The Bishop's Return to Diocesan Life
The Bishop's Return to Diocesan Life
Politics and his conflict with Gandhi ultimately occupied only a small portion of Azariah's life and attention. Most of his time and energy were devoted to the grassroots project of church building. In his last years, Azariah turned his thoughts and efforts increasingly back to the affairs of his diocese. He spent the last days of his life traveling on dusty roads by bullock cart to visit the villages of the remote Parkal area of his diocese. An American visitor has left a detailed description of Azariah's final days in 1944 and of the village work he most loved.
Azariah began his visit to Parkal by confirming forty men and women in a mud and thatch village chapel:
They were ragged and not yet very advanced in ways of cleanliness and order, but with persistence the Bishop finally had them seated in orderly rows on the mat-covered mud floor, and the lists of candidates by villages before him. Then came the period of `examination,' an informal hour when the Bishop in his white cassock sat with them, friendly and fatherly, testing their knowledge of lyrics which told of the life and work of Christ, their understanding of baptism and the promises made, of the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and asking questions about the witness of their own lives as Christians among their Hindu neighbors.
After the examination,
The next day Azariah returned to the small chapel to celebrate Holy Communion:
On Christmas day, Azariah preached his last sermon in the small Parkal chapel. He spoke on the subject of joy to the village congregation:
Christmas celebrations followed for village children and a special St. Stephen's Day service for mission workers, to whom he spoke about the martyr's example of praying for persecutors rather than calling for revenge. The following days brought more village visitations, including one from which he returned disheartened':
Azariah spent many hours during these days translating the Liturgy of the Mar Thoma Syrian Church (from Malayali, presumably to Telugu), reading a book by William Palmer Ladd on prayer, examining church registers, and instructing church workers. He also studied statistics about Christians in India from the latest census reports as well as statistics about Parkal itself collected by the Nizam's administrators on a card hung from the verandah of his traveler's bungalow.
Azariah's chief concern was not the distant world of national politics, but the pressing needs - both material and spiritual - of his depressed class village congregations and of their non-Christian neighbors.
Villagers still remember him as a powerful - sometimes truly formidable - advocate on their behalf against the many persecutions, both large and small, of local landlords and government officers. During the Nizam's era, villagers of Beerole remember being forced to pay high taxes and to give their chickens and eggs to state officials and local leaders. Azariah changed all that. The landlords were all afraid of Bishop Azariah,' one woman explained. `Even the dorai zamindars [big landholders] used to fear Azariah, his pastors and evangelists.'184 Furthermore, villagers continue to express gratitude that Christianity has replaced their former worship of Muthyalamma, who, they recall, was unable to save a villager's uncle from death after being bitten by a scorpion while performing customary pujas.185
These practical matters of village life and faith continued to grip Azariah to the very end.
One of the most vivid pictures that remains from these [Parkal] days is from a walk at sunset. A young herdsman was returning across the fields of stubble from his day's toil. `What did you do about your food today?' the Bishop called out. `I had a little with me,' the lad replied. `Are you a Christian?' `No.' `Aren't there any Christians in your village?' `No.' All the missionary in the Bishop sprang into action. He strode across the fields to the lad, erect and vigorous, walking-stick gripped firmly. No Christians there?' The boy stood his ground with fear. `No,' he said simply. `No one has told us.' 'No one has told us!' The Bishop returned meditatively. `How shall they believe in Him of whom they have not heard? - and how shall they hear without a preacher? - and how shall they preach except they be sent?'
The bishop also worried about Christians in the cities - indeed, he was waiting in Parkal for news of a hoped-for reconciliation between members of urban congregations engaged in lawsuits against one another. But his real passion lay in evangelizing rural populations and transforming village culture.
Azariah died of a `fever' - probably related to malaria - that his companions believed he contracted in Parkal during an evening trip by bullock cart and foot to `a tiny village lying entirely surrounded by paddy fields.' His last hours were described in a rare letter by his wife Anbu to their old friend John Mott:
On Dec. 27th, while we were staying in Parkal Traveller's Bungalow he had a sleepless night but on the next day we left for Dornakal and he said he had a fever when we reached Kazipet Station. His temperature was 102 degrees when we arrived in Dornakal in the evening. The next day the temperature was 103 degrees. Doctor thought it was only ma laria. On the 29th the congregation people wanted to see him and pay their respects, as it was the anniversary of his consecration day. He asked them to come on the first ofJanuary. He had difficulty breathing for the last two days.... He was carrying on his correspondence by dictating letters to his chaplain and our daughter Mercy. We thought he was getting better but he had become extremely weak.
... Dr. Little saw him and told him that what he wanted was only rest. He told us that if he could get sleep for 10 hours, undisturbed he could pull through. He gave him pills and medicines for sleep, but it was all in vain. He had his morning devotions on the morning ofJan. 1st. He tried to read Madras Mail. He made jokes with Dr. William at 12:30. He asked me to give him some orange juice which I gave him and we left him to sleep. At 1:30 he called for the servant and Mercy went in and saw her father in a sitting posture and he said as if he saw some light and when she took some milk to him, she saw him lying down on his bed; he entered into his eternal rest.
He was ill for three days only and his dreams were all about the Diocese, about the Retreat for the Missionaries, about Bishop Hollis - Bishop of Madras whom he expected to conduct the Retreat, about Parkal Christians, and about the European Soldiers who are not attending Sunday services.
Azariah died on New Year's Day, 1945, at the age of seventy. He had served for thirty-two years as Bishop of Dornakal. He was buried in a western-style coffin, the first most villagers had seen.187 The news of his death traveled quickly across India and the world. Mourners sent messages of sympathy to his family and associates, and countless papers published obituaries describing his achievements. 188
It was left to Azariah's colleague from Tinnevelly, Bishop Stephen Neill, to read closing prayers for his friend in London:
We commend into thy hands of mercy, most merciful Father, the soul of our dear brother, Vedanayakam Samuel Azariah, whom it has pleased thee to call home to thyself...
zariah made his greatest impact at the local level as a church builder
in Andhra and at the international level in preparing the ground for
the unprecedented ecumenical achievement of church unification in
South India. In an age characterized above all by political nationalism,
Azariah was neither particularly political nor nationalistic. Local evangelism rather than Indian nationalism was his primary concern, and this
earned him the enmity of the powerful Mahatma Gandhi.
Azariah's life was filled with ironies: he promoted an indigenous Indian missionary society partly to please a foreign friend, the American Sherwood Eddy. His appointment as the first Indian Anglican bishop was supposed to start a trend in the church, but it was in fact an aberration resisted by many Indians and western missionaries, not imitated until decades later, and misunderstood by foreign friends and admirers. Promoted widely as a symbol of a new age of Indian Christian leaders, Azariah's bishopric was more a creation of elite western liberals - like Copleston and the Whiteheads - than of any popular groundswell in either India or England. The bishop confessed secretly in letters to his wife how hard it was to maintain an authentic identity in the face of well-meaning but intrusive pressures from his `nationalistic' western Christian friends.
This struggle continued throughout most of his life. His diocese of Dornakal became, like Azariah himself, a symbol of indigenous Christianity in India and a showpiece for the Anglican church globally. But few western patrons ever understood the complex and unpredictable sub-national pressures Azariah faced in the field. The Andhra `awakening' created much antipathy towards Tamil missionaries in Dornakal. Intercaste rivalries between Malas and Madigas combined with interregional competition to make the appointment of British bishops and missionaries a surprisingly attractive alternative to many Telugu Christians. When the liberal-minded bishops of the Episcopal Synod were bombarded with petitions in 1945 asking for an English successor to the famous `First Indian Bishop,' it cannot have been an encouraging portent for the future of the Indian church in an independent nation.
Azariah was influenced by, and felt broad sympathy for, the growing aspirations of his countrymen for freedom and self-determination. He constructed his Indian cathedral in Dornakal utilizing architectural elements from indigenous temples and mosques to symbolize his desire to identify Indian Christianity with Indian society more generally. He opposed communal representation, arguing that the political aspirations of Indian Christians were the same as those of the Indian nation. Because of these efforts and others, Azariah is commonly described as one of the preeminent Indian Christian nationalists of his generation.' But his most fervently `nationalist' statements concerned ecclesiastical autonomy rather than political independence. With the exception of his outspoken opposition to the Communal Award, Azariah generally kept his distance from nationalist politics, often taking independent positions against the increasingly popular Indian National Congress.
Some British missionaries tried to block Azariah's attempts to transfer ecclesiastical responsibilities (particularly financial ones) from western missionary societies to an independent Indian diocesan structure. An international group of high church Anglicans, notably led by the Anglican poet T. S. Eliot, opposed his efforts to free the Indian church from western denominationalism. But contrary to the commonly expressed view,2 his campaigns for the devolution of missionary control over the Indian church and for the unification of Protestant churches in South India were inspired more by the imperatives of mission (and the irritating unwillingness of western missionaries to live up to their own ideals) than by the Indian national movement. The names of Henry Venn, John Thomas, Roland Allen, Henry Whitehead, and Foss Westcott appear far more often in Azariah's writings than the names of non-Christian Indian nationalists.
The desire for increased Indian Christian ecclesiastical self-expression reflected primarily the growing self-assurance of a maturing indigenous church with a strong evangelistic vision.3 Azariah borrowed the popular vocabulary of secular political nationalism, demanding `transfer of responsibilities, responsible self-government, opportunities for self-expression' for the church,4 and he shared his countrymen's `strong convictions and painful heart-yearnings for a free India.'5 But the bishop remained largely aloof from the details of politics, as did most of the organizations in which he held important positions. The National Missionary Council and the National Christian Council rarely expressed more than evasive and unenthusiastic support for the independence movement.6 Azariah's apparent silence after the Amritsar massacre of 1919,7 his quiet opposition to non-cooperation, civil disobedience, and other Gandhian-inspired phases of `rebellion' against government authorities, and his condemnation of the Congress Parry's withdrawal of support for Britain during the Second World War, all placed him more often than not in a pro-British position. Apart from his stand against the government's communally based electoral reforms and its `immoral' collection of state lottery and alcohol revenues,8 Azariah seldom opposed British policy in India. His 1942 statement that with trembling conviction Indian Christians see that they must be on the side of India's freedom' has been criticized for expressing more trembling than convic- tion.9
To criticize Azariah for his lack of involvement in nationalist politics is to miss both the nature of his contribution to society and the importance of subnational developments. Unlike Gandhi, Azariah was not a politician and did not believe that politics and religion were virtually inseparable. He was a missionary and church builder deeply involved in agrarian conversion movements, uplifting depressed classes and promoting inter-church cooperation. His refusal in 1932 to cancel his diocesan confirmation tour in order to speak against the Communal Award at the Poona All-India Christian Conference illustrated his attitude towards politics:
Nonetheless, Azariah's mobilization of opposition to the Communal Award may have contributed to its eventual abolition after indepen- dence.Il But the bishop did not otherwise involve himself in matters of specific policy or legislation. His main channels of influence were ecclesiastical rather than political, extending from his church center in Dornakal worldwide to other Anglican dioceses, to other denominations and to extraecclesiastical organizations. His leadership of the National Christian Council, the Joint Committee on Union, the Bible Society, the Forward Movement for Evangelism, church and missionary society conferences and study schools, his attendance at the major international Christian conferences of his day, and his authorship of articles, books, and pamphlets - all are testimony to his prodigious activity and enormous influence among Christians in India and abroad.
