigation has moved, particularly in the last hundred years. Our concern in this connection is above all to gain an insight into the fundamental structure of Paul's preaching and doctrine or, in other words, where the entrance is to be sought into the imposing edifice of Paul's theology. It is clear that there are all sorts of doors by which one can enter. But which is the main entrance that governs the whole building? That question has been answered very differently, particularly in the last hundred years of the inquiry. And this difference has in the nature of the case been bound up with the views scholars have held of the architectonic structure and arrangement of the building as a whole.

The theology of the Reformation, broadly speaking, has long found this entrance in Paul's preaching of justification by faith. In the great struggle with Roman Catholic legalism and mysticism the forensic statements in the epistles to the Romans and the Galatians were of fundamental significance. The result was that the Reformation view of the epistles of Paul came to be determined primarily by this doctrine of justification. This is especially apparent in Luther. For him, that which "preaches and inculcates Christ" (Preface to James and Jude), in the sense of Paul's doctrine of justification by faith, was the only principle and criterion for the whole New Testament doctrine of salvation, the canon within the canon, as appears, for example, from Luther's critique of the Epistle of James. Later Lutheran theology continued to exhibit traces of this point of departure in the Pauline doctrine of justification. It has not infrequently gone further still and projected Luther's struggle to arrive at assurance of faith back into Paul's conversion on the road to Damascus, and in this respect has not only understood Luther sub specie Pauli, but also indeed Paul sub specie Lutheri.²

In the theology emanating from Calvin these matters lie from the very beginning in decidedly better balance. For Calvin Paul's doctrine of justification by faith did not become a principium canonicitatis. Nevertheless, in opposition to Rome the Pauline doctrine of justification in the tradition originating with Calvin, too, acquired a dominant significance as the key to understanding the whole gospel.³ The entire Reformed concept of faith, which bears Calvin's stamp, also testifies to the same effect. The gospel of justification by faith alone without the works of the law appeared anew to be the only and powerful means to liberate the burdened conscience and to replace the spirit of legalistic servitude with the certainty of reconciliation and of the adoption as children of God. No wonder, then, that because of this all-controlling antithesis, for the Reformation consciousness of faith Paul was above everything else the preacher of justification, and all his theology came to be regarded from this point of view.

In the degree to which the force of the original Reformation idea slackened, change came about with respect to it in the traditions emanating both from Calvin and from Luther. Questions about the order of salvation, having reference to the personal appropriation of redemption (ordo salutis), came increasingly to receive attention in preference to questions about the history of salvation (historia salutis). While in Luther and Calvin all the emphasis fell on the redemptive event that took place with Christ's death and resurrection,⁴ later under the influence of pietism, mysticism, and moralism, the emphasis shifted to the process of individual appropriation of the salvation given in Christ and to its mystical and moral effect in the life of believers. Accordingly, in the history of the interpretation of the epistles of Paul the center of gravity shifted more and more from the forensic to the pneumatic and ethical aspects of his preaching, and there arose an entirely different conception of the structures that lay at the foundation of this preaching.

This shift acquires scholarly significance and force, however, only in the theology deriving from the Enlightenment, without which the whole history of the Paulusforschung during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is inconceivable. On the one hand, it initiated historical-critical exegesis and made a powerful contribution to a better distinguishing and understanding of the great theological motifs of Paul's preaching in their original, historical significance. On the other hand, the extent to which this so-called free and critical investigation into Paul's preaching has again and again come to be determined by the religious and philosophical premises of the spirit of the time, and continues to be so determined to the present day, is apparent in a very striking (and, we may certainly say, shameful) manner from a survey of this newer interpretation of Paul. This comes to our attention with particular clarity when we observe a number of the pictures of Paul that have played a very prominent part in the scientific investigation of the last hundred years: the Hegelian Paul of the Tübingen school, the liberal Paul of liberal theology, the mystical Paul of the history of religions school, and the "existentialist" Paul now presented with great ability and acumen by the school of Bultmann. It is not difficult to see in this succession of interpretations the reflex of a theological-philosophical development such as may be pointed out in the past hundred years.

Now it would be one-sided and unfair to choose to consider and judge the history of the investigation exclusively from the viewpoint of changing philosophical and theological conceptions. Calling attention to this history would then have only a negative significance. It does not, however, in any way have only this negative significance, as may appear from what follows. For it is not only evident from this history how much the investigation of so tremendous and many-sided a phenomenon as that of the preaching of Paul is threatened by the influence of the constantly changing spirit of the time; there is in it also the proof that the Word of God which sounds through that preaching is not bound, but, both in spite of and with the help of the changing results of human investigation, again and again maintains itself and commands reverence in the unmistakableness of its purpose.

Since Albert Schweitzer wrote his Geschichte der Paulinischen Forschung in 1911, the fascinating and extremely instructive picture of the development of the inquiry into the general purport of Paul's preaching has been described time and again, and it may be regarded as superfluous, at least as far as the period that extends from c. 1840 to 1940 is concerned, to repeat this in every detail. Nevertheless, a short sketch of the history as background to that which will concern us constantly in the following chapters is indispensable. In the main we have to do here with four successive basic conceptions, namely, that of the Tübingen school, the liberal, the history of religions, and the eschatological interpretations. To be sure, these exist in pure form only partially or not at all. Particularly the second and the third, and the third and the fourth, exhibit all kinds of connections and hybrids. Even so the basic types are clearly distinguishable, and a short delineation of these four main streams can be serviceable the better to catch sight both of the problems involved in the matter of the general character of Paul's preaching (the "main entrance") and of the background of the investigation of the present day.

SECTION 2. F. C. BAUR (THE TÜBINGEN SCHOOL)

The struggle concerning the significance of the Apostle Paul in the history of the New Testament revelation began in recent times with the works of F. C. Baur, the father of the so-called Tübingen school (d. 1860),⁵ Baur attempted to interpret the history of Christianity according to the philosophical tenets of Hegel. Also guided by them he sought the center of Paul's preaching, not in Christology, but in the Pauline conception of the Spirit and the antithetical motif of Spirit and flesh bound up with it. Baur takes this in the Hegelian sense as the infinite and absolute in opposition to the finite (the flesh). In the spirit man has a share in the Spirit of God himself, by which he is freed from the finite and relative and attains absolute freedom. In this idealistic scheme Christianity for Baur is the absolute religion and Paul is the one in whose doctrine of freedom and reconciliation the absolute consciousness of the unity of man with God in the Spirit has been embodied.

According to Baur this consciousness in Paul developed in antithesis with the primitive Christianity that was still bound to the law and to particularistic Judaism. In this conflict, which was resolved in later synthetic Catholicism under the pressure of rising Gnosticism, Paul became the champion of the universalistic Christian faith detached from the law. In the later synthesis this universalism, then bound up with the ecclesiastical hierarchical idea, retained the mastery.

Historically considered, both lines can be traced to the appearance of Jesus, in which according to Baur the universal, generally human and moral and therefore absolute makes itself known, as well as the particularistic, namely, in his assessment of Israel as the people of God and of his own person as the Messiah. Nevertheless, Baur interprets Paul, not out of his following of the historical Jesus, of whom after all Paul seldom speaks in his epistles, but out of the miracle of his conversion when God revealed his Son in him, that is, by confronting him with the tremendous fact of Jesus' death. It was in that experience surely that the idea of absolute truth and freedom stripped of all national and legalistic ties entered his mind, and he came to the development of the ideas that are characteristic of him and henceforth also determinative for the whole of his view of the person of Christ. On this account Paul does not need any historic argumentation for his doctrine. "Why should he ask whether what he is teaching agrees with the original teaching of Jesus... when in the Christ who lives and works in him he hears the voice of the Lord himself? Why should he draw from the past what the Christ who is present in him has made to be the direct utterance of his own consciousness?"5a

This reconstruction of the origin of Christianity functions at the same time for Baur as the criterion for the genuineness of Paul's epistles, and in general for the dating of the New Testament writings. Baur thinks only the four principal epistles (Romans, Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians) can be accepted as genuine, because in them the antithetic motif is still visible in all its sharpness. The others he considers as already dominated by a unionistic tendency and therefore of a later date.

Baur's conception is entirely governed by the Hegelian view of history and the idea of Spirit. This pneuma-idea is not, however, Pauline. Also, by his exclusively antithetic interpretation of Paul's doctrine, Baur has not only barred his own way to arriving at a correct appreciation of the picture of original Christianity drawn for us in the Acts of the Apostles, but also to an understanding of the full significance of Paul in the history of New Testament revelation. This led to a massive amputation of the corpus Paulinum, for which (after the radical consequences of Baur's conception were drawn by the Dutchmen Pierson, van Manen, and Loman, and the Swiss Steck, who finally rejected the genuineness of all the Pauline epistles) no agreement could be found at a later time even in the most advanced historical criticism. Nevertheless, Baur's critical and idealistic-universalistic conceptions of original Christianity have continued to exercise great influence, and the distance he created between Paul's doctrine and that of the other apostles who associated themselves with Jesus has continued to be one of the chief motifs of the later inquiry. The formulations, the manner in which he stated the problems with respect to the place of Paul in the New Testament and his relationship to Jesus and original Christianity, have been of incalculable influence, even though the total construction of Baur has been accepted in unaltered form only by a few even in the so-called Tübingen school (e. g., by Schwegler).

SECTION 3. THE LIBERAL INTERPRETATION AND ITS DECLINE

After Baur another explanation of the theological significance of Paul's preaching of the gospel found acceptance, which likewise took its point of departure from what Paul had to say about the Spirit, but which attempted to interpret this from Greek anthropology. Among others Holsten, Lüdemann, Pfleiderer, and H. J . Holtzmann are to be mentioned as the most prominent representatives of this period.⁶

While Reformation theology viewed justification by faith as the center of Paul's doctrine and associated sanctification, the struggle between flesh and spirit, and the like very closely with it, in this period scholars proceeded to distinguish beside the juridical-forensic "line, " which they explained from Judaism, an ethical (or mystical-ethical) line, which was said to find its expression in the contrast of flesh and spirit and to be oriented, not to Judaism, but to Greek-Hellenistic thinking. Thus "spirit" is no longer taken here as the antithesis of the finite and the human (as with Baur), but as the antipode of the sensual. "Spirit" and "flesh" is an antithesis that is actualized in man himself: the spirit as the leading rational principle in man must gain the victory over the lower sensual nature ( sarx) and hold it in subjection. This Greek idea is supposed to appear in a Christianized form in Paul and to constitute in many respects that which is distinctive in his proclamation of the gospel, whereby at one time the emphasis is placed on the ethical, at another on the mystical significance of the antithesis of flesh and spirit. It is in this sense accordingly that all that Paul writes about believers as being "with Christ" and "in Christ" is also understood. This communion is thought of as an ethically oriented mysticism, not as an objective inclusion of believers in Christ, but as a spiritual and mystical connection, out of which then, understood in a general religious sense, a life of love and spiritual freedom would flourish.

