The Life Of Irenaeus
THE LIFE OF IRENAEUS
Irenaeus of Lyons was the most important Christian controversialist and theologian between the apostles and the third-century genius Origen. He gathered up and combined the traditions of predecessors from Asia Minor, Syria, and Rome and used them to refute the Gnostics who were subverting the Gospel. He built up a body of Christian theology that resembled a French Gothic cathedral, strongly supported by columns of biblical faith and tradition, illuminated by vast expanses of exegetical and logical argument, and upheld by flying buttresses of rhetorical and philosophical considerations from the outside. In his own person he united the major traditions of Christendom from Asia Minor, Syria, Rome, and Gaul, although his acquaintance with Palestine, Greece, and Egypt was minimal. We cannot say that he represents the whole of second-century Christianity, but he does represent the majority views outside Alexandria, where Christian speculative thought was closer to the Gnosticism he fought. He represents the literary categories of his predecessors as well as the areas through which he had passed.
He knew most of the New Testament rather well, though it did not include Hebrews or any books of the "apocryphal New Testament," and he was acquainted with the writings of most of the so-called Apostolic Fathers: 1 Clement (not 2 Clement), Ignatius, Polycarp, and Hermas (not the Didache or Barnabas), as well as two of the apologists: Justin and Theophilus, plus Justin's renegade disciple Tatian. In addition he was rather well informed about Gnostics and their writings, and used several treatises recently found in Coptic versions at Nag Hammmadi, Egypt.
Irenaeus tells something about his early life in his major treatise On the Detection and Refutation of the Knowledge Falsely So Called (cited hereafter as Heresies) and in two letters partly saved in Eusebius' Church History. First, writing to Florinus to dissuade him from heresy, he sets forth early memories of what must be Smyrna, on the Aegean coast, where long ago he and Florinus encountered his life-long hero the bishop and martyr
Polycarp. He insists that early memories are best, for presumably critics were questioning his claims about traditions.
When I was still a boy I saw you in lower Asia with Polycarp, when you were shining brilliantly in the royal palace and trying to win favor from him.
I remember the events of those days better than recent ones, for childhood learning grows up with the soul and is united with it, so that I can speak of the place where the blessed Polycarp sat and discussed, his entrances and exits and the character of his life, the appearance of his body, the discourses he made to the multitude, how he related his life together with John and with the others who had seen the Lord, and how he remembered their words, and what he heard about the Lord from them, about his miracles and teaching—how Polycarp received this from the eyewitnesses of the life of the Word and proclaimed it all in accordance with the scriptures.
Because of God's mercy given me I heard these things eagerly even then, and I recorded them not on paper but in my heart, and I meditate on them accurately by God's favor.
2 Irenaeus of Lyons And I can testify before God that if that blessed apostolic presbyter had heard anything of this kind he would have shouted and stopped his ears and said, as was his custom, "O good God, for what sort of times have you preserved me, that I should put up with this?" He would have fled from the place where he was sitting or standing when he heard such words. This can be made plain from his letters which he sent to the churches nearby, strengthening them, or to some of the brothers, exhorting and warning them.1
The whole passage suggests that Irenaeus' insistence on memory and tradition was under fire, chiefly from Gnostics but no doubt from more orthodox and probably younger colleagues. Heresies shows that for him a "boy" could be nearly 15 years old; if so, he was born about AD 140.
Some years later, probably around 155, Polycarp visited Rome. Irenaeus knows something about the visit, whether he himself was at Rome or not, and in Heresies repeats his statement about early memories.
And there is Polycarp, who not only was taught by the apostles and conversed with many who had seen the Lord, but also was established by apostles in Asia in the church at Smyrna. We ourselves saw him in our early youth, for he lived long and was in extreme old age when he left this life in a most glorious and most noble martyrdom. He always taught the doctrine he had learned from the apostles, which he delivered to the church, and it alone is true. All the churches in Asia bear witness to this, as well as the successors of Polycarp to this day, and he was a witness to the truth of much greater authority and more reliable than Valentinus and Marcion and the others with false opinions. For when under Anicetus he stayed in Rome he turned many away from the heretics we have mentioned and brought them back to the church of God by proclaiming that from the apostles he had received this one and only truth transmitted by the church. Some heard him say that John the Lord's disciple was going to the bath in Ephesus when he saw Cerinthus inside and jumped out of the bath without bathing, saying that he feared the bath would fall down since Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, was inside.2 And when Polycarp himself once met Marcion, who ran to him and said, "Recognize us," he answered, "I do recognize you, firstborn of Satan."3 … There is also a very powerful letter of Polycarp, written to the Philippians, from which those who desire and care for their salvation can learn the nature of his faith and the preaching of the truth. In addition, the church of Ephesus, founded by Paul, with John continuing with them until the times of Trajan, is a true witness to the tradition of the apostles.4
At Rome Polycarp argued not only with heretics but also with the bishop Anicetus, and they finally agreed to disagree. Irenaeus discusses this topic when he writes to the later bishop Victor.
