1. Reading ézruxAafovtes. The reading of the text, €70KAaLovtes,
NOTES Book I 1. Reading ézruxAafovtes. The reading of the text, €70KAaLovtes, occurs in II, 57.
2. The same comparison occurs in Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 42, In laudem Bas. 15 (MG 36.513D-516A).
3. Phil. 3.14. The racecourse is a favorite imagery in the work; cf. the phrase "to devote your soul to the race of virtue" in the Introduction to De instituto Christiano Vol. 8, 1, p. 43, 13.
4. Deperfectione has a similar Introduction, being written in response to a request for direction in attaining perfection "by the life according to virtue," Vol. 8, 1, p. 173 (MG 46.252A). There Gregory proposes Paul as a leader as he does Moses in this treatise. The De instituto Christiano was written in response to a request from a group of monks for Gregory's ideas on the goal of the virtuous life and the way by which this might be attained— Vol. 8, 1, p. 41, 10ff.
5. On spiritual fatherhood see I. Hausherr, Direction spirituelle en Orient autrefois, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 144 (Rome,
6. Gregory also refers to his old age in De inf. qui praem. abr. (MG 46.161B); C. Eun. 2.605, Vol. 1, p. 403, 6-7 (MG 45.1112D); Ref. conf. Eun.
208, Vol. 2, p. 401, 3 (MG 45.561B).
7. The customary way.to begina Jogos was to ask for divine guidance. Cf. In Hex. (MG 44.68C-D). We have rendered it "treatise."
8. See note 83 for KaTavoeéw.
9. Ps. 13.5, LXX (would be 14.5 of the Hebrew, but missing from Masoretic text).
173, 11ff. (MG 44.885C-D). See Aristotle, Categories 4b 20ff.
11. Phil. 3.13. This text is the theme of the whole treatise, namely that perfection is a continual progress. See Introduction, pp. 12-13, especially n. 61.
1.8, Vol. 5, p. 63, 4-5 (MG 44.480A), "the nonexistence of the good becomessin." Jn Eccl. 7, Vol. 5, pp. 406, 16 —407, (MG 44.725A), similarly has evil opposite to good and nonbeing to Being.
For Gregory's use of limitation by contraries see also Or. cat. 6 (MG 45.28C); C. Eun. 1.167-68, Vol. 1, p. 77 (MG 45.301C).
13. Cf. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1157430.
14. The nature of good is true being"—De an. et res. (MG 46.93B).
Cf. Ep. can. (MG 45.224D-225A) where Gregory affirms that the truly beautiful is only in virtue and in that nature which is virtue's source. That NOTES there is no intermediate state between virtue and vice was a Stoic doctrine
(J. von Arnim, Stoicorum veterum fragmenta 1. 566), but is also in Philo (Ebr.
7; Sac. 135) and Origen (Comm. Jno. 20.13). That God is virtue was repugnant to Platonists (Albinus, Didas. 28) and may be derived from the Stoic principle that human and divine virtue are the same (von Arnim, op. cit.
1.564; 3.245ff.), but see Plato, Theaet. 176b.
15. See II, 305-306. The present passage is discussed by Balas, pp.
16. The basis of the perpetual progress in virtue is the divine infinity.
Cf. II, 236. See Plotinus, Enn. 6, 7, 32. Since the good is unlimited, there is no limit to the advance in the good—Cat. or. 21 (MG 45.60A); C. Eun.
1.290, Vol. 1, p. 112, 15-20 (MG 340D); De an. et res. (MG 46.96C-97A); De bom. op. 21 (MG 44.201B-C). For the constant increase in the desire for God, cf. Jn Cant.
1, Vol. 6, p. 31, 6-9 (MG 44.777B); 12, Vol. 6, p. 366, 11-20 (MG 44.1036A). On the general subject see Ekkehard Muhlenberg,
Die Unendlichkeit Gottes bei Gregor von Nyssa, Forschungen zur Kirchen—und Dogmengeschichte 16 (Gottingen, 1966), esp. pp. 159ff.