These ideas place us in the heyday of the so-called liberal theology. The ethical view men had of Jesus' preaching is also dominant in their assessment of Paul's theology. A fundamental contrast between Jesus and Paul is not made as yet, inasmuch as scholars attempt to reduce Paul's proclamation, too, to a rationalistic-idealistic morality. It is true indeed that other tendencies are discovered in Paul, for example, his eschatological, demonological, and angelological pronouncements. These are regarded, however, as the contemporary framework of Paul's real teaching, just as Jesus' preaching of the kingdom of God was also interpreted. To be sure, it is assumed that Paul's conversion played a great part in the development of these ideas.⁷ In this way he came to be entirely detached from the Jewish scheme of thought, and there came into him the possibility of an entirely new attitude toward life in which then, as has been said, Greek thought was of great influence.

Yet the liberal school cannot deny that, alongside this ethical-mystical religiosity in Paul, other motifs occupy an important place, in particular the juridical doctrine of justification, which Paul bases on faith in the death and resurrection of Christ. Although liberal theology attempts to hide the significance of these redemptive facts in Paul behind the moral-rational conception of religion (i. a., by explaining Paul's doctrine of justification from tradition and polemic), it nevertheless cannot ignore the place all this occupies in Paul's epistles. It is now supposed that no, consistent theological thinking was present in Paul; that his religious ideas at any rate do not receive adequate expression in his theology; that for him Jewish and Greek elements remained in an internal discord. While a writer like Lüdemann regards the contrast between spirit and flesh taken in a Greek sense as dominant in Paul, Pfleiderer for example, comes to the conclusion that in Paul's mind two kinds of representation stood unreconciled next to each other (the juridical and the ethical), and that he often leaped from the one to the other without sensing the contradiction.

The zenith and at the same time the terminal point of this interpretation of Paul is found in the grand master of liberal theology, H. J. Holtzmann. For Holtzmann the event at Damascus is of fundamental significance for understanding Paul's theological position. He interprets that event as the first subjective experience of what Paul will shortly proclaim as his objective doctrine of salvation.⁸ Even before the experience at Damascus Paul is said to have become an "ethical bankrupt" (which is then supposed to be described in Rom. 7) and to have received the correct light concerning this condition through his vision of the exalted Christ. He then discovered another way of salvation than that of the law, the haughty Pharisee in him was conquered, the proud particularism in him shattered, he came to grasp what it means "to die and rise with Christ," new powers and tasks came flooding in upon him. What in his preaching Paul afterwards teaches on this matter would thus be in the deepest sense an objectivizing and generalizing of his inner and personal experience.⁹

Holtzmann assumes, moreover, that in the shaping of these experiences and ideas Paul exhibits strong Greek influences. This is so, for example, in the metaphysical dimensions of his Christology.¹⁰ These are to be explained from a Greek-Alexandrian influence, particularly the speculations of Philo; likewise the contrast of spirit and flesh is typically Greek,¹¹ and one must relate his doctrine of the sacraments to the Greek teaching of the mysteries. Yet Holtzmann, too, cannot deny that many Jewish ideas and influences continue to be at work in Paul. In the remarkable conjunction of the Greek and the Jewish, whereby antinomies are often to be encountered, Holtzmann sees that which is in many respects distinctive of Paul's theology.¹² Alongside the ethical stands the juridical, alongside the idealistic the realistic conception of man, alongside the Greek idea of the soul detaching itself from the body the realistic Jewish eschatology. Though all this may in itself yield a combination in many respects heterogeneous and a theology full of internal contradictions, behind it all stands the great religious personality of Paul, and his deep experience on the road to Damascus, by which everything is supported.¹³

Holtzmann's conception is thus an extending of the lines drawn by Holsten, Lüdemann, and Pfleiderer. The vision at Damascus, the Greek influence, and, not to be forgotten, their own religious-ethical view of Christianity form for these authors the constituent elements in their interpretation of Paul. They are not able to achieve a unity. Everything, however, is directed toward an effort to reduce Paul's theology and religion to a general, ethical-rational religiosity not dependent on redemptive facts.¹⁴ In Jesus this piety is said to exhibit its noblest appearance and flowering. Paul ranks behind Jesus in this respect because with him all manner of juridical and metaphysical speculations play a greater role. Fundamentally, however, the same thing lives in Paul as in Jesus,¹⁵ and it was he who first came to the Christian world of ideas with Hellenistic forms of thought and made the transition from the Semitic to the Greek and by this avenue also to the modern world.¹⁶

After Holtzmann this liberal picture of Paul was not able to maintain itself for long. Investigation began more and more to grasp the fact that it was not possible, for example, to spiritualize in the manner of Holtzmann the so-called metaphysical Christology, the significance of the redemptive facts, the juridical doctrine of satisfaction, and eschatology, or to consider them as a "theological" element foreign to Paul's real religion. The contrast in Paul between spirit and flesh understood by Holtzmann and his predecessors in the light of dualistic Greek thinking was also subjected to serious criticism, by Gunkel, among others, who considered the Pauline pneuma-concept to be not of Greek but rather of Jewish origin and in consequence rejected the rational-ethical character of the flesh and spirit antithesis.¹⁷ Even so early a writer as R. Kabisch had already directed attention to eschatology as the dominating factor in the Pauline theology and in this way pointed to Jewish theology, especially to late Jewish apocalyptic, as the origin of the so-called Pauline doctrinal system.¹⁸ Further, more than had been the case with Holtzmann, the emphasis came gradually to be placed on the significance of the sacraments in Paul's teaching, to which, in contrast to the spiritualizing conceptions of Holtzmann, a realistic naturhaft significance was ascribed, and it was thought possible to explain them from the eastern mystery religions. The result of this increasingly accepted history of religions method of interpretation was that scholars came to reject the ethical-idealistic interpretation of liberal theology as completely inadequate and to place the emphasis on the "alien" character of Paul's theology, on precisely that which is not assimilable for modern man. Along with that emphasis, however, the possibility fell away of preserving the unity between the picture of Jesus still accepted by many as the teacher of the fatherhood of God and lofty morality and the supernatural Christ as Paul preached him in his epistles. The problem of the Jesus-Paul relationship becomes acute for modern theology when it comes to recognize that one cannot understand the Pauline Christology psychologically (as the objectivizing of Paul's religious experience at Damascus) and in a spiritualized manner, as did Holtzmann, nor separate it from Paul's "religion" as a "theological" construction, but that it ought to be interpreted precisely as the great central datum of Paul's theology as well as of his religion.

Nowhere does this disintegration of the liberal picture of Paul and along with it of the connection of Jesus and Paul come to light more clearly than in the very radical and to the present day very influential exposition of Wrede.¹⁹

Wrede will have nothing to do with a separation between Paul's "religion" and his "theology" (e. g., as in Holtzmann). Paul's "theology" is the adequate expression of his religion.²⁰ And this theology is fundamentally Christology. The whole Pauline doctrine is a doctrine of Christ and his work; that is its essence. That which is peculiar to Paul and also new in him is this, that he made redemptive facts — the incarnation, the death, and the resurrection of Christ — the foundation of religion. Redemptive history is the backbone of Pauline Christianity.²¹

When one inquires into the origin of this doctrine, then neither Paul's conversion experience, nor the impression of the personality of Jesus (whom Paul probably never knew), nor Paul's own theological construction can constitute the explanation for it. One can only unravel the problem as to how it was possible that within one human lifetime the figure of Jesus was so completely changed into the Pauline Christ if one supposes that Paul the Pharisee was already in possession of "a number of ready-made conceptions of a divine being, " which he then transferred to the historical Jesus under the impact of his conversion.²² His christological preaching thus has little to do with the historical Jesus, but is to be understood from the mythological redeemer- and redemption-speculations of his time, which he applied to Jesus of Nazareth without being conscious of this radical transformation.²³

Wrede's criticism has had such an influence because he was able to give a much more self-contained picture of Paul's preaching than that of liberal theology. He designated Paul's Christology of redemptive facts as the essence of his preaching, and broke the bond between Paul's preaching and the liberal picture of Jesus. This criticism had to prevail because it did much greater justice to Paul's preaching — if only in an historical-exegetical sense — than did those who viewed as the heart of his preaching not the great Christ-event, but a timeless religious-ethical truth. At the same time, however, the gap between Paul's preaching and the modern-liberal conception of Jesus and his proclamation of the kingdom of God was hereby indicated, a gap that was and is unbridgeable so long as one is able to discover in Jesus of Nazareth only a human figure, no matter what the spiritual height to which he rose.

SECTION 4. THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS APPROACH

At the end of the last century and the beginning of the present one the religionsgeschichtliche interpretation of Paul's epistles and of the Christian kerygma contained in them demanded increasingly greater attention. In contrast with earlier attempts to derive various leading motifs in Paul's preaching from the literature and world view of Greek philosophical thinking (as that had been attempted, for example, with the spirit-flesh antithesis), scholars now turned to the popular religious views and phenomena of the Hellenistic period, in particular to the religious syncretism of that time as this had arisen under the influence of eastern on western religiosity and manifested itself in the mystery religions and cultus. The knowledge of these religious phenomena has greatly increased since the investigations of such noted philologists and historians as Cumont,²⁴ Rohde, Dieterich,²⁵ Reitzenstein,²⁶et al.

In general it may be said of these mystery religions that approximately at the beginning of the Christian era they form a combination of mystical-transcendent eastern thinking and the more concrete immanent religiosity of the West. At a time in which a marked religious lassitude emerges in the West, the eastern ideas of redemption pour in and lay hold of the spirit of the time which is looking for deeper religious satisfaction and deliverance from the transitoriness of time-bound human existence.