Azariah was a man of the church who fundamentally trusted the British, with whom he shared religious bonds. Just as he desired a free and independent Indian church to remain part of the historic and catholic An glican communion, he also desired India to remain in close association with Britain, whose role in Indian history he viewed as essentially providential and positive. Azariah regarded even the rise of Indian nationalism as part of God's preparation of India for Christianity.12
As a Christian in a predominantly Hindu India, as a Tamil missionary in Telugu territory, and as a Nadar amidst Malas, Madigas, and Telugu nonBrahmins, Azariah was a perpetual foreigner in his own country. He understood the concerns of so many sub-national forces opposing national unity that it is surprising he had any nationalist sympathy at all. His close association with Andhra's depressed classes, who generally preferred British to `Hindu or Brahmin rule,' made the bishop wary of Congressite plans for independence, particularly after his controversy with Gandhi. Azariah's political and religious affinities with the British were acceptable to most Indian Christians in Dornakal but not to non-Christian nationalists and to many liberal western colleagues. Pressure to conform to the Indian cultural stereotypes often advocated by westerners placed him in an equally awkward position with Dornakal's rural converts.
Azariah's personal and theological consistency enabled him to cope with all these competing pressures with amazing serenity. He never wavered in his commitments to evangelizing and educating Andhra's `untouchables,' building his church, and advancing the ecumenical movement. Neither did he appear disturbed by his lonely eminence as the first and only Indian in the Episcopal Synod.
Azariah was exposed to a particularly wide variety of what anthropologists describe as `cultural systems,' each interacting with the others to influence actions and decisions.13 Cultural systems of caste (Nadars, Malas, Madigas,and others), language and region (Tamil and Telugu), nation (Indian, British, American), and religion (Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam with all their local, national, and international variations), all affected Azariah's life and were, in turn, affected by him.
Certain common experiences, ideas, and understandings united Azariah, Eddy, and Whitehead within a common transnational Christian cultural system, to which they brought ideas conditioned by their shared participation in (and sometimes resistance to) the cultural system of Indian nationalism. Whitehead and Eddy may be aptly described as `Indian nationalists' by virtue of their experiences and sympathies, despite their British and American origins. Azariah's appointments to the YMCA Secretariat and the Anglican episcopate both represented efforts by the AngloAmerican leaders of international Christian cultural systems (student ecumenism and Anglicanism respectively) to propitiate the increasingly vocal demands of Indian nationalism. Azariah's execution of his duties in each office influenced, in turn, the nature of those international systems, making them less western and more Asian in character.
However, Azariah made an unpredictably unique and distinctive mark in the midst of these many overlapping and sometimes competing cultural systems. Even the most analytically powerful systems theory cannot fully explain the individuality of a figure like Azariah. In this respect, his biography provides an illuminating example of what R. G. Collingwood has described as the freedom of man as an historical agent.114 No single theory or model is capable of fully explaining why Azariah chose the vocation of missionary and church leader in rural Andhra and rejected the popular tendency of the interwar years to convert religious faith into secular utopianism or, at least, to substitute a 'social gospel' for the evangelical gospel message. And he resisted this trend despite the intimidating pressure of his towering contemporary, Mahatma Gandhi.
Azariah's career provides a stark contrast to that of Sherwood Eddy, whose early missionary zeal was transformed by the 1920s and 1930s into support for socialist and communist experiments.11 After they had traveled together at the turn of the century to promote the straightforward claims of evangelical Christianity, Eddy's and Azariah's paths diverged when Azariah decided, against Eddy's wi11,16 to leave the YMCA for Dornakal in 1909. The American's later absorption in secular social service work greatly differed from Azariah's continuing missionary work. Azariah remained throughout his life a man of faith who was largely immune to the influence of popular ideologies.
Azariah's and Eddy's gradual separation after more than a decade of united missionary effort symbolized the growing rift in the worldwide church by the 1920s between liberal proponents of the `social gospel' and more conservative evangelicals. This rift developed after the Second World War into the so-called `ecumenical-evangelical standoff' The irony in this bitter intrachurch dispute is that the ecumenical movement found its roots in the evangelical mission field where denominational divisions were discovered to be a crippling obstacle. Azariah became deeply involved in the beginnings of the ecumenical movement largely because he was a committed evangelical missionary. His work as an evangelist to Telugu outcastes in his vast rural diocese motivated him to become a leader in the negotiations which led to the creation of the Church of South India shortly after his death.
His missionary work at the grassroots level was the central source of his strength and authority as a world-renowned leader of this ecumenical dialogue which produced the first formal union of episcopal and nonepiscopal Christian churches of the modern era. His diocesan experience revealed the divisive effects of denominationalism on India's village congregations, where converts of different castes perpetuated their social separations by joining churches of different denominations. It was this crippling practical effect of denominationalism that impelled Azariah to engage for over three decades in the arduous work of church unification.
Azariah's inner tranquillity during a turbulent era may be attributed to the consistency of his goals. Despite being thrust almost unwittingly into a position of unprecedented international prominence, his central interests always remained local village evangelism and social uplift of the depressed classes. Stephen Neill has contended that Azariah's greatest strengths were revealed in the most ordinary circumstances:
His many acts of kindness, both small and large, for otherwise despised and neglected people are well remembered in the villages today and perhaps remain his greatest legacy to India. Notwithstanding his sometimes authoritarian administrative style, Thandrigaru is still remembered fondly as one who sacrificed his life for a'foreign' people, as the leader who rose every morning before sunrise to read his Bible and to pray, and as the bishop who never forgot the villages despite his international acclaim.
The people Azariah most deeply influenced are precisely those whose views are least expressed in written history. The ordinary people of South India, who were closest to the man himself, lived at a subsistence level and rarely had the skills or the opportunity to write down their views. An echo has survived, however, in the largely unrecorded tradition of Telugu bhajan (praise) songs, which still today preserve his memory in rural Andhra.
Azariah developed a corpus of Telugu lyrics for use in the evangelization and instruction of his largely illiterate Dornakal convert populations. He taught the basics of the faith and enlivened worship services with the beauty of songs set to the indigenous and rhythmic melodies of Karnatica music. Singing in Telugu was a central part, not only of every church service, but also of his interviews with village congregants, who would often answer his questions with sung lyrics. Sometimes these songs were accompanied by liturgical dancing and drama as well. Women often sang Christian lyrics while doing their fieldwork, and, Carol Graham remembers, `it was not unusual to find Hindu women word perfect in a long lyric about the life of Christ.'18 Indeed, through this tradition ofTelugu Christian music, Christian converts found new ways to influence their Hindu culture:
Dornakal had an orchestra of Indian instruments and the remotest village congregation had knuckle drums and cymbals. Parties of singers visited the big Hindu festivals and could hold large audiences for hours together with an indigenous form of oratorio in which a soloist nar rated a biblical saga interspersed with lyrics sung in chorus as a running commentary.19
Azariah taught villagers songs about Christ's birth, the Crucifixion, the Prodigal Son, the Ten Virgins, and the Sermon on the Mount, many of which are still remembered in Dornakal today. He used lyrics to instruct converts about Christian responsibilities: one called on Christians to `spread the gospel in this country of Hindu Desham once ruled by a king called Bharatha'; another described how women should also participate in evangelistic campaigns.20 He also taught simple devotional songs as aids to worship:
21. Sung to the author in Telugu by Eluka Nakshitrama, Madiripuram, April 1986.
Or songs designed to reinforce the most basic tenets of the faith:
22. Sung to the author in Telugu by Mrs. Rachael, Mahabubabad, April 1986.
Some lyrics were composed specifically to accompany dances, such as one previously mentioned song which likens God to sweet jaggery sugar (cheruku belam):
23. Sung to the author in Telugu by Mr. Kumari Joseph Samuel, Madiripuram, April 1986. This translation conveys the meaning of the song but not the rhythm achieved by its repetition. For example, the second verse translates more literally as:
Praise songs about Azariah himself soon developed and became a tradition, alongside the diocese's growing corpus of devotional hymns and narrative songs about biblical stories. Some of these bhajans about Azariah seem to have been composed spontaneously by village congregations, while others were composed by a popular Telugu Christian lyricist, Subbaya, whose liturgical dramas were used throughout the diocese. Many of these Telugu lyrics about Azariah are still remembered and sung by the older people in the villages today, reflecting the affection felt for the bishop by the people he served:
24. Sung to the author in Telugu by Mr. Kumari Joseph Samuel, Madiripuram, April 1986.
The prolific Subbaya wrote one song specially to welcome the bishop home from a world tour:
25. Sung to the author in Telugu by Eluka Nakshitrama, Madiripuram, April 1986.
A similar lyric welcoming him home from a trip abroad hailed the `talented, good character' of Azariah, and concluded: We gather here to praise thee, oh Lord, for our first Indian bishop in Asiatic lands.' Other `welcome songs' were shorter and less formal than Subbaya's, but equally appreciative of his hard work on behalf of the villages:
26. Sung to the author in Telugu by Mr. Kumari Joseph Samuel, Madiripuram, April 1986.
Another lyric describes Azariah's contribution to the life of the depressed classes in Dornakal:
27. Ibid.
Yet another song praises Azariah for building the Dornakal cathedral and reflects the local pride in that accomplishment:
28. Ibid.
Finally, a song asks for blessings on Azariah:
29. Ibid., 5 April 1986.
The subsequent history of the Dornakal church has not been a story of unmitigated success. The nationalist campaign against evangelism was highly effective: conversions slowed and church growth tapered off after Independence. The modern state of Andhra Pradesh, which encompasses the areas of Azariah's former diocese, has witnessed some Christian revival, but the role of the Church of South India has not always been a constructive one. Infighting between rival groups - often over the election of bishops - has combined with alleged corruption and periodic lawsuits to produce a rather depressing sequel to the Azariah story. Some of the groundwork laid in the first half of the century has been seriously eroded: educated Christians have left the villages, property has been contested, bitterness remains in the wake.