18. This thesis that perfection is to be found in progress itself is developed in De perf., especially the conclusion, Vol. 8, 1, pp. 213, 14—
214, 6 (MG 46.285C-D). The contrast of this philosophy of growth to the Greek conception according to which change involves imperfection is developed by Danieélou, "La Colombe et la tenebre dans la mystique byzantine ancienne," EranosJabrbuch 23 (1954): 400-405.
20. On the symbolism of the sea, see H. Rahner, "Antenna Crucis, II, Das Meer der Welt," Zeitschr. Kath. Theol. 66 (1942): 89-118.
Palladius, Hist. Laus., Prol., 2 and 15 offers stories of both sexes for models.
22. Philo, De sacrif. 27.90.
23. On the place of the saints of the Old Testament in the early Church, see Introduction, n. 76. On Abraham as a model of virtue in the fathers, see Daniélou, "Abraham dans la tradition chrétienne," Cahiers
Sioniens (1951): 160-179. Abraham and Sarah are referred to by Gregory in De deitate filii et sp. sanc. (MG 46.569). For other Gregory references to Abraham, cf. Int., n. 78, 80, 81.
25. Kata THhv mEdxEKOV Evvotav. This formulation seems to be different for Gregory from the kowvai €vvorat, those common truths of the faith on which he dwells, which he borrowed from Stoicism and Neoplatonism, and which he makes the framework of his religious philosophy.
NOTES See Jules Gross, La divinisation du chrétien d'aprés les Péresgrecs (Paris, 1938), TAA ; 26. See Introduction, n. 82 and 83 for other passages where Gregory proposes Moses as a pattern of virtue.
27. For the background of "understanding" (Stavora) in Greek treatment of allegories, see R.M. Grant, The Letter and the Spirit (London,
1957), pp. 125f.; for "history" (18roeia), see Introduction at note 42.
29. Josephus, Ant. 2.9.226-31. Jewish traditions surrounding the birth of Moses are given by Renée Bloch, "Moise dans la tradition rabbinique," Moise, pp. 115f.
31. A similar wording in C. Eun. 2.285, Vol. 1, p. 310, 13ff. (MG 45.1008A).
32. Midrash Rabbah, Exodus 1.25, has the infant Moses reject a series of Egyptian nurses before the princess tries a Hebrew nurse.
33. Acts 7.20-22; Philo, Vit. Mos.
1.5.21-24. Cf. also Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 1.23, where he summarizes Hellenistic Jewish tradition; elsewhere in Gregory, Jn laud. frat. Bas. (MG 46.789B; 808D). It has been suggested that this midrash might go back to a Near Eastern tradition according to which a foundling is brought up as a scribe— Brevard Childs,
"The Birth of Moses," Journal of Biblical Literature 84 (June, 1965): 114.
For Christians and classical education, see H.I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. George Lamb (New York, 1956), pp. 419-438.
Gregory uses the phrase rnu €£w0ev 7aidevow for the education carried on "outside" the Church (cf. II, 13). We have translated "pagan," or "profane," according to the context. For the word, see H. Karpp, "Christennamen,"
RAC 2, 1137f.; Ilona Opelt, "Griechische und Lateinische Bezeichnungen der Nichtchristen. Ein terminologisoher Versuch," Vig. Christ. 19 (1965):
1-22. For Gregory's attitude toward pagan education, see Introduction, pp.
4f. and Bk. II, n. 57,cf. T.A. Goggin, The Times ofGregory ofNyssa as Reflected in the Letters and the Contra Eunomium (Washington, 1947), pp. 99ff.; W.
Jaeger, Early Christianity and Greek Paideia (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), pp.
34. See W.C. van Unnik, Tarsus orJerusalem (London, 1962) for the use of teoo7 and wraidevars for stages in ancient education.
35. Cf. In inscrip. Ps. 1.7, Vol. 5, p. 43, 24-26 (MG 44.456C);In laud. frat. Bas. (MG 46.808D-809A); Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.7.32.
37. Exod. 2.15-21. The interpretation of Moses in Midian follows Philo, Vit. Mos.
For the ascetic life as NOTES philosophy, cf. Vita S. Mac., Vol. 8, 1, p. 377, 4 (MG 46.965B) and passim; De inst. Chris. Vol. 8, 1, p. 41, 20f.
38. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.11.59 is very close. The treatment of the whole episode begins with 10.51.