All these mystery religions have a so-called cultus-myth, that is to say, a mythological story concerning the deity worshipped in the cultus, whether it be that he dies and comes to life again or that he gains the victory over the powers or gods that fight against him, but always with a tendency toward redemption from the transitory. Already in ancient Greece there were the Eleusinian mysteries; and the deliverance of Cora, daughter of Demeter, who, brought to Hades by Pluto, was restored to her mother by the intervention of Zeus, was celebrated annually. A vegetation cultus is spoken of here, because the myth represents the dying and rising of nature. Very important at a later time were the Serapis mysteries stemming from Egypt, in which the worship of Isis and Osiris was fused. The original myth speaks of the union of Osiris (the masculine) and Isis (the feminine) in which the victory over death is symbolized. Osiris is robbed of life by an opponent hostile toward him (his brother Seth), and when found by the grieving Isis he is again overpowered by his adversary and hacked in pieces. The scattered limbs are once more sought out by Isis. They come to new life, whereupon the union of Osiris and Isis and the dominion of Osiris follow. From this, then, the general idea of victory over death and the hostile powers and belief in immortality are derived. Syria, too, contributed its share to the mystery religions in the Adonis cultus (the Baal of Byblos). Adonis also makes his appearance as the god who dies and rises again, the savior from death. The cultic myth speaks of the mortal wound that is inflicted by a wild boar on Adonis while hunting. From his blood roses (or anemones) begin to flourish. The whole of nature participates in the mourning. The festival of the dying and coming to life again of Adonis is celebrated annually. Very well known, too, is the cultus of the Phrygian god Attis, closely related to the worship of the Thracian Dionysus-Sabazius. In the Phrygian cult the mother goddess Cybele, held in high respect in Rome, appears next to Attis. Here again the myth speaks of the death of the god Attis and his subsequent resurrection. The festival is attended with wild orgies, emasculations, etc. Finally the cult of Mithras, very important especially at a later time, deserves to be mentioned. It is of Persian origin and was imported into the West particularly by Roman soldiers. In accordance with its derivation the Mithraic religion is dualistic in character. Its fundamental motif consists in the struggle between the world of good and that of evil, in which Mithras achieves the victory.

These different cultic myths, which came to a common blending in all sorts of ways, are now in one way or another transferred to the initiates in the cultus belonging to these mystery religions. In this cultus they receive a share in the victory, resurrection, and immortality of the deity worshipped by them. In the cultus, in which one can participate in various ways according to the depth to which he has been initiated, one comes to deification. This takes place in the manner of mysticism and of the magical-materialistic idea "sacrament," which works ex opere operato, consisting in the immersion in or the sprinkling with water or blood, the putting on of holy clothing, and the eating of certain foods. The highest objective is to arrive at a beholding of the deity, transcending all sense experience. Naturally, in the various mystery religions all kinds of differences exist at this point, too. In some it is a wild and ecstatic sort of thing, as, for example, in the cults of Attis and Dionysus; others exhibit a much more sober and subdued type, as, for example, the cult of Mithras. In them all, however, lives the consciousness that those who are admitted to the secrets of the cult thereby receive immortality. In the mystery religions a fixed doctrinal system is wanting. The myths themselves are recited in all sorts of ways. T o be sure, one needs gnosis in order to reach redemption, but this is not to be understood as a clearly defined quantum of religious or theological tenets, but rather as the initiation into certain ceremonies described with secret language, the knowledge of which must be kept in strict secrecy.

It is these mystery religions, the "sacramental" acts that occur in them, and especially the mystical approach to the deity centrally placed in them, with which some have related that which is distinctive in Paul's preaching and "religion" and have wanted in part to interpret it.²⁷ For a time the relationship was sought above all in the former, namely, the sacramental acts in the mystery religions on the one hand, and on the other the communion of baptism and the Lord's Supper, connected by Paul with Christ's death and resurrection.²⁸ Further consideration has made it increasingly apparent, however, that this way was impassable. So far as the sacred meals are concerned, it has become evident that as soon as one goes beyond the general phenomenon of a sacral eating and drinking, the parallel or analogy with the Lord's Supper as described by Paul becomes dubious or even ceases altogether.²⁹ Some have thought to find at least in baptism a fixed point of agreement, inasmuch as Paul related baptism to Christ's death (burial) and resurrection (Rom. 6: 3, 4; Col. 2: 11ff. ) ; and this "baptismal death, " it is said, could not have developed from the Jewish symbolism of purification and therefore must be viewed as a "Hellenistic commodity. "³⁰ But it has come to be seen with increasing clarity that (a) nowhere in the mystery religions is such a symbolism of death present in the "baptismal" ritual,³¹ and that (b) in Romans 6 and Colossians 2 Paul does not portray baptism itself as a symbolic or sacramental representation of the going down into death (the so-called "death by drowning, " about which Lietzmann speaks) and rising up again to life.³² Thus in the area of the sacraments every deeper link with the ritual acts in the mystery religions has become illusory.

I t is often alleged, to be sure, that a realistic, naturhaft conception of the sacraments is to be found in Paul, and that he must have borrowed this from the mystery religions. Specifically, it has been supposed that evidence could be found for this in 1 Corinthians 15: 29 (baptism for the dead). It is noteworthy, however, that in the heathen religions there is nowhere mention of a baptizing in behalf of the dead, so far as we know. There is mention in an Egyptian papyrus of the baptism of a dead person,³³ which is represented as an act to be performed by the deity, but this is something other than in behalf of or in place of the deceased.³⁴ For the rest, it does not follow from 1 Corinthians 15: 29 as a whole that Paul starts from a magical conception of the sacrament. For the passage is very obscure and has long been understood in the most widely varying ways.³⁵ Perhaps Paul alludes to a practice followed by some Corinthians who had themselves baptized in behalf of the dead. That could then speak of a certain magical notion of baptism. But if it must be so understood, there are numerous arguments that tell against any such conception on the part of Paul himself. It is possible that he could be appealing to a custom among his opponents that he does not himself sanction, but which argues against their denial of a future resurrection. Yet the whole idea of such a vicarious baptism is uncertain.³⁶ Others interpret this not as a baptism in behalf of, but in the place of the dead. One would then have submitted to baptism not in behalf of, but, by way of a testimony of faith, in the place of (prematurely deceased?) unbaptized believers, in order in this way to bear witness to the faith of these believers in the resurrection.³⁷ The passage is too obscure, however, and the materials for comparison too inadequate to reach conclusions that are in any degree well founded.

Without doubt the high point of the religionsgeschichtliche assessment of Paul's preaching against the background of the mystery religions accordingly lay elsewhere: not in the appeal to Paul's doctrine of the sacraments, but in the appeal to his Christology. Here in particular the grandiose attempt by W. Bousset³⁸ to explain Paul's preaching of Christ as a mystical reinterpretation of the "eschatological" Christ of the primitive church deserves mention. And here then, by way of the cultus communion of the Hellenistic churches, the influence of the mystery religions is supposed to be perceptible.

This conception of Bousset — which we have described at length elsewhere³⁹ — represents a noteworthy transition in the history of the investigation into the fundamental structures of Paul's preaching. On the one hand, the history of religions method is here wielded with consummate skill — with an enormous knowledge of the materials of the Hellenistic religions and with great circumspection, in order to throw light on the specific character of the pneumatic Kyrios of the Hellenistic church and especially that of Paul. It is true indeed that in the Hellenistic church and in Paul the Kyrios with whom one enters into mystical communion in the cultus takes the place of the Son-of-Man Christology of the Palestinian church that represented Christ above all as the future world judge. This is the fundamental Greek idea of God, which takes the place of the Palestinian-Jewish: the Christology becomes pneumatic and mystical instead of eschatological. In Paul, however, this Christ-mysticism develops into the intensive feeling of a personal belonging to and of a spiritual connection with the exalted Kyrios, which for him constitutes the basic fact of the Christian life and the Christian ethic. The Kyrios is the Spirit (2 Cor. 3: 17), and where the Spirit is there is liberty, and likewise the principle of the Spirit-governed life in Christian love.

On the other hand, Bousset's conception of Paul's Christology, however much the model of a well-balanced application of the history of religions method, is at the same time the typical intellectual product of around the time of the First World War. The rational-ethical Christ figure of liberal theology gave way to a deeper, more sensitive conception of religion; such words as Christ-experience, Christ-mysticism, Christ-communion everywhere made their appearance.⁴⁰ It may be posited, moreover, that the history of religions school was the appropriate agency to furnish from the history of religious life and experience the evidence for this deeper element focused more on the divine mystery and the divine hiddenness and to indicate its forms. But it is another question whether Paul, in accordance with Bousset's conception of it, can be summoned as the star witness for this Christ-mysticism.

The day when scholars believed this is long since past. On the basis of historical argumentation and criticism light has not only been cast on the untenableness of the antithesis Bousset supposed himself able to point out between the Messianic-eschatological Christology of the primitive Palestinian church and the worship of the pneumatic Kyrios, in which Paul's epistles were said to bear their distinctive Hellenistic mark;⁴¹ but it is also acknowledged, even by those who have otherwise followed in the footsteps of Bousset, that the fundamental structure of Paul's preaching and Christology is other than the mystical and pneumatic sketch of it given by Bousset. Paul's kerygma is not to be reduced to a christological projection of religious feeling. It is rather the explication of the absolutely unique, one-time-only redemptive event that was enacted in Christ's advent, his suffering, death, and resurrection.⁴² However much this event finds its outworking and application in the life according to the Spirit, in putting on the new man and standing in the liberty that is not of the law but of the Spirit, the point of departure and the matrix even of the pneumatic character of Paul's preaching is not to be sought in the mystical cultus experiences of contemporary Hellenistic religiosity, but in the historical revelation of Christ in the fullness of time, that is to say, in the Christocentric fulfillment of the redemptive promise given to Israel.

In view of the above it is no wonder that, in order to trace the history of religions backgrounds of Paul's preaching, scholars began to orient themselves on a broader terrain than that of the mystery cults. To be sure; they continued to seek these backgrounds in Hellenistic religiosity, particularly as this was experienced and brought to expression in the mystery religions. But more than in the specifically cultic, they sought the connection between Paul and Hellenism in the general character and attitude toward life of this religiosity. They came more and more to speak of Gnosticism as the common denominator for this world of thought, a name formerly used for a syncretistic heresy in the second century of the Christian era, whose roots came to be sought in a universally dispersed pre-Christian complex of ideas, partly of Greek, partly of eastern origin, and of a distinctly dualistic character.⁴³ It is supposed to have been the influence of this Gnosticism by which Paul's world of ideas in general and his Christology in particular, both in a positive and in a negative sense, were profoundly conditioned, and in which the explanation is to be sought for those "elements" in his teaching for which no correspondence is to be found in the tradition of the primitive Palestinian church.

The writer who was especially responsible for this turn in the history of religions approach to Paul's preaching was the classical literary scholar R. Reitzenstein. He appealed, at least in the first instance,⁴⁴ primarily to the so-called Hermetic literature,⁴⁵ a motley mixture of speculative religious non-Christian tracts from the second and third centuries (A. D. ) that announce themselves as revelations of Hermes Trismegistos, i. e., of the Egyptian god Thoth. Greek, Egyptian, eastern, and Jewish influences have here come together. Hermes, sometimes also called Poimandres or Asklepios, gives secret revelations that have reference to astrological and magical as well as to religious subjects. The religious ideas are dualistic-gnostic. The soul, imprisoned in matter, ascends once again to God in the way of gnosis. Along with this then, according to Reitzenstein, the so-called Anthropos-myth makes its appearance, the representation of original man in whom the divine pneuma finds its highest manifestation and who once more shows the scattered particles of light the way to God.