These problems would have saddened Azariah, but most of them would not have surprised him. Already in the 1940s Azariah began to counsel his diocese on the particular problems and temptations of `second generation Christians' and of the church in the postwar era: spiritual complacency, material temptation, factionalism.31 He warned that the `problems are under the surface and may emerge in awkward forms any day.' In discussing the problem of helping the Church to be the Church ... so that it may function in the power of the Risen Lord in a post-war India,' Azariah saw the church `maligned and crucified ... passing once again through its Gethsemane and its Calvary with its Lord.' But he ended on a note of hope:
Azariah's contribution has been obscured by the more dramatic political events engulfing his motherland during his career. His legacy and the witness of his church have both been practically obliterated by the rush of events leading to Independence and by widespread hostility of Hindu and secular nationalists to Christian evangelism. But not even the long shadow of the Mahatma has completely eclipsed the bright memories that still survive in the grassroots, among ordinary Indians for whom Azariah provided a powerful and unforgettable example of Christian servanthood in troubled times.
A. Primary Materials
I. Manuscripts
Asbury College, Wilmore, Kentucky:
J. W. Pickett Papers: unprocessed collection.
Azariah Collection, in possession of Mr. Ambrose Azariah, Madras:
Clippings Album.
Original Letters of V. S. Azariah to Anbu Azariah, 1899-1930.
Family photo album
Bishop's House Archives, Calcutta (BHA):
Minutes of the Episcopal Synods Held at Calcutta from 1910 to 1936.
Minutes of the Episcopal Synods of the Province ofIndia and Ceylon, 1863-1908 (copy also in MDA).
Proceedings ofMeetings of the Provincial Assembly of the Church of the Province oflndia, Burma and Ceylon, 1920, 1922; of the Provincial Council of the Church of India, Burma and Ceylon, 1922, 1926; and of the General Council of the Church of India, Burma and Ceylon, 1928, 1930.
Proceedings of the General Council, 1930-1966.
Reports of the Episcopal Conferences 1888-97.
Bodleian Library, Oxford:
Negotiating Committee for Church Union in North India, films 1179 (44-63).
Sankey Papers, fols. 538-40.
Cambridge University Library Manuscripts Collection, Cambridge:
Cambridge Papers (Rare Book Collection), HMS1 (1895-1925).
Visitors Book, "Add 6370."
Centre of South Asian Studies, University of Cambridge (CSAS):
Anglican Missions in India: Answers to Questionnaires on Missions and Missionaries in India during the British Period.
Ferrar Papers.
Irene Mott Bose Papers: two boxes.
John R. Mott Papers; file 1: Excerpts from letters to daughter Irene Mott Bose.
Taped interviews with Missionaries: Bishop F. R. Willis, 21 June 1976, MT32; Bishop W. Q. Lash, 11 June 1974, MT24; The Revd. E. and Mrs. Gallagher, 22 June 1976; Dr. Ruth Hardy, 23 June 1983.
Wadsworth Papers: Sir Sidney Wadsworth, Lo the Poor Indian.
Church Missionary Society Archives, University of Birmingham (CMSA):
Series G2 12/0: 1910-14, 1922-27; G2 19/0: 1924-31.
Series G2 I2/L16: 1911-17; G2 I2/L12, no. 106; G2 I2/L17: 1917-24; G219/L1: 1924-31; G2 19/L2: 1931-34.
Series G2 I2/PS: 1904-13; G2 12/P6: 1910-24.
Dornakal Diocesan Archives and Cathedral Compound, Dornakal, A.P. (DDA):
Baptismal Records: Medithapalli, 1922-36; unmarked register 1914-47; Register of Baptisms: Adults, August 1906-22.
Church Censures: Diocese of Dornakal, I: 1914-32; II: 1933-45.
Clergy Leave Books.
Confirmations by the Bishop of Dornakal, 1913-44.
Inscriptions in the Cathedral Compound.
Marriage Register: Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly, Telugu Mission.
Purchase Deeds of the Old Compound, Dornakal.
Register: The Cathedral Church of the Epiphany, Dornakal.
Friends House, London (FH):
Agatha Harrison Papers, India Conciliation Group (ICG): Boxes 42-SOD.
General Commission on Archives and History, The United Methodist
Church, Drew University, Madison, New Jersey (GCAH, UMC):
Conferences: Bombay 383-89, 730, 735; India 315-23, 353-61, 699-705, 860; South India 366, 375, 726-29.
India Committee: 1109-3-2: 04-06.
J. W. Pickett Papers: 1185-4-3: 03-07.
J. W. Pickett: 446-47, 751, 870; Eugene Smith: 433, 748-49; H. Lester Smith: 486.
Graham Collection, in author's temporary possession:
Dornakal, September 14-23, 1948: Extracts from a diary of the Dornakal 'invasion.'
Manuscripts by Carol Graham, including: The Consecration of Dornakal Cathedral, History of the Mothers' Union in the Dornakal Diocese, Worship in the Dornakal Diocese, Worship in the Indian Church, Christianity and the New India, The Inauguration of the Church of South India, Address to the Mothers' Union Overseas Meeting, December 5th 1944, A Dornakal Occasion, Family Gold (in English and Telugu), Bible Studies and Questions for Group Discussion on the Christian Home, Light in Our House (in English, Tamil, and Telugu; this work was translated into six other Indian vernaculars by 1942), Christian Home Festival (in English and Tamil).
`Press Cuttings' envelope.
Harvard Divinity School, Rare Books and Manuscripts Room:
Edward C. Carter, Among Indian YoungMen, Cambridge, Massachusetts, March 1904.
Houghton Library, Harvard University:
The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions: ABC: 16.1.1 v. 32-37, 16.1.01-03, 50.
India Office Library and Records, London (IOL):
Curzon Papers, MSS Eur F. 112/21.
Datta Papers, Letter Books, Mss Eur. F. 178, 4-5.
Home Miscellaneous Series 864 (1), Diaries of Sir F. A. Hirtzel, 1905-10/1911, Photo Eur 24, reel 740, vol. 1-2.
India Ecclesiastical Proceedings, Government of India, Proceedings of the Department of Education (GOI, PODOE), 1905, 1910, 1911, 1912.
India Ecclesiastical Proceedings, Government of India, Proceedings of the Home Department (GOI, HDP), 1905, 1908, 1909, 1910, 1911.
Judicial and Public Department (J&P), 1904, 677, 1164; 1905, 3860; 1912, 1163, 2341.
Judicial and Public Department Register and Indexes (J&PDR), 1912, Z/L/PJ/ 6-33.
Madras Ecclesiastical Proceedings, Ecclesiastical Department, Government of Madras (ED, GOM); 1908, P/7984; 1912, P/9029.
Morley Papers, MSS Eur DS73/67.
Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli Archives, Palayamkottai (IMSA):
Minute Book 1922-1950: Proceedings of the Indian Missionary Society (PIMS) (in Tamil).
Minute Book, 1903-1922, Minutes of the Executive Committee: Proceedings of the Indian Missionary Society (PIMS) (in Tamil).
Suvisesha Pirabalya Vartbamani (The Missionary Intelligencer) (TMI-IMS) (in Tamil).
The 11th Annual Report of the IMS of Tinnevelly, 1913-14 (in Tamil).
The 15th Annual Report of the IMS of Tinnevelly, 1917-18 (in Tamil).
The 28th Annual Report of the IMS of Tinnevelly,1930-1931, Palamcottah, 1931 (in Tamil).
Joint Archives of the International Missionary Council and Conference of British Missionary Societies, School of Oriental and African Studies, London (IMC/CBMS, SOAS):
National Christian Council Correspondence (NCCC), Boxes 395, 396, 406, 408, 410, 414, 441.
Lambeth Palace Library, London (LP):
Address to the World Conference on Faith and Order, 1937.• ms. 2636: 52-55.
Lambeth Conference Papers: ms. 105: 191-95; 107: 173; 108: 176-77; 109: 2089; 134: 384-87; 146: 232-41; 147: 84, 95, 372; 148: 138, 203-4, 323, 43738.
Papers of Archbishop Davidson: vol. 178: 356-96.
Papers of Archbishop Lang: vol. 143: 381-413, 151, 305-8; 171: 314-87.
Papers of Archbishop Temple: vols. 27-29, 36, 59.
Papers of E. J. Palmer, Bishop of Bombay: ms. 2966: 172-77, 181, 211, 221-23, 224, 231, 238, 264, 265-66; 2969: 188, 227-29, 297; 2975: 84; 2978: 13, 89-90, 97-104, 111-15, 148, 150-52, 171-72, 233-38, 274-85, 312, 341, 344-53, 357-59, 366-72; 2986: 53.
Recollections of 1945 Given by the Missionary and Ecumenical Council of the Church Assembly, 1964: ms. 2551: 158-223.
Report on Union in South India, 1938: ms. 2977: 253-60.
Resolutions Passed by the Synod of the Province ofIndia and Ceylon at Sessions Held in the Palace, Calcutta on 6-11, Jan. 1908.
The Minutes of the Episcopal Synod Held at Calcutta from 1910 to 1936.
Madras Diocesan Archives, St. George's Cathedral Compound, Madras (MDA):
Charges Delivered in St. George's Cathedral at the Visitations of Frederick Gell, D.D., Bishop of Madras, 1863, 1867, 1869, 1873, 1877, 1882, 1891, 1896.
Metropolitan Archives of the Church of India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon, Bishop's College, Calcutta (MACIPBC):
Bishops, Series 7, Boxes 1-5 (hereafter 7: 1-5/file number).
Dornakal, 5: 1, 2.
Episcopal Synod, 1.
Foss Westcott, box unmarked.
General Council, 1.
ISPCK, 1-3.
Lambeth Conference, 1, 2.
Madras, 1: 1.
Metropolitan, 1-5.
NMS, 1.
Personal, 1, 3.
Reforms and India, 1.
Tinnevelly, 1: 3.
Unity, 1-4.
Unity CSI, 1-6, 8-11.
National Missionary Society Archives, Madras (NMSA):
In His Footsteps: Report of the NMS ofIndia, 1936.
Original Minute Books: Proceedings of the Executive Committee, I (Dec. 1905-Dec. 1923).
Original Minute Books: Proceedings of the Executive Committee, II (Jan. 1924-Nov. 1933).
Proceedings of the National Missionary Society: Minute Book (Dec. 1905-Dec. 1923).
Neill Collection, in Possession of Rev. Charles Neill, Oxford:
Unpublished mss. by Stephen C. Neill: Autobiography/Journal, i The Christian World.
Pastor's House, Madiripuram:
Copy of doc. by VSA, Madiripuram Rules, Dornakal, 26 April 1935.
Manuelraj, I. Victor. LambadiMission, Paper presented at All-India IMS Conference held at Tiruchinapally, 18-19 February 1984; typescript from author.
Selly Oak Colleges Archive and Library, Birmingham (SOCA):
Box: `Pamphlets (Old) 275.'