Is this detail influenced by Acts 9.3 and 22.6? Philo says that the form in the midst of the flame wasa "light shining brighter than fire," Vit.
Mos. 1.12.66. Gregory adds details to accent the miraculous— Daniélou, "Moise exemple et figure chez Grégoire de Nysse," Moise, p. 273.
Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.12.65.
42. For the sandals made of "dead skins" see Bk. II, n. 29.
46. That the command was to increase the levy of bricks does not correspond to Exod. 5.4ff.
47. Exod. 7.10-12. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.16.91ff. uses similar language.
19.18; Philo, Vit. Mos.
1.17.96-97. Cf. ibid., 1.26.143, "Earth, water, air, fire, the constituent parts of that nature which it is impossible to escape, joined in the attack. And the strangest thing ofall was that the same elements in the same place and at the same time brought destruction to one people and safety to the other." The comparison of the plagues to a military campaign is in Midrash Rabbah, Exodus 15.27.
53. The Greek has oxwvizes; the type ofinsect is not certain.
54. Gregory does not follow the biblical order of the plagues in Exod.
8-10 (cf. Ps. 105(D-R 104).29-36). He has yet another order in II, 63-88.
Philo's topical arrangement is different still—Vit. Mos.
Gregory has another summaryofthe plagues in Jn Cant. 3, Vol. 6, p. 77, 8ff. (MG 44.813B-C).
55. Exod. 11.46; 12.29-31.
57, Exod. 12.35f., 15; 13.17-19.
58. See Bk. II, n. 126.
59. Exod. 14.5-15. For the Red Sea episode, cf. Philo, Vit. Mos.
1.30.169-32.180 and 2.45.246-46.257.
60. Exod. 14.15, based on the absence of any mention in the biblical text of Moses' crying to God although it says that God "heard his cry," as he
NOTES explains in C. Eun. 2.267-68, Vol. 1, p. 304, 21ff. (MG 45.1002A); cf. II, 118. Philo, Quis rer. div. 4.14.
61. Exod. 13.21-22. Cf. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.29.166.
62. Gregory treats the formation of clouds also in Jn Hex. (MG 44.97D); C. Eun. 1.300, Vol. 1, p. 115, 12f. (MG 45.344B); 3.39, Vol. 2, p.
17, 8ff. (MG 45.577D).
63. The word 5adovxeiv, borrowed from the language of the mysteries, is found in Gregory for the pillar of fire in In Christi res
4 (MG 46.681B-C), with which compare Jn Cant.
15, Vol. 6, p. 432, 12 (MG 44.1089A). On the Christian use of mystery terminology see A.D. Nock, Early Gentile Christianity and its Hellenistic Background (New York, 1964 reprint), pp. 30ff., 67f., 117-124, 132-143; "The Vocabulary of the New
Testament," Journal of Biblical Literature 52 (1933): 134; "Mysterion," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 60 (1951): 201-204. Cf. n. 74.
Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.32.177-180.
67. On te67ravov, see Christine Mohrmann, "A propos de deux mots controversés de la latinité chrétienne: tropaeum-nomen," Vig.
(1954): 155-173; Jean Bernardi, "Le mot te077avov applique aux martyrs,"
Vig. Christ. 8 (1954): 174f.
69. Num. 9.15-23 supplies the thought.
70. Exod. 15.27. Cf. Bk. II, n. 153 for Philo.
71. Exod. 17.1-7. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.38.210-213. See Bk. II, n. 156.
72. Exod. 16 is the basis for sections 36-38. Gregory has inverted the order of the manna and the water from the rock. For the manna, cf. Philo,
1.35.191-37.209 and 2.47.258-62.
73. Exod. 17.8-16. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.39.214-19.
74. Exod. 19.10ff. The Sinai theophany is omitted in Philo's Vita Mosis but is treated in De decalogo 11.44-49. De decalogo 10.41 uses mystery terminology for Moses' receiving the Law, and Moses is a priest of the mysteries who leads the people in their initiation in the Vita Mosis 2.15.7175. On Moses as an initiate into the mysteries, cf. Daniélou, Moise, pp.
274f.; see E.R. Goodenough, By Light Light (New Haven, 1935), pp.