According to Reitzenstein a strong immediate influence of this gnostic Hellenism on Paul is to be assumed. The absolute proof for this he finds in the technical use of all kinds of gnostic words and ideas in Paul, as, for example, psychikos and pneumatikos (being or not being in possession of gnosis), gnosis and agnosia, photizein and doxa, morphousthai and metamorphousthai, nous, in the sense of pneuma, as the divine effluvium that is, conferred on the elect as charisma.⁴⁶And Paul is said to have had not only the terminology but also the notions and concepts bound up with it in common with Hellenistic mysticism and Gnosticism. Reitzenstein views Paul not as the first, but as the greatest Gnostic.⁴⁷ For this he refers particularly to 1 Corinthians 2, where Paul appeals for his knowledge to the Pneuma, the Spirit, who searches even the deep things of God. The psychical man is not in a position to grasp this, nor can he judge the pneumatic man. He is still a man; the pneumatic is that no longer.⁴⁸ It is to this Pneuma, which finds its highest expression in the beholding of the Risen One, that Paul also appeals for his apostleship and his independence of others, as no longer bound to any tradition (Gal. I). This also provides the explanation, it is said, for the fact that Paul does not ground his teaching on the deeds and words of the historical Jesus. According to Reitzenstein, Paul thought, not historically, but pneumatically. It was not what would have reached him from the tradition concerning Jesus of Nazareth, but what he had beheld and inwardly experienced as a Gnostic that constituted the source of his Christology.⁴⁹

The sweeping conclusions drawn by Reitzenstein have been rejected. Almost no one believes any longer that Paul was a mystic who, detached from the Christian tradition, gave out his pneumatic speculations for the gospel of Jesus Christ. The deep-lying material differences between the Pauline and gnostic conceptions, notwithstanding terminological similarity, have also been demonstrated from more than one side with a profusion of evidence.⁵⁰ Even so, Reitzenstein's fundamental proposition that Paul's world of thought was profoundly conditioned by what is then termed his pre-Christian Gnosticism became the real foundation of the history of religions interpretation of Paul's preaching and doctrine, and has remained so to the present day. And this influence is the more radical according to the extent to which it is the more closely connected with the views propagated by Reitzenstein in his later writings,⁵¹ that Paul's Christology, too, was conditioned in a decisive way by pre-Christian Gnosticism, especially by what is termed the Iranian myth of the redeemed Redeemer.⁵² It is in this mythological interpretation of Paul's Christology that the transitions are to be found to the presently influential school of Bultmann and the history of religions interpretation of Paul's Christology advocated by it.

Before we attempt to trace this development further,⁵³ however, we shall have to include in our range of vision the fourth or eschatological method of interpretation of Paul's gospel. For without its radical influence the whole of the subsequent history, even that of the present-day history of religions method of interpretation, is incomprehensible.

SECTION 5. THE ESCHATOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION

Diametrically contrary to the endeavor of the history of religions school, of which he was a decided and formidable opponent, Albert Schweitzer pointed to the basic eschatological motif as the key to the whole of Paul s preaching.

Already in his Geschichte der Paulinischen Forschung (English translation, 1912, Paul and His Interpreters), which appeared in 1911 as a sequel to his great work on the Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung, Schweitzer had proved himself to be a very consistent and well-equipped adversary of the religionsgeschichtliche interpretation of Paul He did not set forth his ideas in a positive way, however, until the publication in 1930 of his book Die Mystik des Apostels Paulus (English translation, 1931, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle). Here he attempted to achieve unity between his consistent-eschatological conception of Jesus' life and preaching and the theology of the Apostle Paul.

According to Schweitzer, the center of Paul's teaching lies in what he describes with the easily misunderstood term, Christ-mysticism. By that he means the way in which the church is involved in the death and resurrection of Christ, being with Christ and in Christ. One must understand this communion, however, not in a Greek-dualistic, but in a Jewish-eschatological sense. Paul's doctrine rests entirely on the eschatological preaching of Jesus concerning the nearness of the kingdom of God. While for Jesus, however, this kingdom was still a matter of the (imminent) future, Paul was faced with a completely new situation. With the death and resurrection of Christ the future continually expected by Jesus but not fulfilled has reached the stage of fulfillment. A radical alteration of the eschatological situation has entered in. The eschaton has become present time in the resurrection of Christ. Paul is said now, however, to have been confronted with the question as to how this breakthrough of the eschaton was to be related to the unmistakable fact that the resurrection of the dead, to be expected with the consummation, the judgment of the world, and the like, had not yet come to pass. He is supposed now, in order to overcome this discrepancy between the "already" (of Christ's resurrection) and the "not yet" (of the final consummation), to have associated himself with the eschatological "schema" in the apocalypse of Baruch and the fourth book of Ezra and, in divergence from Jesus' expectation, to have conceived of the Messianic kingdom as coming before the full revelation of the kingdom of God.⁵⁴ In the Messianic kingdom the natural and the supernatural worlds meet one another — telescope, as it were, into each other.⁵⁵ The resurrection of Christ signifies the beginning of this overlap. With Christ, however, the sharers in the Messianic kingdom (the elect church) also participate in his resurrection.⁵⁶ The elect have risen with Christ. They are with him sharers in the "mode of being of the resurrection." This "mysticism" is to be taken as realistically as possible. With the resurrection of Christ the resurrection of the elect has already been begun in its entire corporeality. They are no longer natural men, but, as Christ, supernatural beings, although this is not yet manifest.⁵⁷ This is also expressed as the "being-in-Christ." This "mysticism" is thus not one of feeling, inner, spiritual, but an "objective mysticism of facts."⁵⁸ This union with Christ, sharing in his new corporeality, comes about by baptism. Together with Christ the elect form a "joint personality"⁵⁹ of which the pneuma is the vital force. Therefore all that they henceforth do, think, experience, will, can be characterized as "in Christ." The primary idea, however, lies in the words "with Christ."

Schweitzer speaks repeatedly in this connection of the actual. The mysticism of Paul is not Greek in character, not a symbolically expressed experiencing of reality, but it is realistic, corporeal. It is, however, the new, pneumatic corporeality that is operative here, and it does not make rising with Christ, being in Christ, with all its hiddenness, an inward, mental occurrence, but a reality into which one is taken up automatically by the sacramental event.⁶⁰

Schweitzer attempts to elucidate all the facets of Paul's teaching from the eschatological Christ-mysticism thought of in this way. Thus it becomes clear that the law no longer has any power over man.⁶¹ The commencement of the new aeon signifies the end of the law. Thus the power of sin is also destroyed. It has place only in the body, in which the elect have died with Christ. As far as justification is concerned, Schweitzer speaks here of a "subsidiary crater, which has formed within the rim of the main crater — the mystical doctrine of redemption through the being-in-Christ."⁶² Paul no longer has any need for this juridical line. Because with the dying and rising of Christ God has made sin to be destroyed with the flesh, those who have died and risen with Christ are considered before God in fact as sinless beings. The doctrine that God forgives sins on the basis of Christ's expiatory death is the doctrine handed down to Paul. He holds fast to it. The other is more his own, however, and springs from the mysticism of being in Christ. It is also this doctrine alone which establishes the right relation- ship with ethics. Nevertheless, that the doctrine of justification on the ground of Christ's expiatory death appears to have had the most influence in history means that the Pauline doctrine of redemption became detached from its proper root and that the elementary power contained in it was not able to work reformatively on the life of the world.⁶³

It is not to be denied that Schweitzer's conception has something very self-contained and imposing about it. It is true that he leaves aside a number of Paul's epistles that he holds to be spurious. Among these, in addition to the Pastoral Epistles, is the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians in which other considerations are introduced against the expectation that Jesus' return is directly imminent, and an eschatology is developed for which there is no place in Schweitzer's construction. He also leaves out of consideration the epistles to the Colossians and the Ephesians, with their peculiar christological pronouncements. All this cannot enhance the prestige of his interpretation. Further, a great many of the constituent parts of his conception are open to extensive criticism. Not least does this apply to his naturhaft view of "being in Christ" and of the sacraments. The use he makes of various Jewish eschatological schemas is also highly artificial, and the antithesis he constructs in this respect between Jesus and Paul certainly cannot be maintained. It may be observed further that justice is not done in Schweitzer to the christological pronouncements of Paul, especially where the divine person and cosmic significance of Christ are concerned.

All this will come up for further discussion in connection with our positive exposition. In addition we must not forget that the whole of this transcendent-christological mysticism of Paul, which goes back to Jesus' death and resurrection, has for Schweitzer (who does not accept the factualness of this resurrection and considers the eschatological expectations both of Jesus and of Paul an illusion) the significance of a mystical thought-construct, however much he attempts to preserve the essential and spiritual content of it.

This does not alter the fact, however, that as an interpretation of Paul's ideas Schweitzer's book offers something very valuable in two respects — first, that he attempts to establish a unity between Jesus and Paul and that he finds it in the central idea of the imminent approach of the kingdom of God; second, closely related to this, that, over against the Greek-dualistic interpretation of the religionsgeschichtliche school, he places his entire emphasis on the redemptive-historical character of the salvation preached by Paul. For this reason Schweitzer, however fantastic his interpretations in all manner of subordinate parts may Sometimes be, did not fail to exercise great influence, both in his sound criticism of the religionsgeschichtliche school and in his eschatological interpretation of the Pauline kerygma. Moreover, he rightly continued to contend that every conception of Paul's doctrine, if it is to be at all acceptable historically, must be able to make clear the connection of Paul to the primitive church at Jerusalem and the gospel proclaimed there, since it must be considered impossible that Paul could have presented an entirely new Greek conception of the gospel without coming into conflict with the church at Jerusalem.

SECTION 6. CONTINUING DEVELOPMENT

He who views the continuing investigation against the background of these four most prominent interpretations of the fundamental motif of Paul's preaching must come to the conclusion that there is hardly question any longer of a rectilinear continuation of the earlier positions. Rather, the lines cross each other in many respects. The liberal conception has had the least influence on the continuing investigation. Wrede's criticism of it, which pointed to the "Christology of redemptive facts" as the backbone of the whole of Paul's preaching, has come to be generally accepted. On the other hand, Wrede's position has proved untenable in that over against Paul's religion of redemption he still attempted to maintain the liberal picture of Jesus. Here it is particularly the eschatological approach to the whole of the New Testament kerygma that has been of decisive significance. What Paul proclaims is nothing other than the explication of the eschatological redemptive event that commenced with the advent of Christ and in his death and resurrection came to a provisional climax. All of Paul's preaching finds its starting point and motive in this eschatological orientation, however much men may be of different opinions concerning the manner in which Paul gave form to and elaborated it.