Box: `Pamphlets on South India Church Union Scheme.'
Circular Letters from Missionaries, S. India, 1937-65.
Occasional Letters ofMiss D. J. Stephen (Box: Pamphlets [Old] 275).
Papers labelled `Church of South India - Negotiations for and Inauguration of the Union.'
Papers of Michael Hollis.
Serampore College, William Carey Library, Calcutta:
Letters to Rev. L. McIntosh, File 30.
Wenger, E. S. Missionary Biographies, four handwritten volumes, updated until author's death in 1911.
Sundkler Collection, Uppsala, Sweden:
Notes on interview with Isabel Whitehead, September 1947.
Research notes, notes of interviews, and private correspondence for Church of South India: The Movement towards Union, 1900-1947 (London, 1954).
United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel Archives, Rhodes House, Oxford (USPG) (*indicates consultation at USPG House, London, before transfer of collections to Oxford):
CLR Series: 35 (Dornakal), 61-63 (Madras, Tinnevelly, Dornakal).
CLS Series: 25 (Dornakal), 41-44 (Madras).
D Series: 308, 315, 324, 331, 336, 342, 363a, 369, 396, 422, 449, 470, 524 (Dornakal); 1912, III (Madras and Tinnevelly);* 1922 (India I);* 1923 (India II).*
E Series: India, Dornakal, 1923, 1938.
Ladies Association and Committee for Women's Work, CWW, 1866-1930: 2, 4, 48, 55, 277/ 1-3, 311, 313, 328.
Minute Books: Standing Committee, 1909-12: 60-63; Journals, 1931.
SPG Annual Reports: 1911-15.*
SPG Publications: Mission Field, 1931.
United Theological College Archives, Bangalore (UTCA):
Collection of Papers Connected with the Movement of the National Church of India (Madras).
`General Assemblies of the S.I.U.C.'
Dornakal and Madras Diocesan Magazines
`Indian National Convention of YMCA Proceedings, 1891-1905.'
Letters of K. T. Paul.
Minutes of the Executive Committee, National Christian Council, 1914-48.
Washington National Cathedral Archives, Washington, D.C.:
Scrapbook, 1937, vol. 42.
Visiting Clergy, Job 129, Box 5, fol. 3. (129: 5/3)
Whitehead Collection, in Possession of Barbara Holmes, County Donegal, Ireland.
Anonymous, Mrs. Wbitebead's Work - An Appreciation.
Yale Divinity School, Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT (YDS): Papers of George Sherwood Eddy (Eddy Papers):
Register of George Sherwood Eddy Papers, Chronology of G. S. Eddy.
Series I, Box 3, fols. 50-57, `Corres: Report Letters from India' (hereafter I: 3/ 50-57).
I: 3/58, `Corres: A Trip to Japan.'
II: 6/101-2, 6/107, 6/109, 6/113, 6/116-18, 6/124-25, `Writings and Articles.'
II: 7/138, II: 14/14-5.
III: 18/193-94.
IV: 23/238-39.
Papers ofJohn R. Mott (Mott Papers):
Register of John R. Mott Papers, Biographical Note.
Series I, `General Correspondence,' Box 4, fol. 61 (hereafter I: 4/61), Mott- Azariah Correspondence.
I: 25/469-73, Mott-Eddy Correspondence.
I: 54/1002, Mott-McGavran Correspondence, 1936-40.
I: 99/1740, Mott-Whitehead Correspondence.
III: 117/1930-32, Records of World Tour, 1895-97.
III: 117/1936, World Trip 1901-2: Records.
III: 118/1950, Records of World Tour, 1928-29.
III: 118/1953, Diary ofTrip to Great Britain, India, and the Near East, 1936-37.
III: 118/1954, Diary of Trip to India, 1938-39.
Archives of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions:
`Historical Sketch of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions,' Register of Ms. Group No. 42.
Archives of the YMCA - Student Division:
`Historical Note,' Register of Ms. Group No. 58.
Uncatalogued collection on South India.
II. Interviews
Aaron, Grace (Azariah's only surviving daughter), 24-26 September 1985, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.
Appasamy, S. P., 27 February 1986, Madras.
Appleton, Rt. Rev. George, August 1984, Oxford.
Asirvatham, V. (of Peddamupparam), 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Azariah, Ambrose J. (Azariah's only surviving son), 24 February, 2 March, 2324 March, 3 June 1986, Madras.
Azariah, M., 27 February 1986, Madras.
Azariah, Onras, 4 April 1986, Peddamupparam, A.P.
Brown, Judith M., 6 December 1985, University of Manchester.
Bunyan, Alfred, 29-30 March, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
Carman, John, 16 September 1987, Cambridge, Massachusetts; 2-4 November 1990, Madison, Wisconsin.
Clarke, Rt. Rev. Sundar, 3 March 1986, Madras.
Coilpillai, Poomani, March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Cole, John R., 2 February 1987, Duarte, California.
Craig, Rt. Rev. Kenneth, 8 October 1986, Oxford.
Daniel, M., 29 and 31 March, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
David, Immanuel, 2 May 1986, Bangalore.
David, Mr., 9 April 1986, Dornakal.
David, Mrs. S., 4 April 1986, Beerole, A.P.
David, Samuel D., 9 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
David, Swamiappan, June 1986, Bible Society of India, Madras.
Devadanam, Godishala, 4 April 1986, Peddamupparam, A.P.
Devadas, B., 4 April 1986, Beerole, A.P.
Devadason, John, 8 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Devadason, R. Jeyakumar, 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Devairakkam, Vedapodakam, 8 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Dharmaraj, Rt. Rev. Jason S., 7 and 14 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Duraisingh, C., 22 January 1986, Council for World Mission, London.
Ebinezer, Mr., 13 May 1986, Bangalore.
Eddy, G., 11 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Firth, Cyril B., 24 September 1986, Romsey, Hants.
Gandhi, Rajmohan, 26 and 28 February 1986, Indian Express, Madras.
Graham, Carol, 19 December 1984, Oxford; 22-23 April 1985, Farnham; 7 and 21-23 October, 4 November 1986, Woking.
Group interview with villagers 7 April 1986, Mandula Sangam area of Dornakal, in Sakruthanda, Suriathanda, Bangalathanda, Vedanayagapuram, A.P.
Group interviews with villagers 4 April 1986, Beerole, Mahabubabad, Ped- damupparam, Pindipole, Thirumapalayem, A.P.
Group interviews in Megnanapuram, 9 March 1986.
Group interview with K. Thasiah, C. Christian Devaraj, and others, 10 March 1986, Vellalanvilai (Vellalanvilai interview).
Gwynn, Peter, 6 November 1986, London.
Hollis, Rt. Rev. Michael, 7 September 1984, Manormead, Hindhead.
Isaiah, Gaddikoppula, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Jayasingh, J. M., 21 March 1986, General Secretary, NMS, Madras.
Jeevaratnam, Irri, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Jesalee, J., 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Jeyakumar, D. Arthur, 17 March 1986, Madurai.
John, G., 4 April 1986, Thirumapalayem, A.P.
John, Gauta, 4 April 1986, Peddamupparam, A.P.
Joseph, Padamuthyam, 4 April 1986, Thirumapalayem, A.P.
Kantama, Mrs. Peram, 4 April 1986, Beerole, A.P.
Knight, A. John, 27 and 28 February 1986, Madras.
Koilpillai, Poomani, 15 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Lawrence, Sir John, 21 June 1987, London.
Lazarus, Rev., 3 April 1986, St. Paul's Church, Chandruthanda, A.P.
Lockwood, Ruth and Michael, March 1986, Madras Christian College, Tambaram.
Manuel, Basil, 18 April 1986, Calcutta.
Manuelraj, Victor, 2-5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Matthews, Rt. Rev. James, Washington, D.C.
McGavran, Donald, 30 January and 2 February 1987, Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California.
Muller, G., 8 March 1986, Palayamkottai.
Nagalakshmi, M. R., 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Nakshitrama, Eluka, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Neill, Rt. Rev. Stephen C., 10, 12 May 1984, Wycliffe Hall, Oxford.
Packiamuthu, David and Sarojini, 6 and 13 March 1986, Perumalpuram, Tirunelveli.
Pandiaraj, Vimalavathy, 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Pearline, Annie A., 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Punithavathy, Jesumani, 9 March 1986, Megnanapuram.
Rachel, Mrs. Kocherla, 4 April 1986, Mahabubabad, A.P.
Rajshekar, V. T., May 1986, Dalit Sahitya Akademy, Bangalore.
Rao, Edwin, 9 April 1986, Dornakal.
Rao, K. Sanjeera, 4 April 1986, Mahabubabad, A.P.
Ratnam, Jesu, 4 April 1986, Thirumapalayem, A.P.
Ratnam, Pasunori, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Ruth, Nama, 9 April 1986, Kiritapuram, Dornakal.
Samuel, Kumari Joseph, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Samuel, Undata (of Thirumapalayem), 5 April 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.
Sanneh, Lamin, 17 September 1987, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Santosham, M., 28 February 1986, President, IMS, Madras.
Sathianandam, Nialan, 4 April 1986, Pindipole, A.P.
Solomon, Rt. Rev. P., 31 March 1986, Dornakal; 1-2 April 1986, Dhyana Ashram, Paloncha, A.P.
Stackpole, Alberic, 23 June 1986, St. Benet's Hall, Oxford.
Swaminathan, K., 20 March 1986, Editor, Collected Works ofMahatma Gandhi, Madras.
Thasiah, K., 10 March 1986, Vellalanvilai.
Thomas, Glory, March 1986, Sarah Tucker School, Palayamkottai.
Wightman, Harry, 5 June 1985, Solihull, W. Midlands.
William, Mrs. C., June 1986, Madras.
III. Letters
Aaron, Grace, 23 November 1984; 12 January 1985, 20 August 1985, 24 October 1985, 26 December 1985; 9 January 1986, 24 January 1986; 9 July 1987; 15 June 1988, Ottawa, Ontario.
Appasamy, S. P., 1 June 1985, Kodaikanal; 10 July 1985, Madras; 21 February 1986, Madras.
Austin, Joyce, 18 June 1986, Bishop's College, Calcutta.
Azariah, Ambrose J., 2 April 1985, 15 June 1985, 10 August 1985; 27 February 1986, 3 March 1986, 21 March 1986, 23 March 1986, 14 May 1986, 8 May 1986, 19 May 1986, 30 October 1986; 26 February 1988, 28 June 1988, 28 August 1988, 12 November 1988; 28 January 1989; 7 October 1989, Madras.
Azariah, Glory C., 28 December 1984; 17, 19, and 24 March 1985, Jabalpur, M.P.
Azariah, Mrs. P., 4 December 1984, Cleveland, Ohio; 9 April 1985; 28 January 1987, 10 May 1987, 3 July 1987, Columbus, Ohio (enclosure: photocopies of Azariah's sermon notes).