199-234. The terminology of mystery initiation was employed by Hellenistic philosophers to express learning philosophical doctrines.
75. Gregory frequently refers to "stains" or "defilements"
Chris. Vol. 8, 1, pp. 44, 5; 48, 2; 48, 18; 64, 5; Jn Cant. 5, Vol. 6, p. 162, 8 76. Gregory makes a distinction between the rational and the irraNOTES tional (animals), a distinction not made in the biblical text.
77. Cf. Heb. 12:18-21 for the description in sections 43-44. In Or.
Dom. 2 (MG 44.1137A) he draws on the Hebrews passage to contrast Moses at Sinai with Christ, the new Lawgiver, who brings divine grace.
78. The experience of the sound of the trumpets (Exod. 19.19) made a strong impression on Gregory. Aristobulus spoke of the trumpet at Sinai sounded "by God without any aid," Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 8.10. Cf. for Gregory's statement Philo, De decal. 9.32-35. Origen gives the same explanation of God's voice atJesus' baptism —C. Cels. 2.72; 6.62. See the note by Henry Chadwick, Origen: Contra Celsum (Cambridge, 1953), p. 121, on unvibrated air.
79. Exodus 34.29ff. is apparently the basis for Gregory's statement, but he does not follow the biblical account. Paul's use of the Exodus passage in 2 Cor. 3 stays closer to the biblical text. The role of mediator is what
Gregory underlines in one of the primary texts where he treats of Moses— In inscrip. Ps. 1.7, Vol. 5, p. 45, 7ff. (MG 44.457B-C). See II, 319. Philo discusses Moses as legislator in Vit. Mos.
2.9.51-10.53. On Christ as mediator, see Ref. conf. Eun. 142-44, Vol. 2, pp. 373, 16—374, 24 (MG 45.532D-533A). On Moses as mediator in Judaism, cf. Ass. Mos. 1.14.
80. See the mystery terminology discussion, Bk. I, n. 63 and 74, and Bk. II, n. 203.
81. Gregory follows the Philonian exegesis in which darkness signifies the incomprehensibility of the divine essence and its transcendence of all conceptual knowledge. Cf. especiallyJn Cant. 6, Vol. 6, p. 181, 4ff. (MG
44.892C-D). See II, 162ff. and notes there.
83. For b76An us and other cognitive terms, see Aubineau, SC 119:
173, and Weiswurm, Nature ofHuman Knowledge, p. 163.
84. We know that God is but not what he is —cf. Balas, p. 128. Dean. et res. (MG 46.40C); C. Eun. 2.13, 71, 98, Vol. 1, p. 230, 26-30, p. 248, 1-3, and p. 255, 9-14 (MG 45.916A, 933D, and 944A-B); Jn Cant. 11, Vol. 6, p.
335, 1 (MG 44.1009C-D); De mort. (MG 46.513C). See Bk. II, n. 208.
Walther Volker, "Zur Gotteslehre Gregors von Nyssa," Vig.
85. Cf. Lev. 19.18. For the widespread use of this passage, and its relation to the Golden Rule, see Albrecht Dihle, Die Goldene Regel, Studienhefte zur Altertumswissenschaft, 7 (Gottingen, 1962).
88. Exod. 25-27 gives the instructions for building the tabernacle and its furnishings. Gregory's treatment follows Philo, Vit. Mos. 2.15.74. See
NOTES 89. A similar summary listing in Heb. 9.2ff.
90. Exod. 25.9, 40; 31. 1ff.; 35:30-38.31.
91. For the Jewish background of &xevpozrotntos and its introduction into the Christian vocabulary, see Marcel Simon, Saint Stephen and the Hellentists (London, 1958), pp. 89ff., 95ff.; idem, "Retour du Christ et reconstruction du Temple dans la penseé chrétienne primitive," in Aux
Sources de la Tradition Chretienne. Mélanges Goguel (Neuchatel-Paris, 1950), pp. 251ff.
92. Exod. 28. Philo, Vit. Mos. 2.23.109-27.140. See Bk. II, n. 256.
For an effort to picture the appearance of the priest's vestments, see //Justrated World of the Bible Library (New York, 1958), Vol.
1, p. 166. For discussion see Edgar Haulotte, Symbolique du vetement selon la bible, Théologie 65 (Paris, 1966), pp. 44-59, 167-175.