So far as this last point is concerned, the history of religions interpretation continues to retain a dominant influence in certain sectors of New Testament scholarship.

This is seen most clearly in the influential figure of Rudolf Bultmann and the school originating with him. Bultmann recognizes on the one hand the common basic eschatological motif underlying the preaching of Jesus and Paul.⁶⁴ And although he thinks it necessary to deny Messianic self-consciousness to Jesus, yet he sees given in Jesus' person the absolute demand of decision. The certainty of having been placed in the eschatological situation with the appearance of Jesus constitutes according to Bultmann the starting point of the whole of the New Testament kerygma, and of the preaching of Paul.

While in this way Bultmann maintains the historical-eschatological character of Paul's preaching and Christology over against Baur's idealistic interpretation of Paul, the ethical interpretation of the liberal school, and the mystical interpretation of Bousset and others, on the other hand he is of the opinion that Paul's world of thought was profoundly conditioned by gnosis. It is here that in Bultmann the connection is to be found with the history of religions school and particularly with Reitzenstein. Involved here is not only the origin of certain ideas in Paul, but especially of the understanding of human existence common to Paul and gnosis. In gnosis this assumed the character of a dualistic and pessimistic world view that embraces not only the inner man, but the whole cosmic reality.⁶⁵ Bultmann is of the opinion, then, that the same approach to life is given expression in the Pauline antithesis of flesh and Spirit, and now best admits of definition in the categories of the existence philosophy of Heidegger. The "flesh" is then the visible, self-evident, over which man disposes, in contrast with the Spirit as the invisible and intangible.⁶⁶ With this interpretation of the flesh-Spirit antithesis, which he considers central for Paul's preaching, Bultmann comes close to Baur, for whom the Spirit was also the absolute and transcendent. What in Baur was Hegelian idealism, however, is in Bultmann Heideggerian existentialism: it is again and again a matter of the actual decision between flesh and Spirit.

Now this gnosis is said to have played a great part with Paul also, especially in Christology. For Bultmann the religionsgeschichtliche background of Paul's Christology is no longer situated in the cultus-myth of the deity who dies and comes to life again, but rather in the cosmic drama of which the mythology of gnosis speaks. For in it the figure of a Redeemer makes his appearance, who as the pre-existent Son of the Most High descends from the world of light in order to communicate true knowledge, gnosis, to the sparks of light sunk in sleep and to bring them as the souls of men again to himself at their death. For that purpose, however, the heavenly Redeemer must himself descend to the domain of the power of the enemy, assume human form, become unrecognizable; indeed, he must himself be redeemed from the want and affliction of the earthly existence into which he has entered.⁶⁷ It is this myth of "the redeemed Redeemer, " called by Reitzenstein the Iranian mystery of redemption, which according to Bultmann forms the (antithetical) background of the Pauline Christology, as this clearly emerges particularly in Romans 5 and 1 Corinthians 15, further in the "Christ-hymn" cited by Paul in Philippians 2: 6-11 and Ephesians 4: 8-10, but also in such a passage as 1 Corinthians 2: 8. In all this, Christ, it is said, acquires the significance of a cosmic figure who descends into this world to do battle with the powers that threaten man. And behind that again, as the real origin of this myth, lies the gnostic understanding of one's self and the world, which may be expressed as the consciousness of the fundamental distinction between real human existence and that which is bound to the world. At the same time it is here that the connection lies with the modern approach to life, and the way has been prepared to the "existentialist" Paul of the years following the Second World War.⁶⁸

This approach to Paul's preaching on the basis of Gnosticism, irrespective of its connection with existence philosophy, has found acceptance with many. For the Apostle Paul — E. Haenchen also writes — the conceptual materials of future eschatological expectation are not enough. A whole series of notions and ideas — the doctrine of the fall of the creation (Rom. 8: 9-12) and of Adam (Rom. 5: 12-17); the contrast of the psychic and pneumatic (1 Cor. 2: I4ff.; 15: 21, 44-49), of light and darkness (Rom. 13: 11-13; 1 Thess. 5: 4-6), and of the demonic rulers of this aeon (1 Cor. 2: 6-8; 2 Cor. 4: 4); and the peril of marriage (1 Cor. 7: 33-34, 38) — are supposed to be related to gnosis,⁶⁹ Likewise the false doctrine with which Paul has to contend in his epistles (or in those which are attributed to him), as, for example, in 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, and the Pastoral Epistles, is said to have been of a gnostic character,⁷⁰ and to have given Paul occasion to employ the gnostic schemas in a Christian re-interpretation. The most radical conception is, of course, that even Paul's preaching of Christ as the descended and exalted Redeemer was conditioned by a pre-Christian redeemer figure, specifically by the so-called gnostic myth of the primal-man redeemer, as we meet with it in various presentations, in addition to Bultmann,⁷¹ for example, in Haenchen, Käsemann, Schmithals, Fuchs, Bornkamm, Vielhauer, and Brandenburger.⁷²

Meanwhile, partly in connection with the newer discoveries, both of the Qumran scrolls and of the still incompletely examined gnostic writings at Nag Hammadi, the unrestrained talk about gnosis, Gnosticism, etc., as a system of thought already more or less worked out in Paul's day, has indeed passed its high-water mark. For that matter, objections were raised against it from the very outset. After all, the writings to which scholars supposed themselves able to appeal for this gnostic complex of ideas — the Hermetic writings, the Mandaean and Manichaean literature — date from a later, in part even from a much later, period than that of the commencement of Christianity.⁷³ Even if one assumes, as most scholars now certainly do, that gnosis is to be spoken of as a pre-Christian phenomenon,⁷⁴ this is not to say that on the basis of these writings of so much later origin one is able to draw up a clear picture and to reach sweeping conclusions with respect to the manner in which, for example, Paul may be said already to have been dependent on them. This applies particularly to what is termed the gnostic mystery of redemption in the figure of the primal-man redeemer. For many scholars who have occupied themselves with these questions it is regarded as definitely established that wherever in this literature there is mention of such a redeemer, this representation is not antecedent to Christianity, but rather is borrowed from it.⁷⁵ Colpe in his extensive discussion of this so-called gnostic redeemer-myth especially stressed the unwarranted generalization in the talk about this myth, as if it were a uniform thing that were to be found ready to hand in all the relevant texts. He demonstrates with great exactitude how complicated and differentiated the whole gnostic idea of redemption is and with how little justice one constructs for himself from it a "model" of a mythical redeemer figure (which then comes to function as "the" gnostic Redeemer) and in this way suggests a general gnostic myth of redemption that has perhaps never existed.⁷⁶ And all this becomes still worse when one infers from this a precursor in the older gnostic traditions not known to us in which, it is said, the background of certain Pauline (and other New Testament) redemption and redeemer ideas must be discovered.

As more comes to be known about this gnosis from the newly discovered gnostic writings of the early Christian period, the correctness of this criticism is more and more corroborated. It becomes ever more apparent how cautiously one ought to speak of "gnosis, " "gnostic myth, " etc., as soon as one intends to denote something more than a general dualistic philosophy of life and to arrive at a comparison with that which, for instance, may be said to be characteristic of Paul. Thus van Unnik, for example, on the basis of the examination of newly discovered gnostic texts, writes: "Anyone who has made a study of the speculative passages on Adam in the Apocryphon of John, for example, will not so easily get away with explaining Paul's exposition in Rom. 5 and 1 Cor. 15 in terms of similar ideas of a Gnostic type: and anybody who has seen here how the Gnostics handle the concept of the 'Son of Man' will not be inclined to try to shed light on this term in the Gospels by reference to such ideas of 'primeval man. ' An understanding of the history and growth of Gnosticism, such as now becomes possible, must make us cautious about drawing so freely on very late Manichaean and Mandaean sources — as has happened often enough — in order to explain something in the New Testament. We may also expect that when these documents have been properly studied, academic mythmaking will be a more sober business, and some of the myths will be up for sale."⁷⁷

In the light of all the foregoing it is not strange that interest in the Greek-Hellenistic religiosity as background of the Pauline formulation of the gospel has diminished in recent years, and that its place has been taken by a vigorous revival of the study of the Jewish premises of Paul's preaching.⁷⁸ All sorts of a priori considerations would seem to make this method of approach plausible.⁷⁹ Is it not in the nature of things that a writer be judged above all according to the milieu from which he comes and which provides his frame of reference? Must not, then, the Pauline ideas be viewed in the light of the Old Testament and rabbinic Judaism, which are known, rather than in that of the Hellenistic Gnosticism of the second century or later, which is not, or scarcely, known? Paul himself appeals again and again to the Old Testament and to his Jewish origin (Phil. 3: 5; 2 Cor. 11: 22; cf. Acts 23: 6; 26: 5). The thesis often advanced that Paul was reared in Tarsus and even in his youth must have been deeply impressed by Hellenistic heathenism has been strongly contested on the basis of a closer examination of Acts 22: 3 and been replaced by another, namely, that Paul not only received his Pharisaic training in Jerusalem, but also spent his youth there.⁸⁰ This is not, of course, to deny that at a more advanced age Paul will have become thoroughly acquainted with the Hellenistic religions; nor either that, by the frequent use of the Septuagint, he gives evidence of his affinity with the Greek-speaking Jewry in the Diaspora; but there has indeed been a return from seeking the fundamental structures of Paul's preaching and doctrine, as well as that which was distinctive in his world of ideas and mode of expression, elsewhere than in his Jewish origin. Very characteristic of this new view is surely, for example, the very detailed and magnificently constructed book of J. Dupont on gnosis.⁸¹Although this author, too, does not deny that in certain respects Paul draws on the vocabulary of the popular Hellenistic philosophy, he strongly posits on the other hand that what is said to be gnosis in Paul is not borrowed from Hellenism, but must be interpreted from the Old Testament. In order to understand Paul, therefore, one must not call in the assistance of the gnostic systems, the mystery religions, or the Hermetic writings, but rather seek in the knowledge of God in the Old Testament the source from which Paul has drawn even for the formulation of his proclamation.