Bagshaw, A., 16 July 1985, Kodaikanal.
Ballhatchet, Kenneth, 15 March 1985, SOAS, London.
Barrington-Ward, Simon, 18 January and 15 March 1985, General Secretary, Church Missionary Society, London.
Benedikz, B. S., 4 November 1985, University of Birmingham.
Blair, James, 15 November 1985, Oxford Mission, Barisha, Calcutta.
Brown, Judith M., 28 November 1985; 8 November 1988, University of Manchester.
Brown, Rt. Rev. Leslie, 30 October 1984, Cambridge.
Brown, Sylvia U., 11 November and 16 December 1986; 22 September 1987, Asbury Theological Seminary, Wilmore, Kentucky.
Budgett, Robin, 1 May 1987, Norfolk, U.K.
Bywater, V., 4 November 1985, Campion Hall, Oxford.
Caplan, Lionel, 28 November 1985, London.
Chinnadorai, D. S., 29 March 1986, National Council of Y.M.C.A.s of India, New Delhi.
Chowdhury, A. K., 16 May and 2 September 1986, National Council of YMCAs of India, New Delhi (enclosures: Chowdhury, A. K., to Richard A. Stirling, 15 May 1986, National Council of YMCAs of India, New Delhi; and Chowdhury, A. K., to Harris Manickam, 15 May 1986, National Council of Y.M.C.A.s of India, New Delhi).
Christadoss, D. A., 24 March 1986, Bethel, Danishpet.
Costelloe, M. Joseph, to Fathers Michael Amaladoss, Bernard D'Souza, and Noel D'Souza, 19 June 1985, Biblioteca Curia Generalizia della Compagnia di Gesu, Rome.
David, K., 23 April 1986, Andhra Christian Theological College, Gandhi Nagar, Secunderabad.
Desai, M. V., 14 January 1987, New Delhi.
Desai, Narayan, 17 May and 12 June 1986, Institute for Total Revolution, Vedchhi, Gujarat.
Devaraj, C. Christian, 7 April 1987, Vellalanvilai.
Dharmaraj, Rt. Rev. Jason, 28 January, 25 February and 20 March 1986, and 11 April 1987, Tirunelveli; 8 December 1988, Lincoln.
Dillistone, F. W., 29 April 1988, Oxford.
Downs, Frederick S., 10 and 24 October 1984, UTC, Bangalore.
Eagleston, Clare, 14 May 1985, Balliol College, Oxford.
Faulkner, Peter, 3 October 1986, St. Andrew's Church, Didcot.
Firth, Cyril B., 25 August 1986, Romsey, Hants.
Forman, Charles W., 12 December 1984; 20 March 1985, Yale Divinity School, New Haven.
Francis, M., 30 September 1986, Catholic Church, Dornakal.
Freeborn, Jack, 26 October 1984, Salterhebble, Halifax.
Frykenberg, R. E., 20 October 1990, Madison, Wisconsin.
Garforth, Lawson, 30 September 1986, Weston-super-Mare, Avon.
Graham, Carol, 11 September, 30 October, 6 December 1984; 29 January, 6 February, 12 and 16 March, 12 and 30 April, 18 June, 26 August, 31 October, 19 November, 3 December 1985; 8 January 1986, Farnham and Woking, U.K.
Green, J. A. S., 16 October 1986, County Archivist, Berkshire Record Office.
Gwynn, Peter, 1 and 21 October 1986, Bromley, Kent.
Hall, David, 17 June 1986, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Hambye, E. R., 9 November 1985, Delhi.
Hanson, A. T., 21 October and 23 December 1984; 31 March and 9 May 1985; 16 April, 1986; 29 March and 11 April, 1988, Thirsk, N. Yorks.
Hardie, Mrs. C. G., 21 May 1985, Sussex.
Higgins, Kathleen, 23 and 29 September 1984, Maidstone.
Holmes, Barbara (Henry Whitehead's closest surviving relative), 19 October 1986 and 10 July 1987, County Donegal, Northern Ireland.
Hopkins, Hugh Evan, 15 January 1986, Cambridge.
Israel, G., 20 November and 22 December 1986; 23 June and 21 November 1987, Nazareth and Tiruchy.
Jackson, Eleanor M., 24 May 1985, Kodaikanal; 12 March 1985, 20 July 1985, 31 December 1985, 21 February 1986, 29 March 1986, Serampore College; 24 December 1986; 5 March and 9 May 1987, Cambridge; 21 January 1991, Birmingham.
James, N. W., 13 November 1985, The Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, London.
John, Geetha, 11 November 1986, Dornakal.
Kendall, D. G., 21 May 1985 and 3 October 1986, Statistical Laboratory, Oxford.
Kuriakose, M. K., 4 October 1984; 19 March 1986, UTCA, Bangalore.
Lacy, Elizabeth, 26 September 1986, Venice (daughter of Bishop Pickett).
Lawrence, Sir John, 22 and 25 May 1987, London.
Lowe, Victor (Alfred North Whitehead's biographer), 10 June 1985, Baltimore (enclosure: letter from Michael Hollis about Henry Whitehead, 25 April 1969, Suffolk).
MacGregor, Margaret S., 26 March 1986, Bishop's College, Calcutta.
Manickam, S., 6 and 17 March 1986, 10 November 1986, General Secretary of IMS, Tirunelveli.
Manor, Jim, 22 October 1984, University of Leicester.
Manuelraj, Victor, 10 March, 24 July 1986, Madiripuram, A.P.; 2 January 1987, Balimela-Orkel, Orissa.
Mason, Eleanor D., 11 October 1984, Roslindale, Massachusetts.
Matthew, R., 1 April 1986, Andhra Christian College, Guntur, A.P.
McCandlish, Pauline, 6 August 1984, Stanford-in-the-Vale, Faringdon.
McGavran, Donald, 17 October and 10 December 1986, Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California.
Moses, Jane E., 8 March 1986, Madras.
Muthuraj, J. Gnanaseelan, 11 June 1985 and 11 March 1986, Madurai.
Newell, Graham P., 31 October 1985, Oxford Mission, Hampshire.
Nicholls, C. S., 4 November 1985, Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford.
Packiamuthu, David, 25 September, 9 and 30 December 1986, Tirunelveli.
Paul, B. C., 3 April 1986, Andhra Christian Theological College, Gandhi Nagar, Secunderabad.
Paulraj, Rt. Rev. R., 17 March 1986, Tiruchirapalli.
Rajakumar, A., 5 March 1986, Church Growth Research Centre, Madras.
Ramsay, Kay, 4 June 1987, Church of Scotland Department of World Mission and Unity, Edinburgh.
Rao, Rt. Rev. T. B. D. Prakasa Rao, 5 April 1986, Vijayawada, A.P.
Samuel, Rt. Rev. D. Noah, 5 April, 4 October 1986, Dornakal.
Scovil, F. W. J., 7 May 1985, 15 May 1985, Magdalen College, Oxford.
Sharifa, B. S., 31 October 1986, Dornakal.
Sharma, Hari Dev., 7 and 18 April 1986, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi.
Shepherd, Bert, n.d., Stockport (enclosure: report of Manchester Cathedral Archivist).
Solomon, Rt. Rev. P., 3 November 1984, Paloncha, A.P.
Subrahmanyam, R., 5 April and 30 September 1986, Pyarelal Foundation for Gandhian Studies and Research, New Delhi.
Subramaniam, Nirmala, 7 May 1986, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, New Delhi.
Sundkler, Bengt, 7 April 1987 and 31 January 1991, Uppsala, Sweden.
Symonds, Richard, 6 June and 29 July 1986; 29 March 1988, Oxford.
Tangayya, Joy, 6 September 1986, Madras.
Walls, Andrew F., 29 January and 1 August 1986, University of Aberdeen, Scotland.
Weaver, Alison, 10 June 1985; 27 February, 21 April, 23 September 1986; 30 May 1986, Dornakal.
Wightman, Harry, 8 and 23 May 1985, Solihull, W. Midlands.
Woodridge, J., 23 March 1985, Peterborough.
Wylie, S., 9 October 1986, Cambridge.
Zachariah, Mathai, 7 April 1986, General Secretary, NCC, Nagpur.
IV. V. S. Azariah's Publications2 (listed by date of publication)
1896
`What I Saw,' YMI, VII, 9 (Sept. 1896), pp. 98-99.
`A Visit to South Tranvancore,' YMI, VII, 11 (Nov. 1896), pp. 121-22.
`Smaller Associations,' Proceedings of the Fourth Indian National Convention of the Y.M.C.A.'s Held at Calcutta, 26-30 Dec. 1896, pp. 40-44.
1897
`The Tamil District Conference,' YMI, VIII, 7 (Aug. 1897), p. 98.
`The Morning Watch,' YMI, VIII, 8 (Sept. 1897), pp. 124-26.
1898
`The Needs of India,' YMI, IX, 3 (March 1898), pp. 30-31.
`The Life of Faith,' YMI, IX, 6 (June 1898), pp. 83-84.
1899
`Oh to be Nothing,' YMI, X, 1 (Jan. 1899), pp. 7-8.
`Tamil Secretary's Report,' YMI, X, 7 (July 1899), p. 113.
`Tamil Secretary's Statement,' Report of the Indian National Union and Proceedings of the Fifth National Convention of the Y.M. C.A., Bombay, 28 Dec. 1899-1 Jan. 1900, pp. 9-10.
1900
`Lessons in Prayer,' YMI, XI, 11 and 12 (Nov. and Dec. 1900), pp. 192-93, 21011.
1901
`The Mutual Relations of the Associations: The Duty of All to Each Other, through (a) the National Union (b) District Union,' YMI, XII, 2 (Feb. 1901), pp. 23-25.
`Tamil Secretary's Statement,' Report of the Indian National Union and Proceedings of the Sixth National Convention of the YMCA., Allahabad, 26-29 Dec. 1901, p. 11.
1902
with G. S. Eddy. Charles G. Finney, Lectures on Revivalism, edited and translated into Tamil, 1902.
Andrew Murray, Humility: The Beauty of Holiness, translated into Tamil, c. 1902; later also into Telugu (see Extracts from Letters of Bishop Azariah, Madras, 1945, pp. 17-18).
1904
`Missionary Work and the Spirit of the Association,' YMI, XV, 3 (March 1904), pp. 43-46.
1905
`The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields of Work,' HF (new series), XVI, 1 (Jan. 1905), pp. 17-29.
`Unoccupied Fields,' YMI, XVI, 2 (Feb. 1905), pp. 25-27.
`Associations in Small Towns,' YMI, XVI, 2 (Feb. 1905), pp. 39-41.