The life of Irenaeus 3 When the blessed Polycarp was staying in Rome under Anicetus and they had modest disagreements about some other matters they made peace at once, since they had no desire for strife on this topic. For neither could
Anicetus persuade Polycarp not to observe what he had always observed with John our Lord's disciple and the other apostles with whom he had associated, nor did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe this, for he said that he ought to hold fast the custom of the presbyters before him. In spite of this, they had fellowship with each other and in the church Anicetus yielded the Eucharist to Polycarp, obviously out of respect, and they parted from each other in peace, for those who observed and those who did not observe kept the peace of the whole church.5
Irenaeus insists on peace because he is criticizing Victor's militancy.
Later on, Irenaeus was eager to take part in the worldwide mission of the church and became a missionary among the Celts of Gaul. Why Lyons? The social and economic history of the city gives some explanation. Migration from Asia to Gaul was common in the second century, as inscriptions and temple ruins prove. Asian culture and pagan cults were accompanying
Asian traders.6 Frend refers to the Greek names of L.Taius Onesimus, Onesiphorus, and Epagathus, and to one woman described as Asiana, another as natione Graeca.7 Especially notable is T.Flavius Hermes, named with T.Romanius Epictetus and Flavia Melitine.8
Greek culture seems to have flourished at Lyons, but sometimes Irenaeus regretted his absence from the deeper culture of Christian Asia. He addressed his readers with an apology of sorts.
You will not expect from us, who live with the Celts and most of the time use the language of barbarians,9 either the art of rhetoric which we did not learn, or the skill of a writer which we have not exercised, or elegance of language or persuasion which we do not know. You may, however, accept with love what we have written for you with love, simplicity, and truth, and without technique, and yourself develop it, being more capable than we are.10
Some have thought he viewed Latin as barbaric but this is hard to believe in view of his admiration for the church of Rome and, indeed, the Roman empire.11
For him the church's mission is both universal and unified.
If the languages in the world are dissimilar, the power of the tradition is one and the same. The churches founded in Germany believe and hand down no differently, nor do those among the Iberians, among the Celts, in the Orient, in Egypt, or in Libya, or those established in the middle of the world. As the sun, God's creature, is one and the same in the whole world, so the light, the preaching of truth, shines everywhere and illuminates all men who wish to come to the knowledge of truth. And none of the rulers of the churches, however gifted he may be in eloquence, will say anything different—for
Irenaeus of Lyons no one is above the Master (Matt. 10:24)—nor will one weak in speech damage the tradition. Since the faith is one and the same, he who can say much about it does not add to it nor does he who says little diminish it.12
Many barbarian peoples who believe in Christ and…possess salvation, written without paper or ink by the Spirit in their hearts, and they diligently protect the ancient tradition… Those who have believed this faith without letters are "barbarians in relation to our language" (1 Cor. 14:11) but most wise, because of the faith, as to thinking, customs, and way of life, and they please God as they live in complete justice, chastity, and wisdom.
And if someone told them, speaking in their own language, what has been invented by heretics, they would immediately shut their ears and flee far away, not even enduring to hear this blasphemous discourse.13 Because of that ancient tradition of the apostles they do not admit even to thought any of the lying inventions of these people.14
In the sixth century Gregory of Tours imagined that Polycarp sent Irenaeus on his mission to Lyons and that he converted practically the whole city to Christianity before becoming a martyr. There is no evidence for this, though it reflects the later enthusiasm for Irenaeus found in the churches of Gaul. If one asks what became of Irenaeus' converts, Gregory explains that they were killed in great numbers, along with Irenaeus himself.15
When persecution began about 177, the martyrs Gregory knew have names mostly Greek, a few Latin, but none Celtic, and their Acts criticize non-Christians as barbarians.
"Incited by a wild beast [the Devil] wild and barbarous tribes could hardly stop," while "the governor and the people (démos) showed the like unjust hatred."16 The Celtic population remained resolutely non-Christian.
Around this time a letter from the Gallican confessors commended Irenaeus to Eleutherus of Rome.