This emphasis on the Jewish character of Paul's preaching and doctrine is then developed further in a great many different ways. While Dupont attempts to appeal especially to the Old Testament, the thesis has been defended, notably by the Jewish scholar H. J. Schoeps, that Paul must be understood entirely as a Hellenistic Jew, and as such exhibited a type to be distinguished clearly from the Old Testament and Palestinian Judaism.⁸² Others have posited, on the other hand, that Paul's dependence on the literature of the Jewish Diaspora nowhere directly appears and that his writings reflect only so much of it as was proper to Palestinian Judaism.⁸³ And some have gone so far as to have pointed specifically to Pharisaic rabbinism as the matrix of the Pauline ideas and mode of expression and have wished to deny any dependence on Hellenism.⁸⁴

In the meantime there are also cautious voices that warn that one must not conceive of the Palestinian Judaism of Paul's day as a self-contained intellectual world⁸⁵ and that therefore, even if one chooses to seek Paul's spiritual background in it, other influences are not thereby excluded but must rather be presupposed. In this context the Qumran literature is very often taken into consideration. However one thinks these writings can be characterized — here, too, the word gnosis crops up repeatedly, though usually in a much more restricted and less pregnant sense than that in which, for example, Bultmann and his school are accustomed to speak of it — they represent the Jewish world of thought again in another way than, for example, the rabbinic writings, and they also show, more clearly perhaps than any other contemporaneous Jewish writings, the influx of other than originally Jewish ideas.

Now it is these writings, and the motifs that predominate in them, to which it is thought that Paul's preaching, too, can be related. To be sure, the essence of the Pauline kerygma, the historical-eschatological character of his Christology in which Christ's death and resurrection occupy the central place, cannot in any sense be connected with the data of the Qumran literature. But this does not alter the fact that with respect to secondary (although not unimportant) motifs in Paul's preaching striking analogies are to be observed: motifs which, it is true, have been thoroughly transformed by the use that Paul makes of them precisely because he presses them into the service of a new and entirely original kerygma, but which nevertheless are able to throw light on the backgrounds that until now have been sought in vain not only in the Greek, but also in the Jewish thinking of his time. Among others certain themes are mentioned that are highly characteristic of Paul, such as the struggle between light and darkness, the revelation of the mystery, justification from pure grace.⁸⁶ One can add to this that in the heresies combatted by Paul, as in the Epistle to the Colossians (heresies that frequently have had to do service as witnesses for the gnostic interpretation of Paul's preaching), motifs stand out that seem to fit much better in the framework of the Judaism represented in the Qumran literature than in that which it has been thought possible to reconstruct on the basis of the later gnostic writings as pre-Christian gnosis. Indications are accordingly seen here, especially in the epistles to the Ephesians⁸⁷ and the Colossians, that Paul's preaching with respect to its formulation must be viewed especially against the background of these newly unlocked sources.

This whole development admits finally of being demonstrated at a single point, although for the understanding of Paul's preaching a very important one: the frequently occurring formula "in Christ," "with Christ," and what is related to it. Although formerly appeal was often made to these formulae and ideas in order to show the mystical character of Paul's proclamation of the gospel and experience of faith (dying, rising, etc., "with Christ") and attempts were made to cite all sorts of parallels from the Greek world, since scholars have become more aware of the Jewish and Semitic background of Paul an entirely different view has come to predominate in this respect, that of the Old Testament idea of the "all-in-one, " frequently denoted with the term "corporate personality. " Although it is questionable whether this term, in the special sense with which it has been stamped notably by Wheeler Robinson for certain relationships observed in the Old Testament,⁸⁸ is applicable in every respect to the epistles of Paul,⁸⁹ yet the idea one intends to typify with the aid of this expression is undoubtedly of great significance for insight into the fundamental structures of Paul's preaching. It is that of the representation by Christ of those who belong to him, the inclusion of "the many" in the One and on this ground the application to these many of what has taken place, or will yet take place, in and with the One, Christ. It is a matter here not only of a certain formula ("in Christ, " "with Christ"), but of a way of thinking that understands the relationship between Christ and his own in an entirely different, much more "objective" manner than the method of interpretation that moves in the Greek-mystical direction. Along with this the Adam-Christ parallel has appeared to be of a much broader purport than has often been assumed on the basis of the few explicit pronouncements (in Rom. 5 and 1 Cor. 15). The whole specifically Pauline idea of the church as the "body" of Christ is bound up with it, as also the all-ernbracing significance of Christ's redemptive work with respect to "all things."⁹⁰ Later we shall return to all this in greater detail. Here it can already be established, however, what a radical change this new approach has involved, an approach that some retrospectively have once again wished to press into the service of the gnostic interpretation of Paul's preaching,⁹¹ but which, even so, obviously finds support in the first place in the Old Testament and Semitic character of Paul's world of ideas and thought.

If we now return finally to our starting point and ask ourselves where it is that continuing investigation sees the confluence of the main architectonic lines of Paul's preaching and where it supposes that the main entrance to this imposing building can be found, then surely one can speak of a growing consensus insofar that scholars are more and more finding the point of departure for an adequate approach to the whole in the redemptive-historical, eschatological character of Paul's proclamation. The governing motif of Paul's preaching is the saving activity of God in the advent and the work, particularly in the death and the resurrection, of Christ. This activity is on the one hand the fulfillment of the work of God in the history of the nation Israel, the fulfillment therefore also of the Scriptures; on the other hand it reaches out to the ultimate consummation of the parousia of Christ and the coming of the kingdom of God. It is this great redemptive-historical framework within which the whole of Paul's preaching must be understood and all of its subordinate parts receive their place and organically cohere.

If it is possible to speak in this sense of a growing consensus, such must undoubtedly be done with great reserve, as has already been evident in part from the preceding. For while there is agreement that what lies at the root of Paul's preaching is not the theological system, nor the philosophical idea, nor religious feeling, but the eschatologically understood activity of God in Jesus Christ, yet just with respect to this eschatological character of Paul's preaching strongly divergent opinions are once again to be pointed out, so that it is not without justice that Rigaux speaks of "eschatology and eschatologies."⁹²

As we have seen, Schweitzer applied his consistent-eschatological conception to Paul's preaching in such a way that this is defined on the one hand by the expectation,⁹³ unaltered in all his epistles, of the imminent return of Jesus and of the Messianic glory, and on the other by the certainty that with Jesus' death and resurrection the eschaton and with it the eschatological mode of being of believers (by virtue of their being-in-Christ) has broken through into this aeon. For Schweitzer and his followers this means that the first is an illusion rendered out of date by the course of events, but that the abiding significance of Paul's teaching is situated in the Pauline pneumatology attending the second motif.⁹⁴ Not unjustly has it been said of the latter position that Schweitzer, by making the Spirit a timeless element, in the end shows more kinship with the theology of the nineteenth century than with that of Paul.⁹⁵

But while Schweitzer always recognized the great significance that the continuing future expectation had for Paul, however much this proved to have been an illusion, others wish to see the real core of Paul's eschatological preaching in the eschatological event realized in Jesus' death and resurrection. Here the conception of C. H. Dodd⁹⁶ and of the literature that has emerged under his influence should be mentioned especially.⁹⁷ According to Dodd also, it is the eschatological framework within which the death and resurrection of Christ must be understood and from which this event derives its specific significance in Paul's preaching. This eschatological context, in which everything is placed in Paul, is said to be the expression of Paul's belief that history has reached its fulfillment in Christ's death and resurrection; that is to say, these events have the absolute significance of the final goal that God has set for himself in history.⁹⁸ To be sure, this belief among the first Christians and also in Paul was coupled with the expectation of a speedy return of Christ, but his interest in it is said to have decreased more and more and the "futurist eschatology" of the first period to have been replaced by his "Christ-mysticism, " that is to say, by the consciousness of spiritual unity with Christ and the contemplation of all the riches of the divine grace that even now are the portion of those who are in Christ.⁹⁹ The church is accordingly the place in which the promise of the great future is fulfilled. It is the sphere of divine grace and supernatural life.¹⁰⁰ The supra-natural order of life that the apocalyptic writers had foretold "in terms of pure fantasy" is now described as an actual fact of experience. In this way Paul brought the principle of realized eschatology to full development. After the resurrection of Christ the church became the sphere of the eschatological miracle.¹⁰¹

Although Dodd cannot of course deny that Paul's preaching is full of references to the future, yet in his spiritual development¹⁰² the existentially with the acting and speaking of God in Jesus Christ is the demythologized substance of this eschatology. In the nature of the case there can be no question in this interpretation of an eschatological redemptive history in the sense of a train of events advancing toward the consummation which have already taken place and are still to be anticipated in Christ. Such a conception presupposes, in Bultmann's judgment, a conception of history and Naherwartung that has long since been rendered out of date by the course of events. It is precisely the great significance of Paul that, by interpreting eschatology out of his anthropology, he has already given in nuce the solution to the problem of history and eschatology, as this was posed by the failure of the parousia to arrive.¹⁰⁶

It is clear that this demythologizing interpretation covers the content of Paul's preaching only very incompletely — and at that according to the prior understanding of an existentialistic hermeneutic.¹⁰⁷ All of theology, and thus also Christology, is treated from the viewpoint of anthropology. Accordingly the anthropological categories of which Paul makes use form the real framework in which Bultmann in his Theology of the New Testament analyzes and brings together Paul's preaching. It is not difficult to recognize that along with this approach a great narrowing makes its appearance insofar as here — otherwise than in Paul! — all of the divine redemptive activity in Christ is regarded sub specie hominis. ¹⁰⁸ Yet Bultmann's interpretation is so far an advance with respect to his radical predecessors, in that he seeks the heart of Paul's preaching, not in timeless notions concerning God or in a new experience of religious feeling, but in the decisive significance of the divine redemptive work in Christ. For this reason the analyses of Bultmann, even though they all bear the signature of his existentialistic interpretation (and reduction!) of the gospel, still have a greater value for the understanding of Paul, even for those who cannot follow him on his philosophical pathways, than those of his radical-critical predecessors.

Finally, then, it remains to mention that interpretation of Paul's eschatological preaching — to our mind the most adequate interpretation — which does justice both to the present and the future significance of this "eschatology" and which does not attempt to dissolve the historical backbone of Paul's preaching, with respect to what has already taken place as well as to that which must yet take place, in an idealistic or existentialistic fashion. There is no specific school in the investigation to be spoken of here, but rather a widespread group of interpreters, highly differentiated among themselves, who endeavor to understand the Pauline gospel in its original meaning and purport without subjecting its content to a previously determined hermeneutical principle. On the one hand this redemptive-historical interpretation (as it has been given expression in a very representative manner, for example, in presence of the salvation given in Christ is said more and more to have defined the eschatological character of his preaching. That Dodd very one-sidedly shifts the accents here, and that this whole hypothetical development in Paul from "futuristic" to "realized" eschatology can be constructed in Paul's epistles in no other way than by means of a strongly selective arrangement of texts, has been frequently demonstrated.¹⁰³ One is certainly permitted to take into consideration here Dodd's own philosophical-religious premises, in which the temporal aspects of salvation entirely recede into the background in comparison with the "eternal issues of life." It has consequently been said, not unjustly, that Dodd's interpretation of the Pauline eschatology has a certain Platonizing tendency.¹⁰⁴ Eschatology is ultimately nothing other than the expression of the absolute, timeless significance and value of the realities proclaimed by Paul. The futural element of this eschatology may not entirely disappear, but it does become withered. And with that Paul's preaching is deprived of a dimension that pertains to its essence no less than the realized eschatology Dodd posits so emphatically.