1906
`The Unoccupied Fields of India,' YMI, XVII, 1 (Jan. 1906), pp. 12-16.
with E. C. Carter. `Letter,' YMI, XVII, 2 (Feb. 1906), p. 17.
`The National Missionary Society of India,' HF (new series), XVII, 7 (July 1906), pp. 245-51. See also MRW, XIV, 7 (July 1906).
`The Swadeshi Spirit,' went to press by August 1906 in undesignated publication, according to letter from VSA to his wife.
1907
`Enlisting Students in the Extension of Christ's Kingdom,' Report of the Conference of the World Student Christian Federation: Held at Tokyo, Japan, April 3-7, 1907, New York: WSCF, pp. 124-26.
1908
Introductory Lessons on India and Missions for Mission Study Classes, Calcutta: Student Volunteer Movement of India and Ceylon, 1908, 1915; London, Madras, and Colombo: CLS, 1909, 2nd edn. (revised and enlarged), 1913. Tamil edition: Madras: CLS, 1925. Telugu and Malayalam editions.
`The Missionary Effort of the Tinnevelly Church,' CMR, LIX (1908), pp. 55460.
`Triennial Report of the Indian National Council,' YMI, XIX, 3 (March 1908), pp. 37-40.
1909
`The Growth of Self-Extension in the Church of India,' MRW (new series), XXII (April 1909), p. 283.
1910
`The Problem of Co-Operation between Foreign and Native Workers,' World Missionary Conference, 1910: The History and Records of the Conference: Together with Addresses Delivered in the Evening Meetings, Edinburgh and London: Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier; New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., IX, pp. 306-15. See also MTDM, V, 11 (Nov. 1910), pp. 422-33.
1915
The Heritage oflndia Series, ed. V. S. Azariah and J. N. Farquhar, London: Oxford University Press, and Calcutta: Association Press, from 1915.
1916
A Letter concerning `The Real Issues Involved in the War,' with a Foreword by the Metropolitan, Madras, n.d. Tamil edition: Madras: SPCK. Telugu edition: Bezwada (referred to in MDM, XI, 8 [August 1916], p. 217).
1917
Report on the Indian Church in 1917, for the Committee of the National Missionary Council.
1918
Founding editor of the Tamil Church Deepika, until 1920. See The Tamil Church Deepika,'MDM, XXIV, 10 (Oct. 1929), p. 341. In Tamil.
1919
Holy Baptism. Tamil editions: Madras: CLS, 1919; and Madras: ISPCK, 1942. Telugu edition: Parisuddha Baptismana, Madras: CLS, 1919. See also MDM, XIV, 12 (Dec. 1919), pp. 283-85 and MDM, XIV, 12 (Dec. 1919), pp. 283-85.
`Church Union in South India,' HF, XXXIX, 9 (Sept. 1919), pp. 333-41.
`The Transfer of Responsibility from the Mission to the Church,' MDM, XIV, 11 (Nov. 1919), pp. 256-66.
1920
`The Church's Ideal,' CMR, LXXI (1920), pp. 148-63 (sermon preached for the 121st Anniversary of the CMS on 3 May 1920 at St. Bride's Church, Fleet St., London).
`Lambeth Resolutions,' MDM, XV, 12 (Dec. 1920), pp. 276-86.
1921
`Sermon Preached by the Bishop of Dornakal on Sunday, November 28, 1920 at St. George's Cathedral, Madras, on behalf of the CMS Centenary Celebrations,' MDM, XVI, 1 (Jan. 1921), pp. 13-22.
`The Book of Common Prayer and National Churches,' EWR, XIX, 73 (Jan. 1921), pp. 16-26.
`Caste and Denomination,' HF, XLI, 7 (July 1921), pp. 246-53.
1923
`The Training of the Village Worker,' IRM, XII (July 1923), pp. 360-67.
`The Maoris and Their Religion,' MDM, XVIII, 10 (Oct. 1923), pp. 237-40. `Self-Government for the Church of England in India,' HF, XLIII (I in new series), 12 (Dec. 1923), pp. 446-52. On this subject see also `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, V, 1 (March 1928), p. S.
1925
with J. D. Asirvadam. `Students and the Church: Student Christian Conference, Madras, Dec. 24-31, 1924,' Guardian, III, 7 (12 Feb. 1925), pp. 7981.
1926
`The Christian Gospel and the Villager,' NCCR, XLVI, 10 (Oct. 1926), pp. 58389.
1927
`The Necessity of Christian Unity for the Missionary Enterprise of the Church,' Faith and Order: Proceedings of the World Conference, Lausanne, August, 3-21, 1927, ed. H. N. Bate, London: SCM, 1927, pp. 491-95, and discussions on pp. 102-3, 418-23. See also Guardian, V, 37 (22 Sept. 1927), pp. 443-45.
1928
`The Bishop's Letters,' published monthly in DDM. Copies available from V, 1 (Jan. 1928) to XXII, 1 (Jan. 1945).
`India and Christ,' IRM, XVII (1928), pp. 154-59.
with E.J. Palmer. The New Freedom of the Church in India: Two Sermons, 1928, pp. 11-16.
`The Bishop's Charge: Being extracts from a charge delivered by the Bishop to the clergy of the diocese in S. Saul's Church Bezwada on Dec. 1st, 1927,' DDM, V, 2 (Feb. 1928), pp. 1-6.
`Wanted Village Wells,' DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 1-2.
`A Confirmation Examination,' DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 2-4.
`Bishop of Dornakal's Sermon,' DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 7-12.
`The Church in Rural India,' DDM, V, 10 (Oct. 1928), pp. 1-12 (taken from an article in Yearbook of Indian Missions.).
1929
Address: The Jerusalem Findings as Related to India: Report of the Enlarged Meeting of the National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon held in Madras, December 29, 1928 January 2, 1929, Poona: NCC, pp. 42-43.
`The People of the Villages,' The Christian Task in India, ed. J. McKenzie, London: Macmillan, 1929, pp. 27-42.
Mass Movement Work in India: Findings of a Conference of the CMS Mass Movement Commission, Bezwada, Nov. 21-28, 1928. With a Foreword by the Rt. Rev. the Bishop of Dornakal, Kottayam: CMS Press, 1929, pp. 1-5.
`The Anglican Church in India,' The Reunion of Christendom: A Survey of the Present Position, ed. Sir James Marchant, London: Cassell and Co., and New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1929, pp. 281-99.
`Andhra University, Third Convocation, 1929. Addresses by V. S. Azariah and the Vice-Chancellor Mr. C. R. Reddy.' Copy in Azariah Collection, Madras.
`Age for Marriage,' DDM, VI, 10 (Oct. 1929), pp. 4-5.
`Living Forces behind Mass Movements,' IRM, XXVIII (Oct. 1929), pp. 509-17. See also I: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
1930
with Henry Whitehead. Christ in the Indian Villages, London: Students Christian Press, 1930.
`Mission of Help to the Older Churches,' NCCR, L, 2 (Feb. 1930), pp. 59-61.
`Prayer Book of 1928,' DDM, VII, 3 (March 1930), pp. 6-7.
`Lambeth and South India: Question of Unity,' CUNV I, 2 (Sept. 1930), pp. 6770.
`A Visit to Palestine,' DDM, VII, 11 (Nov. 1930), pp. 3-7; and VII, 12 (Dec. 1930), pp. 3-6.
1931
Studies in First Corinthians. Tamil edition: Madras: CLS, 1931 (CLS ref. no. 97). Telugu edition: Madras: ISPCK, 1931; ISPCK, 1956.
`What Happened in Tranquebar in 1919,' CUNV I, 4 (Jan. 193 1), pp. 144-45.
A Charge: Delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Dornakal at Bezwada, October 7, 1931, Madras: Diocesan Press, 1931.
1932
`Dornakal Diocese (Its Life and Opportunities),' DDM, IX, 1 (Jan. 1932), pp. 916 (extracts from an address to Diocesan Council, Oct. 1931).
`The Missionary's Message,' NCCR, LII, 1 (Jan. 1932), pp. 14-17.
`Bishop Azariah on Theological Education: Partial Text of Convocation Address Delivered at Serampore University on January 30, 1932,' Guardian, X, 13 (5 May 1932), pp. 155-56 (full text published in Student's Chronicle).
`The Kotagiri Missionary Conference,' Guardian, X, 15 (19 May 1932), pp. 17880.
`The Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 31 (8 Sept. 1932), p. 368. Reprinted in DDM, IX, 10 (Oct. 1932), pp. 10-13.
`The Caste Movement in South India,' IRM, XXI, 36 (Oct. 1932), pp. 457-67.
`Indian Christians and the Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 35 (6 Oct. 1932), p. 415.
`The Bishop of Dornakal and the Poona Conference,' Guardian, X, 40 (10 Nov. 1932), p. 475.
`Peace on Earth,' Guardian, X, 46 (22 Dec. 1932), pp. 545-46.
1933
Tamil translation and adaption of Selections from Bishop Andrewes' Devotions, Bezwada: Church Book Room, 1933, 1934; 2nd edn. published by Rev. Canon S. Paul Manickam: Tirunelveli, 1976 (excerpts published in Tamil Church Deepika).
`The Place of the YMCA in the Christian Movement in India,' YMIB&C, XLV, 6 (June 1933), pp. 268-73.
`The Bishop of Dornakal's Address at the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly,' TMI, XXX, 7 (July 1933), pp. 78-81.
`The South India Church Union: A Plea to the Anglican Church,' Guardian, XI, 34 (24 August 1933), pp. 400-401. See also CENs (28 July 1933).
`The Church in the Mind of Christ,' DDM, X, 8 (Aug. 1933), pp. 12-16; and DDM, IX, 9 (Sept. 1933), pp. 5-10. See also CUNV, III, 6 (May 1933).
1934
Collections of Prayer Meditation, Beshavada: Beshavada Church Book Room, 1934.
`Evangelization and Its Challenge,' NCCR, LIV, 1 (Jan. 1934), pp. 8-17.
`The Bishop of Dornakal on Sir H. Page Croft's Scare,' Guardian, XII, 28 (12 July 1934), p. 436. Also, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 7 (July 1934), pp. 2-4.
`Bishop of Dornakal on the New Reforms: Speech at the Medak I.C.A.,' Guardian XII, 33 (16 Aug. 1934), p. 521 (excerpt from speech entitled 'Christianity and Christians in the New India' delivered to Medak Indian Christian Association).
`Forward Movement in Evangelism: Programme of Work Suggested by the National Christian Council,' Mysore City: Wesley Press and Publishing House, Dec. 1934; Guardian, XIII, 29 (18 July 1935), pp. 455, 458; DDM, X11, 7 (July 1935), pp. 9-13. Also NCCR (Dec. 1935).
Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, IMS, 1934 (or possibly later). Telugu edition: Studies in the Acts, Dornakal: Mission Press (before June 1936).