Again and always we greet you in God, Father Eleutherus. We have urged our brother and colleague Irenaeus to bring this letter to you and we ask you to hold him in esteem, for he is zealous for the covenant of Christ. For if we had known that rank confers righteousness on anyone, we should especially have commended him as a presbyter of the church, which in fact he is.17
Perhaps Irenaeus as a presbyter was the local equivalent of the bishops found elsewhere.
He seems to regard "bishop" and "presbyter" as substantially identical.
Around the same time the confessors were sending "the brothers in Asia and Phrygia" their "pious and most orthodox judgment" about Montanism. These were the brothers to whom they also sent the book of Gallican Martyrs.18 The Montanist schism, based on widespread prophetic ecstasy, had recently originated in Phrygia,19 but we do not know exactly what Irenaeus thought of it. In Irenaeus' Heresies he insists on the existence and importance of spiritual gifts among Christians. Eusebius quotes passages from him about raising the dead, exorcism, prediction, visions, prophetic speech, and cures, concluding with words about gifts of prophecy and speaking "through the Spirit with various tongues."20 If he really opposed Montanism he must have agreed with the other critics cited by Eusebius.
They objected to its disorderly character, not its emphasis on spiritual gifts.21
The life of Irenaeus
At some point during the Roman episcopate of Eleutherus (c. 175–189) Irenaeus produced his five books against the Valentinians. In his view they were the most dangerous heretics of the time, obviously because they impelled Christians to leave the tradition transmitted in the apostolic succession. His treatise, entitled On the Detection and Refutation of Knowledge Falsely So Called, was not written for Christians either in Gaul itself or at Rome, where there was no need of a list of bishops, but more probably those in Asia and Phrygia. We have just seen that Christian letters were being sent from Lyons specifically to Asia and Phrygia.
The first book concerns the Valentinian Gnostics and their eccentric predecessors as far back as Simon Magus. The second provides rational proofs that their doctrines are false.
The prefaces to the fourth and fifth books show what he thought he was doing. The third supplies proofs from the apostles, that is, the gospels taken as a whole. The fourth book emphasizes the sayings of Jesus, especially his mysterious parables, and shows the unity of the Old Testament and the Gospel, while the fifth, relying especially on other words of Jesus and the letters of Paul, culminates in Irenaeus' old-fashioned Asian picture of the future reign of God on earth. He first sent Books I–II to his unnamed correspondent, then
III, IV, and V in succession.22 The whole treatise, commonly called Against Heresies, was quite popular, especially among anti-Gnostic Christians in churches related to Rome. The oldest fragment of the work, a papyrus scrap from Oxyrhynchus in Egypt, can be dated before the end of the second century and suggests that foes of Egyptian Gnosticism early found it helpful.23 Clement soon used it in Alexandria, Tertullian in Carthage, Hippolytus in Rome.
As a whole the work survives only in a Latin translation of the third or early fourth century (hardly later, since Valentinianism was fading away), though there are many Greek fragments, the most important being provided by Eusebius and Epiphanius, especially from Books I and III, as well as a valuable old Armenian version of Books IV and V.
Most of Book II is found only in Latin, perhaps because the rational arguments were not remarkably convincing.
The treatise shows that Irenaeus was trying to maintain those traditions of the Roman church reported by Clement, Hermas, and Justin which he believed were consistent with his own Asian traditions from John, Polycarp, and Papias. He also believed in the apostolic succession of presbyter-bishops—but did not report that the Valentinians believed that their own tradition and succession were superior to his.24
He describes the Roman succession in some detail.
After founding and building up the church, the blessed apostles delivered the ministry of the episcopate to Linus; Paul mentions this Linus in the letters to Timothy (2 Tim. 4:21). Anacletus succeeded him, and after him, in the third place from the apostles, Clement received the lot of the episcopate; he had seen the apostles and met with them and still had the apostolic preaching in his ears and the tradition before his eyes. He was not alone, for many were then still alive who had been taught by the apostles. Under this Clement, when there was no slight dissension among the brethren at Corinth, the church at Rome wrote a most powerful letter to the Corinthians to reconcile them in peace and renew their faith and the tradition which their church had
Irenaeus of Lyons recently received from the apostles: one God almighty, Creator of heaven and earth, the fashioner of man, who brought about the deluge and called
Abraham and brought the people out of the land of Egypt, who spoke with Moses, who gave the law and sent the prophets, who prepared fire for the devil and his angels.