In this connection the name of Bultmann is once more to be mentioned. As we have seen, while on the one hand he considers Paul's preaching in a positive as well as in a negative sense to have been profoundly determined by motifs from the religions of the heathen world, for Bultmann, too, its starting point lies in the eschatological interpretation of Christ's death and resurrection. More clearly than Dodd, Bultmann recognizes the essential significance of the futural dimension in Paul's eschatology.¹⁰⁵ Paul interprets eschatology, however, on the basis of his anthropology, that is to say, the eschatological present and future is for him the expression of a specific understanding of human existence. To be sure, according to Bultmann Paul does not abandon the apocalyptic picture of the future of resurrection, judgment, glory, etc., but the real salvation is righteousness, liberty, joy in the Holy Spirit. The idea of salvation is thus oriented to the individual. On the one hand this salvation is already present time, on the other it is still future, for it is, by virtue of "the historicity of man," to be obtained only in the way of existential decisions. In order to attain to his authentic existence man must let himself be crucified with Christ over and over again, that is to say, renounce that which is ready to hand, which he has at his disposal, and choose for that which is not ready to hand and which he does not have at his disposal. In this he is again and again brought to the end of the possibilities at his disposal and led to the liberty of true humanness. It is therefore not the eschatological notions, but rather the anthropological insights given expression in them, which constitute the very core of Paul's preaching. Not the idea of the end of the world but the manner in which man is confronted the work of O. Cullmann, Christ and Time¹⁰⁹) is marked by a strong accentuation of the element of fulfillment, in the preaching of Jesus as well as in that of Paul. It has in this way offered a powerful counterpoise to the one-sided significance that is ascribed by the so-called consistent eschatology to the Naherwartung in the New Testament, and has constantly pointed to the fact that the primitive church precisely because of this consciousness of fulfillment was not thrown off the track when its expectation of the speedy return of the Lord was not realized. In this sense the truth of the so-called realized eschatology is fully recognized in this interpretation. On the other hand, however, it has understood the essential significance of continuing future expectation in Paul's preaching and laid full emphasis on the reciprocal dependence of the "already" and the "not yet, " as an integral component element of the Pauline eschatology. There are not only two poles here, between which there would only be tension and no connection. The church has already been included in Christ's death and resurrection, and it also shares in the future resurrection. While it is still in the present world and its temporal existence is subject to death, it is no longer to be regarded in it from the viewpoint of the first Adam and of the natural body but as included in the second Adam, under the regime of the Spirit. And this Spirit is not only the principle of the new life, in the spiritual and ethical sense of the word, but also of the renewal of the whole man in all the functions and potentialities of his existence and of the whole cosmos, just as Christ, too, has a predominating position in Paul's preaching with respect to all things and the whole of history. It is this all-embracing significance of Christ's death and resurrection, understood on the foundation of faith in God as the Creator and Consummator of heaven and earth, in which this interpretation has located the heart and therewith the hermeneutical presuppositions of Paul's eschatological preaching. And it is in the footsteps of the redemptive-historical method of interpretation intended in this sense that the following inquiry into the nature and content of Paul's preaching, as this comes to us in his epistles,¹¹⁰ will move.

1. See, e. g., A. Schweitzer, Paul and His Interpreters, ET 1912; P. Feine, Der Apostel Paulus, 1927, pp. 158ff.; R. Bultmann, "Zur Geschichte der Paulus-Forschung," Theol. Rundschau, New Series, 1929, pp. 26-59; by the same writer, "Neueste Paulus-Forschung," Theol. Rundschau, New Series, 1934, pp. 229-246; 1936, pp. 1-22; A. M. Denis, "Saint Paul dans la Littérature récente," in Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, 1950, pp. 383-408; my Paul and Jesus, 1952, ET 1957, pp. 3-20; W. G. Kümmel, The New Testament: The History of the Investigation of Its Problems, ET 1972; G. Delling, "Zum neueren Paulusverständnis," in Novum Testamentum, 1960, pp. 95-121; B. Rigaux, "L'interprétation du paulinisme dans l'exégèse récente," and the surveys mentioned there, in Littérature et Théologie Pauliniennes (Recherches Bibliques, V), 1960; and by the same writer, The Letters of St. Paul: Modern Studies, ET 1968; E. E. Ellis, Paul and His Recent Interpreters, 1961. For the ancient church see E. Aleith, Paulusverständnis in der alten Kirche, 1937; K. H. Schelkle, Paulus. Lehre der Väter. Die altkirchliche Auslegung von Römer 1-11, 2nd ed., 1959.

2. Cf., e. g., O. Kietzig, Die Bekehrung des Paulus, 1932, pp. 51-72; E. Pfaff, Die Bekehrung des hl. Paulus in der Exegese des 20. Jhrh., 1942.

3. Cf. G. C. Berkouwer, Faith and Justification, ET 1954, pp. 72ff.

4. For Luther see also J . T. Bakker, Eschatologische Prediking bij Luther, 1964.

5. The principal writings of Baur, in which he sets forth his ideas about Paul's teaching, are: Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ, ET 1876; The Church History of the First Three Centuries, ET 1878: Vorlesungen über Neutestamentliche Theologie, 1864. On Baur's significance and his interpretation of Paul, in addition to the literature cited above (p. 13), see the full discussion by H. Schmidt (J. Hausleiter), PRE, II, 3rd ed., 1897, pp. 467-483, s. v. Baur; M. Tetz in RGG, I, 3rd ed., 1957, cols. 935ff„ and the monographs listed there; and K. Barth, Protestant Theology in the Nineteenth Century, ET 1972, pp. 499-507.

5a Baur, The Church History of the First Three Centuries, p. 50.

6. K. Holsten, Das Evangelium des Paulus, I, 1880; II, 1898; H. Lüdemann, Die Anthropologie des Apostels Paulus, 1872; O. Pfleiderer, Paulinism, ET 1891; Primitive Christianity, ET 1906-1911; H. J. Holtzmann, Lehrbuch der neutestament-lichen Theologie, 1897, 2nd ed., 1911.

7. Holsten especially, in a rationalizing and psychologizing manner, related the genesis of the Pauline gospel to Paul's conversion ( Das Christusvision des Paulus und die Genesis des paulinischen Evangeliums, 1861 and 1868). In Michel's words, "He began precisely at the point where Baur did not draw the consequences of the modern view of the world. He contended against any supernatural explanation of the Damascus experience and of the development of Pauline Christology.., and sought [in Paul's own spiritual individuality and in the Christ-worship of the primitive church] sure foundations on which he could construe Paul's experience of Christ as a necessary outgrowth" ("Die Entstehung der paulinischen Christologie," ZNW, 1929, pp. 324, 325).

8. Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Theologie, II, 1911, p. 238: "The whole of St. Paul's 'doctrine' will only be intelligible and transparent from the point of view that it is the generalization of what its author had gone through in his own person and what he therefore enjoins on all who follow the same path, as something they should share. It simply means the explication of the content of Paul's conversion, the systematization of the Christophany" (tr. from Ridderbos, Paul and Jesus, p. 133, n. 13).

9. At length, ibid., pp. 256, 257.

10. Ibid., pp. 73ff.

11. Ibid., pp. 2111.

12. Ibid., pp. 238, 239.

13. Ibid., pp. 255-262.

14. Ibid., pp. 257ff.

15. Ibid., pp. 235ff.

16. Ibid., p. 243.

17. H. Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes nach der populären Anschauung der apostolischen Zeit und nach der Lehre des Apostels Paulus, 1888.

18. R. Kabisch, Die Eschatologie des Paulus in ihren Zusammenhängen mit dem Gesamtbegriff des Paulinismus, 1893.

19. W. Wrede, Paul, ET 1908. On Wrede in detail see my Paul and Jesus, pp. 3fE.

20. Wrede, Paul, p. 48.

21. Ibid., pp. 103-104.

22. Ibid., p. 87.

23. Ibid., p. 95.

24. Cumont wrote, i.a., The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, ET 1911. He himself was very cautious about making Christianity dependent on the heathen cults.

25. Well known, i.a., is his writing Eine Mithrasliturgie, 1923, a fragment from the so-called "great Paris magic papyrus," which Dieterich takes for a liturgy used in the Mithras cultus. This has been disputed by others (among them Cumont).

26. Reitzenstein much occupied himself with later gnostic literature (e. g., with the Corpus Hermeticum), from which he then thought himself able to reconstruct earlier syncretistic views and practices already prevalent in Paul's time. Reitzenstein was a great authority on this eastern Gnosticism and by his comparison of gnostic and Pauline texts convinced many of the terminological and conceptual connection between the two. He wrote, i.a., Poimandres, 1904; Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 3rd ed., 1927.

27. See also G. W. Ittel, Urchristentum und Fremdreligionen im Urteil der Religionsgeschichtlichen Schule, 1946.

28. Cf., e. g., W. Heitmüller, Taufe und Abendmahl bei Paulus, 1903. One may find a valuable summary of the data to which appeal is made, e. g., in J. Hoek, De Sacramenten bij Paulus en de hellenistische mysterie-religies, 1925, p. 95; see also Lietzmann, Cor., pp. 44ff., and now especially G. Wagner, Pauline Baptism and the Pagan Mysteries, ET 1967.

29. Against Lietzmann's view that the idea is present both in the mystery religions and in Paul that the deity (in Paul: Christ) is not only the dispenser but also the object of the sacral eating and drinking, see, e. g., Kümmel in the "Anhang" to Lietzmann, Cor., pp. 18Iff.

30. Thus Lietzmann still (Rom., pp. 67, 68); cf. also R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, ET 1959, pp. 135ff., 140, 144ff.

31. In the Isis mysteries, to which appeal is made indeed, sprinkling with water has only a preparatory character. It does not accomplish the real initiation (myêsis), much less the beholding (epopteia) that follows it, but only fulfills the function of a preparatory purification (katharsis). There is nowhere any question of a connection between baptism and a "dying and coming to life of the deity" (cf. Hoek, De Sacramenten, pp. 117ff.). For this "dying and rising of the deity" in the cultus-mysteries and the so-called connection with the Pauline dying and rising with Christ see my Paul and Jesus, pp. l0ff.

32. See my Rom., pp. 132-134; further below, pp. 4Q2ff.

33. Cf. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 3rd ed., pp. 220ff.; J. Leipoldt, Die Urchristliche Taufe im Lichte der Religionsgeschichte, 1928, pp. 47ff. See also the materials cited in Lietzmann-Kümmel, Cor., pp. 82, 194, and M. Rissi, Die Taufe für die Toten, 1962, pp. 62ff.