1935
Studies in the Life ofChrist based on the Gospel ofSt. Mark. Telugu edition: Compassionate God (Krupa Nadhuni Charithra), Delhi: ISPCK, 1935.
`Assistant Bishop,' DDM, XII, 1 (Jan. 1935), pp. 11-13.
`The Expansion of Christianity in India,' NCCR, LV, 2-7 (Feb. July 1935), pp. 64-69, 116-19, 171-74, 226-30, 283-87, 330-33.
Worship in the Indian Church: Being Substance of Addresses Delivered at the Kodaikanal Missionary Conference, May 1935, Dornakal: Mission Press, n.d. and Bezwada: Church Book Room, n.d. See also DDM, XII, 9 (Sept. 1935), pp. 4-8; 10 (Oct. 1935), pp. 4-8.
`South India Church Union: Revised Scheme of the Joint Committee,' CENs, XLII, 2150 (3 May 1935), p. 7. See also `South India Church Union,' Guardian, XIII, 22 (30 May 1935), p. 343.
`Lutherans and Anglicans,' Guardian, XIII, 32 (8 Aug. 1935), p. 506. From DDM, XII, 8 (Aug. 1935), pp. 6-8.
`Church Union: A Statement by the Bishop of Dornakal,' Guardian, XIII, 32 (8 Aug. 1935), p. 506.
'The Bishop of Dornakal Replies to the Nagercoil Meeting,' Guardian, XIII, 36 (5 Sept. 1935), pp. 571-72 (reprint of letter written to Madras Mail).
`Indian Christian Constituencies: Letter of the Bishop of Dornakal,' Guardian, XIII, 39 (26 Sept. 1935), p. 622.
India and the Christian Movement, Madras: CLS, 1st edition after October 1935; 2nd ed., Madras: CLS, 1936 (CLS ref no. 263). Tamil edition: Madras: CLS, 1937 (CLS ref. no. 147). Telugu edition not available to this author.
Notes on the Lectionary for village congregations, after October 1935. See `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 10 (Oct. 1935), pp. 1-2; A. Elliot, NCCR, LXV, 2 (Feb. 1945), pp. 16-17.
`The Bishop of Dornakal on Dr. Ambedkar's Declaration,' Guardian, XIII, 50 (12 Dec. 1935), pp. 791-93. From DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), pp. 3-5.
1936
The Church and Evangelism: Being Studies on the Evangelization of India Based on Early Church History, Madras: ISPCK/CLS, 1936 (CLS ref. no. 266). Tamil edition: Madras: CLS, 1936 (CLS ref. no. 133). The substance of this book was first presented in a series of addresses delivered in Nagpur, Madras, and Dornakal in 1934 and then published as a series of articles entitled `The Expansion of Christianity in India,' in the NCCR in 1935 (see entry above).
Missionary Litanies, Madras: ISPCK/CLS, 1936. See also `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 7 (July 1935), pp. 1-3; 10 (Oct. 1935), p. 2. Copy in Azariah Collection, Madras. (VSA contributed to this as a member of the Liturgical Committee of the Episcopal Synod.)
The Pastor and the Pastorate: Being a Book on Pastoralia for Use of Those in Charge of Indian Congregations, Madras: ISPCK/CLS, 1936.
South India Union: An Examination of the Scheme from the Anglican Point of View, Madras: CLS, 1936 (CLS ref no. 265).
`Missionary Propaganda Films: Views of the Bishops of Madras and Dorna kal,' Guardian, XIV, 1 (2 Jan. 1936), p. 12 (includes letter by Azariah to Madras Mail).
`Duty of Indian Christian Electors,' Guardian, XIV, 3 (16 Jan. 1936), p. 44. From DDM, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1936), pp. 8-11.
`Nationalism and Indian Christianity,' DDM, XIII, 2 (Feb. 1936), p. 14 (report of speech to Bezwada Town Congress Committee, 2 Jan. 1936). See also: `What the Congress Stands For' and `Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 17; `Concerning Untouchables,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 19; and Madras Mail.
`Bishop of Dornakal on Communal Representation,' Guardian, XIV, 16 (16 April 1936), p. 249.
Statement to All Heads of Church and Missions (for private circulation only), Dornakal: Mission Press, May 1936. Copies in Box 395, NCCC, IMC/ CBMS, SOAS.
`The Indian Church and the Depressed Classes,' Guardian, XIV, 21 (21 May 1936), p. 325.
The Church Evangelism, Telugu edition: Dornakal: Mission Press, before June 1936.
with other members of the joint Committee on Union. `A Union Problem,' Guardian, XIV, 23 (4 June 1936), p. 362.
`Church Union in South India,' Guardian, XIV, 31 (30 July 1936), p. 493. From DDM, XIII, 7 Only 1936), pp. 1-3.
An Open Letter to Our Countrymen Who Are Classified as Belonging to the Depressed Classes, Dornakal: Mission Press, n.d. Copy in Box: Pamphlets (Old) 275, SOCA. Telugu edition: Dornakal: Mission Press. n.d.
Also published as brochure for North American audiences with `A Note of Explanation' by A. L. Warnshuis, Secretary of the International Missionary Council: New York: Foreign Missions Conference of North America, 1936. Copy in I: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS. See also YMIB e C, XLVIII, 9 (Oct. 1936), pp. 253-54; and `What Christ Has Done for Untouchables' (see below, 1937).
1937
Foreword to J. Waskom Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, Lucknow, 1937.
Lessons on Miracles. Telugu: SPCK Committee of the Dornakal Diocesan Council, 1937.
`Mass Movements,' Guardian, XV, 6 (11 Feb. 1937), p. 92. From DDM, XIV, 2 (Feb. 1937).
`Commemoration Service Address,' MCCM, Centenary Number (March 1937), pp. 111-14.
`What Christ Has Done for Untouchables,' MRW, LX (March 1937), pp. 13132.
`The Unity Which Christ Wills,' CMO, LXIV Only 1937), pp. 150-52 (conclud ing part of the 1937 CMS Annual Sermon preached in St. Bride's Church, Fleet St., London). Copy also in CMSA, AR(MS), 1936-37; referred to in G. Hewitt, The Problem of Success, op. cit., pp. 110, 389.
Address delivered on 3 August 1937, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order: Held at Edinburgh, August 3-18, 1937, ed. Leonard Hodgson (London: SCM Press, 1938), pp. 49-55, and pp. 69, 167, 173, 197, 205. See also `Bishop of Dornakal on Church Union: Address Given at the Edinburgh World Conference on Faith and Order,' Guardian, XV, 3S (2 Sept. 1937), pp. 548-49.
`A Call That Was Answered,' CMO, LXIV (Oct. 1937), pp. 223-35.
`India: A Present Urgent Opportunity,' The Spirit of Missions, U.S.A. (autumn 1937), pp. 541-45, Graham Collection.
The Fellowship of the Church: The East, Cincinnati, Ohio: The Woman's Auxiliary to the National Council, n.d. (part of a series of addresses presented at the Triennial Meeting of the Woman's Auxiliary to the National Council, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1937).
1938
`The Christian Church in India,' Moving Millions, Boston: The Central Committee on the United Study of Foreign Missions, 1938, pp. 163-95.
`The Bishop's Message (Silver Jubilee of the Diocese of Dornakal Held on 29th December 1937),' Guardian, XVI, 1 (6 Jan. 1938), p. 12.
`Christians and the New Government: Bishop of Dornakal's Call for Support,' Guardian, XVI, 6 (10 Feb. 1938), pp. 86-87 (report ofAzariah's address to his Diocesan Synod, 6 Jan. at Bezwada). See also MDM, XXXIII, 2 (Feb. 1938), pp. 60-62; YMI, L, 3 (March 1938), pp. 73-74. Also published in the Hindu.
`Our Duty as Citizens (Being an extract from the Bishop's charge to the Clergy at his Visitation on January 6th),' DDM, XV, 2 (Feb. 1938), pp. 5-10.
`Our Duty as Members of the Church,' DDM, XV, 3 (March 1938), pp. 5-11.
`Our Duty as Members of the Church of India,' DDM, XV, 4 (April 1938), pp. 5-8.
Christian Graces in a Christian Home (Madras: Fenn Thompson & Co., n.d.) (a sermon preached at the marriage of his son Henry to Glory Srinivas- agam on 2 June 1938).
`Self-Support: False or True,' IRM, XXVII, 107 (July 1938), pp. 361-71.
`Prohibition Measures in Dornakal Diocese,' Guardian, XVI, 30 (28 July 1938), p. 475.
`Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Work: Bishop of Dornakal Repudiates Dr. McGavran's Version,' Guardian, XVI, 3 (4 Aug. 1938), p. 482.
`Self-Support,' NCCR, LVIII, 10 (Oct. 1938), pp. 536-43.
`Sermon Preached by the Bishop at the Consecration of the Bishop in Tranvancore in St. George's Cathedral, Madras, on October 18th,' DDM, XV, 12 (Dec. 1938), pp. 4-11.
`The Christian Contribution to India,' The Indian Review, XXXIX, 12 (Dec. 1938), pp. 804-7. Reprinted in NCCR, LIX, 3 (March 1939), pp. 118-23.
1939
`The Place of the Church in Evangelism,' Evangelism: International Missionary Council Meeting at Tambaram, Madras, December 12th to 29th, 1938, London: Oxford University Press, 1939, pp. 32-47.
`The Church and Its Mission,' Addresses and Other Records: International Missionary Council Meeting at Tambaram, Madras, December 12th to 29th, 1938, London: Oxford University Press, 1939, pp. 40-42.
Christian Giving: A Series of Studies in Christian Stewardship. Madras: CLS, 1939 (CLS ref. no. 297), 1940, 1941. Republished as Christian Giving, edited with an introduction by Stephen Neill, London: World Christian Books, no. 2, USCL, Lutterworth Press, 1954; New York: Association Press, 1955. Tamil editions: CLS Madras: 1939, 1940 (CLS ref, no. 166). Bengali edition: Calcutta: Calcutta Christian Tract and Book Society, 1958. Telugu edition not available to this author.
Perhaps Azariah's most widely read work, Christian Giving was apparently written originally in Tamil and then translated into English by an anonymous associate. The original English translation was revised by Stephen Neill for the 1954 World Christian Books publication (S. C. Neill to George Appleton, 5 August 1953, Neill Collection, Oxford). Azariah's son Ambrose believes that the book was written first in English and then translated into Tamil (interview, 5 March 1986, Madras).
Devotional Studies in the Book of Revelation (or Commentary on Revelation). Tamil edition: Madras: ISPCK, 1939. Telugu edition: Madras: ISPCK, 1939.