93. Gold thread is new in the priestly garments and was not used in the tabernacle.
94. Gregory's account is not altogether clear, hence in the succeeding sections our translation is more interpretative than usual. Gregory substitutes for €mwpis the "ephod," émwpides, the "shoulder pieces," which held it together, and uses zropzrai for the latter. He reads "emerald" with the LXX whereas the Hebrew has "onyx." For Philo's wording, see Quaest.
Ex. 2.108 with the note by Ralph Marcus, Philo Supplement II (Loeb Classical Library), p. 157.
95. Gregory draws on Exod. 39.15-19 (36.22-27, LXX), the account of the making of the garinents, which adds details not in the instructions for making them in chapter 28.
96. This "ornament" is the "rational" of the Douay, the "pectoral" of the Jerusalem Bible.
97. Cf. Epiphanius, De gemmis, ed. and trans. from the Georgian version by R.P. Blake, Studies and Documents 2 (London, 1934).
98. The words were "Holy to the Lord," Exod. 28.36.
100. Exod. 32. Philo. Vit. Mos. 2.31.159-33.173.
Literally "became outside nature" or "departed from nature." Cf.
I, 60. For Gregory's "mysticism" see Introduction n. 59. The phrase "having gone outside himself" is used of prophetic inspiration, /n Ascenstonem (MG 46.693A). See Volker, Gregor von Nyssa, 203f. on leaving the body. "Nature" here designates the terrestial condition of man—cf. Jn S.
Steph. (MG 46.713B-C); De beat. 7 (MG 44.1280C)—a sense actually less frequent in Gregory than that which designates man in his original and ideal condition. See Bk. II, n. 29 for bibliography on his doctrine of man, and Bk.
II, n. 194 for similar expressions.
104. Exod. 36.8-40.31 and note especially 39.43 and 40.14.
106. Num. 11.4-34. In his use of material from Numbers Gregory does not follow the biblical order.
107. Num. 13-14. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.40.220-42.236.
110. This incident was alreadya tradition in the Old Testament; for the wording, cf. Deut. 8.15; Ps. 113.8; Wisd. 11.4; Philo, Leg. alleg. 2.21 and 84. For the translation "jutting" or "abrupt" rock, note the representations in early Christian art where the rock always has the appearance of a steep ledge. Indeed, of all the episodes from Moses' life represented in early Christian art the striking of the rock is the most common. For reproductions see Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 11, col.
1661ff., and C.F. Rogers, "Baptism and Christian Archaeology," Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 5 (1903): 247-253. Cf. J. Leroy, "Images de Moise dans la tradition juive et chrétienne," Moise, pp. 363f. References to the incident are common in Christian literature —Justin, Dial. 131; Tert.,
Clem., Recog. 1.35; Didas. 26.50 (Connolly, p. 220); Eusebius, H. FE. 7.21.5; Jerome, Brev. in Ps. 77. See further, Bk. II, n. 156 and 381.
111. Num. 21.6-9. Cf.
10.9f. Philo, Leg. alleg. 2.19.76-78 compares the serpents of this passage to pleasures.
112. Num. 16. Philo, Vit. Mos. 2.50.280-285.
113. Num. 17. Philo, Vit. Mos. 2.33.178-34.186.
114. Num. 20.14-22, especially v. 17. Gregory's compression of the narrative has distorted the biblical account. The fighting comes in connection with a similar request of Sehon, king of the Amorites, in Num.
21.21-25. The passage through Edom in Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.43.239-44.249; the fighting with Sehon, 1.47.258-262.
115. Num. 22.2ff. Philo's treatment of Balaam and Balak in Vit. Mos.
116. On augury, which belonged to the "artificial" ty pe of divination, see Cicero, De divinatione 1, 72-92. Cf. Philo, Vit. Mos.
1.51.282 on the passage, and II, 293.
117. The attribution of the power of sorcerers to demons is not in the biblical account but is a common theme in ancient Christianity. See
Daniélou, "Demon," Dictionnaire de spiritualité 3: 153-160.
119. Num. 25. See chapter 31 for the defeat of the Midianites. Philo, Vit. Mos. 1.53.292-58.318.