This does not accurately reflect the content of 1 Clement, although B. Botte argued that Irenaeus is combining 1 Clement with 2 Clement, where fire is mentioned.25
Those who wish can learn that the God proclaimed by the churches is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and can understand the apostolic tradition by this letter, older than those who now teach falsely that there is another god above the Demiurge and Creator of all that exists. Evaristus succeeded this Clement; Alexander, Evaristus; then Xystus was appointed, sixth from the apostles; from him, Telesphorus, who achieved martyrdom most gloriously; then Hyginus; then Pius, whose successor was Anicetus. After Soter had succeeded Anicetus, now in the twelfth place from the apostles
Eleutherus holds the episcopate. With the same sequence and doctrine the tradition from the apostles in the church, and the preaching of truth, has come down to us. This is a complete proof that the life-giving faith is one and the same, preserved and transmitted in truth in the church from the apostles up till now.26
Irenaeus' relations with Eleutherus' successor Victor were less cordial. In Heresies he had insisted that the church of Ephesus had been founded by Paul and that John stayed there until the reign of Trajan; it is an authentic witness to the tradition of the apostles.27
Evidently he could not imagine disagreement with the church of Rome. Later, however, he wrote to Victor to complain about his treatment of the bishop of Ephesus over the Paschal problem. Victor had requested metropolitans to convoke synods, and Eusebius still had access to a dossier including protocols from Palestine (presidents, Theophilus of Caesarea and Narcissus of Jerusalem), Rome (Victor), Pontus (Palmas by seniority), Gaul (Irenaeus),
Osrhoene and cities, Bacchyllus of Corinth individually (idiôs), and others unidentified. He says all agreed with Victor.28
Other bishops in Palestine, however, included Cassius of Tyre and Clarus of Ptolemais.
Their letter discussed apostolic tradition and ended thus:
Try to send copies of our letter to every diocese [?] (paroikia) so that we may not be liable for those who easily deceive themselves. We are showing you that at Alexandria they observe the same day as ourselves, for letters have been exchanged between them and us so that we may observe the holy day harmoniously and in agreement.
Eusebius seems to suppose that the letter supported Victor's position,29 but the title of a lost letter does not agree with his opinion: "To an Alexandrian, that it is right that we should celebrate the Feast of the Resurrection upon the first day of the week."30 It thus appears
The life of Irenaeus
that Palestine and Alexandria followed another tradition, as in later times. Presumably this means that Irenaeus was defending Roman usage against that of Alexandria and Palestine.
Irenaeus' own letter to Victor on the Paschal feast is conciliatory but firm.
The controversy is not only about the day but also about the actual form of the fast. Some think they must fast for a day, others two days, others even more. Some count their day as forty hours, day and night. Such variety among the participants did not begin recently in our time but much earlier under our predecessors who, it seems, disregarded rigidity and maintained a custom both simple and individual, transmitting it to those after them. None the less all these were at peace and we also are at peace with one another, and the divergence in the fast confirms our unity in the faith. Among them were the presbyters who before Soter presided over the church you now govern, I mean Anicetus, Pius, Hyginus, Telesphorus, and Xystus. They did not keep it themselves and did not commit it to their successors; none the less they were at peace with those who came to them from the churches in which it was observed, even though the observance was opposed to those who did not keep it. No one was ever expelled because of this form, but the presbyters before you who did not observe it sent Eucharist to those from the churches that did observe it, and when the blessed Polycarp was staying in Rome under Anicetus and they had modest disagreements about some other matters they made peace at once, since they had no desire for strife on this topic. For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp not to observe what he had always observed with John our Lord's disciple and the other apostles with whom he had associated, nor did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe this, for he said that he ought to hold fast the custom of the presbyters before him. Under the circumstances, they had fellowship with each other and in the church Anicetus yielded the Eucharist to Polycarp, obviously out of respect, and they parted from each other in peace, for those who observed and those who did not observe kept the peace of the whole church before Soter.31
Irenaeus took his writing against heresy with great seriousness. Indeed, he placed a solemn oath at the end of a work addressed to Florinus, tempted by the Valentinian heresy. "I swear by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious coming when he comes to judge the living and the dead, that when you copy this book you must compare what you copy and carefully correct it by the original, and also copy this oath and put it in the copy."32 Dionysius of Corinth had already warned Soter of Rome about heretics who were editing his own letters as well as the "dominical scriptures."33
Later Irenaeus wrote the Epideixis or Proof of the Apostolic Preaching, mentioned by Eusebius34 but now extant only in an Armenian version. It is a relatively simple summary of the main points of the rule of faith as supported by biblical texts. Irenaeus refers back to his earlier work and repeats many of the major topics. He omits the references to authorities other than the Bible—save for "the presbyters (disciples of the apostles)."35 It is not included here because it is more exegetical than theological and lacks the actuality and polemical quality of the basic anti-heretical work.