34. See Hoek, De Sacramenten, pp, 88ff.; Rissi, Die Taufe, pp. 62ff.; and G. Wagner, Pauline Baptism, pp. 268ff., and the literature referred to there.

35. Cf. Rissi, Die Taufe, pp. 10-51.

36. See, e. g., Bachmann's ten arguments against it in Der erste Brief des Paulus an die Korinther, 3rd ed., 1921.

37. So Rissi, Die Taufe, pp. 85ff.

38. In his book Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, ET 1970; cf. Jesus der Herr, 1916.

39. Paul and Jesus, pp. 12ff., 80ff.

40. The widely read book by A. Deissmann, St. Paul: A Study in Social and Religious History, ET 1912, is also to be mentioned in this connection.

41. For the older literature see my Paul and Jesus, p. 148, n. S. Furthermore, O. Cullmann, The Christology of the New Testament, ET 1959, pp. 205ff.; E. Schweizer, Erniedrigung und Erhöhung bei Jesus und seinen Nachfolgern, 1955, pp. 93ff, (cf. ET revised, Lordship and Discipleship, 1960, pp. 56ff. ).

42. Cf., e. g., R. Bultmann, "The Christology of the New Testament," in Faith and Understanding, I, ET 1959, pp. 273ff.; also his "Zur Geschichte der Paulus-Forschung," Theol. Rundschau, 1929, pp. 50flE. Otherwise Bultmann, too, is of the opinion that the Christianity represented by Paul is something new over against Palestinian Christianity, belongs in the sphere of the mystery religions and gnosis, and as such is characterized by the name Kyrios. See the text below.

43. On the various theories concerning the origin of Gnosticism see, e. g., Colpe, RGG, 3rd ed., II, 1958, col. 1651.

44. Poimandres, 1904,

45. See, e. g., the great work by A. J. Festugière, La Révélation d'Hermès Trismègiste, 4 vols., 1945-54, and the introduction included in it; further, G. van Moorsel, The Mysteries of Hermes Trismegistus (an Utrecht dissertation), 1955.

46. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 2nd ed., 1920, p. 65.

47. Ibid., p. 62.

48. Ibid., p. 52; cf. p. 193.

49. Ibid., p. 226.

50. Cf., e.g., the careful writing by K. Deissner, Paulus und die Mystik seiner Zeit, 2nd ed., 1921; for the later period especially the great work of J. Dupont, Gnosis, La connaissance religieuse dans les Épitres de Saint Paul, 1949.

51. Above all in Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium, 1921.

52. For the whole genesis of this hypothesis see the full and penetrating sketch by C. Colpe, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule. Darstellung und Kritik ihres Bildes vom gnostischen Erlösermythus, 1961, pp. 10-57.

53. Below, pp. 32ff.

54. The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, ET 1931, pp. 89ff.

55. Ibid., p. 86; cf. p. 37.

56. Ibid., p. 90.

57. Ibid., pp. 109f.

58. Ibid., p. 100.

59. Ibid., p. 118.

60. Ibid., pp. 117, 227if,

61. Ibid., pp. 177ff.

62. Ibid., p. 225.

63. Ibid., p. 381.

64. Cf. his essay "Jesus and Paul," in Existence and Faith: Shorter Writings of Rudolf Bultmann, I960, pp. 183-201. Also his "The Significance of the Historical Jesus for the Theology of Paul, " in Faith and Understanding, I, pp. 223d.

65. For a further characterization of this gnosis see Bultmann, Primitive Christianity in Its Contemporary Setting, ET 1956.

66. For a detailed sketch of Bultmann's interpretation of the flesh-Spirit antithesis see also his Theology and his "The New Testament and Mythology," in Kerygma and Myth, ET 1953, pp. 19ff.

67. Cf. Theology, I, pp. 164ff.; Primitive Christianity, pp. 196ff.

68. For this view in detail see my Paul and Jesus, pp. 17ff., 105ff.

69. "Gnosis und N. T., " RGG, 3rd ed., II, cols. 1652ff.

70. For 1 and 2 Corinthians see W. Schmithals, Gnosticism in Corinth, ET 1971; for Galatians the same author, "Die Häretiker in Galatien," ZNW, 1956, pp. 25-67; for Philippians again the same writer, "Die Irrlehrer des Philipperbriefes, " ZTK, 1957, pp. 297-341 (see also the devastating critique of Schmithals by Colpe, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule, pp. 63, 64); for Colossians, G. Bornkamm, "Die Häresie des Kolosserbriefes, " in Das Ende des Gesetzes, 1958, pp. 139-156; for the Pastoral Epistles, Dibelius-Conzelmann, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, ET 1972.

71. Cf. the survey in Colpe, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule, pp. 57ff.

72. E. Käsemann, "Kritische Analyse von Phil. 2, 5-11, " in Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen, I, 1960, pp. 69ff. (see also his Das wandernde Gottesvolk, 3rd ed., 1959, pp. 61ff. ); W. Schmithals, Gnosticism in Corinth, pp. 87ff.; E. Fuchs, Die Freiheit des Glaubens, Römer 5- 8 ausgelegt, 1949, pp. 18ff.; G. Bornkamm, Das Ende des Gesetzes, pp. 83ff.; P. Vielhauer, "Erlöser im N. T., " RGG, 3rd ed., II, cols. 579ff.; E. Brandenburger, Adam und Christus, 1962, pp. 12ff., 68ff.

73. The Hermetica are dated in the second and third centuries A. D.; the Mandaean literature in the third century and later; the Manichaean teaching is only very late, committed to writing in the seventh and eighth centuries.

74. Cf., e. g., G. Quispel, Gnosis als Weltreligion, 1951.

75. Cf., e. g., E. Schweizer, Erniedrigung und Erhöhung, pp. 157ff. (cf. Lordship and Discipleship, pp. 117ff. ); M. Black, "The Pauline Doctrine of the Second Adam, " in The Scottish Journal of Theology, 1954, p. 177.

76. Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule, pp. 203ff.; see also pp. 171ff.

77. W. C. van Unnik, Newly Discovered Gnostic Writings, ET 1960, p. 93. See also R. M. Wilson, The Gnostic Problem, 1958.

78. Against the religionsgeschichtliche interpretation see the early work of H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions, 1913; later, i. a., C. A. A. Scott, Christianity according to St. Paul, 1939; now especially G. Wagner, Pauline Baptism and the Pagan Mysteries.

79. Cf. E. E. Ellis, Paul and His Recent Interpreters, pp. 30, 31; see further his Paul's Use of the Old Testament, 2nd ed., 1960, pp. 38ff.

80. W, C. van Unnik, "Tarsus or Jerusalem: the City of Paul's Youth, " ET in Sparsa Collecta, I, 1973, pp. 259ff.

81. J. Dupont, Gnosis.

82. H. J. Schoeps, Paul, the Theology of the Apostle in the Light of Jewish Religious History, ET 1961, pp. 27ff.

83. E. E. Ellis, Paul's Use of the Old Testament, 1957, pp. 76-84.

84. Cf. W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism. Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology, 2nd ed., 1955.

85. Cf., e. g., B. Rigaux, in Littérature et Théologie Pauliniennes, 1960, p. 37.

86. For the above see the well-balanced article by P. Benoit, "Qumrân et le Nouveau Testament," NTS, 1961, pp. 276-296. Cf. also K. G. Kuhn, "Qumran," in RGG, 3rd ed., cols. 745-754, and the literature mentioned there.

87. Cf., e. g., K. G. Kuhn, "Der Epheserbrief im Lichte der Kumrantexte," NTS, 1961, pp. 334-346.

88. His writings date already from the beginning of this century; see also, however, his Inspiration and Revelation in the Old Testament, published in 1953 (1946), pp. 70ff. and passim.

89. In Paul it is not so much the representation of the whole by every part ("an identity of the individual and the group to which he belongs"; W. Robinson, ibid., p. 70), as of the whole having been included in and being represented by a specific figure standing at the head (Abraham, Noah, Moses; cf. also ibid., p. 82).

90. See, e. g., E. Percy, Der Leib Christi in den paulinischen Homologoumena und Antilegomena, 1942; S. Hanson, The Unity of the Church in the New Testament, 1946, pp. 67ff.; J. A. T. Robinson, The Body. A Study in Pauline Theology, 1952, pp.

91. See, e. g., Haenchen, RGG, 3rd ed., II, col. 1653, and the authors mentioned above, p. 34.

92. Rigaux, Littérature et Théologie Pauliniennes, 1960, p. 30.

93. The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, p. 52.

94. Ibid., pp. 160-176, 385-388.

95. Thus N. Q. Hamilton, The Holy Spirit and Eschatology in Paul, 1957, pp. 51ff.

96. E. g., in his The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments, 7th ed., 1951 (1936). On Dodd see also E. E. Wolfzorn, "Realised Eschatology. An Exposition of Charles H. Dodd's Thesis," in Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, 1962, pp. 44-70.

97. See, e. g., J. A. T. Robinson, Jesus and His Coming, 1957.

98. The Apostolic Preaching, p. 44.

99. Ibid., p. 63.

100. Ibid., p. 64.

101. Ibid., p. 65.

102. Paul's interest in the speedy return is said to have diminished especially in the period after he wrote 1 Corinthians (ibid., p. 63). See also Dodd's article cited there: "The Mind of Paul: Change and Development, " in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, I, 1933, II, 1934, included in his New Testament Studies, 1953.

103. La., in the full and penetrating critique by N. Q, Hamilton, The Holy Spirit and Eschatology in Paul, pp. 53ff.

104. Ellis, Paul and His Recent Interpreters, p. 32; cf. also Hamilton, ibid., p. 59; G. C. Berkouwer, The Return of Christ, ET 1972, pp. 87f., 103ff.

105. In addition to the writings of Bultmann already mentioned, for what follows see his History and Eschatology, ET 1957, pp. 33ff., 40ff.

106. Ibid., p. 49.

107. Cf. Bultmann's essay, "The Problem of Hermeneutics," in Essays Philosophical and Theological, ET 1955, pp. 234-262.

108. For this "narrowing" see my Bultmann, 1960, pp. 38ft.

109. ET 1951; and by the same author the general work Christology of the New Testament, while reference is now to be made especially to his Salvation in History, ET 1967, where the whole problem surrounding the redemptive history of the New Testament is treated at length; as regards Paul, see pp. 248-268. In his fool steps on Paul, e. g., J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, ET 1959; Hamilton, The Holy Spirit and Eschatology in Paul, 1957.

110. By these I understand the thirteen canonical epistles. On the authenticity of Colossians (and Ephesians) see the Introduction to my Col.; on that of the Pastoral Epistles my De Pastorale Brieven, 1967.

↑ Back to top