The Story of the Dornakal Cathedral, Madras: Diocesan Press, 1939. Published also in DDM, XVI, 2 and 3 (Feb. and March 1939), pp. 17-23 (statement read by V. S. Azariah, 6 Jan. 1939).
`Fee Concessions for Harijans,' Guardian, XVII, 36-37 (14 and 21 Sept. 1939), p. 567. From DDM, vol. unavailable.
`Mahatma Gandhi's Seventieth Birthday: Bishop of Dornakal's Tribute,' Guardian, XVII, 36 and 37 (14 and 21 Sept. 1939), p. 577 (taken from a souvenir volume prepared by S. Radhakrishnan).
with J. Z. Hodge. `The National Christian Council and the Situation Created by the War,' Guardian, XVII, 43 (2 Nov. 1939), p. 664.
1940
Studies in the Book of Job. Tamil edition: Jobunukam Vijarkkiarnam, Madras: ISPCK and CLS, 1940 (CLS ref no. 171). Telugu edition: Madras: ISPCK and CLS, 1941.
`Church Union in South India: Bishop of Dornakal's Account of Joint Committee's Proceedings,' Guardian, XVIII, 2 (11 Jan. 1940), p. 26.
`Bishop of Dornakal on Travancore Educational Notification,' Guardian, XVIII, 51 (19 Dec. 1940), p. 755.
1941
Holy Matrimony: Being Chapters on the Christian Law of Marriage (first published in Tamil and Telugu but pre-1941 editions not available). English editions: Madras: ISPCK, 1941 (trans. Carol Graham); revised and enlarged, 1942. Tamil edition: Madras: CLS, 1943, 1954 (CLS ref. no. 352). Translations also into Hindi, Urdu, and Marathi.
A Charge: Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941, Dornakal: Mission Press, 1941. For extracts see `Second Generation of Indian Christians,' Guardian, XIX, 46 (20 Nov. 1941), pp. 544-45; 47 (27 Nov. 1941), pp. 556-57.
`Mixed Marriages,' NCCR, LXI, 11 (Nov. 1941), pp. 528-34.
1942
Confirmation. Tamil edition: Madras: ISPCK, Church Teaching Series No. 5, 1942.
Sabbath or Sunday, SPCK India, n.d. and Madras: Diocesan Press, 1942.
South India Union Scheme: Authority of Bishops, Dornakal, 1942.
`The Care of the Christians of the Second Generation,' NCCR, LXII, 1 (Jan. 1942), pp. 19-25.
`Church Union in South India,' Guardian, XX, 8 (26 Feb. 1942), pp. 89-90.
`Indian Christians and the War,' Guardian, XX, 22 (4 June 1942), p. 256.
`Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' Guardian, XX, 37 (17 Sept. 1942), pp. 436-37. From DDM, volume unavailable.
`Christian Education,' NCCR, LXII, 10 (Oct. 1942), pp. 405-10.
`The Indian Christian and Politics,' Guardian, XX, 40 (8 Oct. 1942), p. 478.
1943
Devotional and Expository Studies in Second Corinthians. Tamil edition: Madras: ISPCK, 1943. Telugu edition: ISPCK.
`South India Union,' The Student Outlook (Feb. 1943).
`Indian Christians and the Political Situation,' EWR (April 1943), pp. 49-51 (reprinted from DDM).
`The Late Dr. C. Frimodt-Moller,' Guardian, XXI, 20 (20 May 1943), p. 236.
`The Bishop of Dornakal's Address at the Fortieth Anniversary of the Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly,' TMI, XL, 7 July 1943, pp. 35-39. (in Tamil).
`Post-War Problems of Churches and Missions in India,' NCCR, LXIII, 8 (Aug. 1943), pp. 263-70.
`The Pledge,' CUNV, XIV, 1 (Sept. 1943), pp. 9-13.
1944
`The Indian Christian's Dilemma Today,' The Methodist Woman (March 1944), p. 9 (copy in I: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS).
1945 and posthumously
`The Bishop's Last Letter,' DDM, XXII, 1 (Jan. 1945), pp. 3-7.
Extracts from Letters of Bishop Azariah, with an Introduction by the Bishop of Madras, Madras: Diocesan Press, 1945.
`Bishop Azariah's Last Sermon,' DDM, XXIII, 2 (Feb. 1946), pp. 4-7 (based on notes taken by B. Gnanaprakasam).
`An Illustration from V. S. Azariah,' The Ministry of the Spirit: Selected Writings of Roland Allen, ed. David M. Paton, London: World Dominion Press, 1960, pp. 131-33.
Studies in the Life of Christ. Tamil edition: Madras: ISPCK, n.d. Telugu edition: ISPCK, 1956.
Pentecost Spirit (Pentecostal Spirit or Holy Spirit). Tamil editions: CLS; Tinnevelly: Diocesan Press, 1975.
Undated Published Writings
Tamil translation of the Confessions of St. Augustine, n.d. (Grace Aaron to author, 9 January 1987).
My Mother. Tamil edition: n.d. (Mrs. P. Azariah to author, n.d.).
Foreword to Henry Whitehead, The Outcastes of India and the Gospel of Christ, London, n.d.
Studies in the Book of Amos.
with G. S. Eddy; biography of Charles G. Finney (1792-1875), Tamil pamphlets on Prayer, expository studies of Paul's Letters to the Galatians and Ephesians, and a brochure entitled `Divisions and Unity of the Body of Christ.' In Tamil.
John Mott, The Pastor and Modern Missions, translated into unspecified number of Indian vernaculars.
V. Henry Whitehead's Published Writings and Addresses-
1890
Address to `The Annual Meeting,' The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, Oxford, October 1890, pp. 24-39.
1891
The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, London, 1891.
1896
Address to `The Annual Meeting,' The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, London, 1896, pp. 16-34.
1897
India: A Sketch of the Madura Mission, London, 1897.
1899
Address to `The Annual Meeting,' Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, London, 1899, pp. 18-25.
The Bishop's First Sermon delivered at St. George's Cathedral, Madras, MDR, XIII, 4 (Oct. 1899), pp. 145-49.
`Pastoral Letter' and `Diary' published quarterly in Madras Diocesan Record (MDR), 1899-1905; and monthly in Madras Diocesan Magazine (MDM), 1906-April 1907; Madras and Tinnevelly Diocesan Magazine (MTDM), May 1907-1915; Madras Diocesan Magazine (MDM), 1916-22. (copies in MDA and UTCA).
1901
`Caste Suppression Society,' MDR, XV, 4 (Oct. 1901), pp. 180-81.
1902
`Address by Bishop Whitehead,' Decennial Missionary Conference, Madras, 1902; copy in Box: `Pamphlets (Old) 275,' SOCA, Birmingham.
A Charge to the Clergy Delivered at His Primary Visitation in the Cathedral Church of St. George, Madras, on Wednesday, January 15th, 1902, Madras, 1902.
1905
`The Future of Indian Christianity,' TEe'TW (Jan. 1905), pp. 9-22.
1906
`A Lecture on Some Religious Customs of the Hindus in South India... Delivered in the Regimental Theatre at Wellington,' MDM, I, 5 (May 1906), pp. 207-17.
`The Future of Christianity in India,' MDM, I, 11 (Nov. 1906), pp. 528-32.
1907
Our Mission Policy in India, Madras, 1907.
1909
`Relations between Europeans and Indians,' MTDM, IV, 6 (June 1909), pp. 169-72.
1911
`The New Movement in India and the Old Gospel,' TEe'TW, IX, 1 (Jan. 1911), pp. 1-11.
1912
Work among Indian Outcastes, London, 1912.
`Christianity in India,' Indian Review, XIII, 6 (June 1912), pp. 508-11.
`Sermon at Canterbury,' MTDM, VII, 9 (Sept. 1912), pp. 263-72.
1913
`The Mass Movement towards Christianity in the Panjab,' IRM, III (1913), pp. 442-53.
1914
`A Retrospect of 1913,' VMI, XXV, 1 (Jan. 1914), pp. 1-9.
1916
The Village Gods of South India, London and New York, 1916; 2nd ed., Calcutta,
1921; Delhi, 1976; New York, 1980.
1924
Indian Problems in Religion, Education, Politics, London and Bombay, 1924.
1930
Mass Movements in India, London, 1930.
with V. S. Azariah. Christ in the Indian Villages, London, 1930.
`The Church in the Telugu Villages,' CMO, LVII (Aug. 1930), pp. 155-57.
1932
with Sir George Anderson. Christian Education in India, London, 1932.
VI. Printed Primary Sources
`A Call to the Church,' DDM, XIII, 2 (Feb. 1936), pp. 2-4.
`An Indian Grievance,' TE''TW, XIX, 73 (Jan. 1921), pp. 74-75.
`Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, X, 40 (10 Nov. 1932), p. 474.
`Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 17.
`Branches Old and New,' NMI, III, 6 (Feb. 1909), p. 51.
`Calls and Excuses,' NMI, II, 10 (June 1908), pp. 90-93.
`Christian Responsibility after the All-Religions Conference of the All-India Depressed Classes Conference, Lucknow, U.P. - May 22-24, 1936,' Depressed Classes Awakenings, 24 June 1936, copy in I: 54/ 1002, Mott Papers, YDS.
`Fifth Annual Report, Madras,' YMI, VI, 3 (March 1895), pp. 31-33.
`Forward Movement in Evangelism,' Guardian, XIII, 29 (18 July 1935), pp. 455, 458.
"`Forward Movement in Evangelism" - Report of a Conference on Mass Movement Work in the Andhra Area: Guntur, August 18-19, 1938,' NCCR, LVIII (new series), 11 (Nov. 1938), pp. 642-50.
`Gandhiji and Religious Freedom,' Guardian, XVIII, 10 and 11 (7 and 14 March 1940), pp. 146-47, 163, 175.
`Gandhiji on Religion,' Guardian, XVI, 28 (14 July 1938), p. 435.
`Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Missions,' Guardian, XVI, 30 (28 July 1938), p. 465.
`Indian Christians and the Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 29 (25 Aug. 1932), pp. 349-50.
`Korea: The Marvellous Successes of the Gospel,' NMI, II, 10 (June 1908), pp. 95-97.
`Letter from an Indian Pastor of Tinnevelly,' YMI, X, 10 (Oct. 1899), p. 162.
`Mahatma Gandhi on Christian Missions,' YMI, XXXVII, 9 (Sept. 1925), pp. 517-26.
`Mass Movement Appeal,' MDM, XIII, 6 (June 1918), pp. 131-34.
`Mass Movements and Economic Reconstruction,' DDM, XI, 3 (March 1934), pp. 16-19.
`National Missionary Society,' NMI, II, 5 (Jan. 1908), pp. 40-41.
`Notes,' NMI, II, 12 (Aug. 1908), p. 122.
`Poona Christian Conference,' Guardian, X, 39 (3 Nov. 1932), p. 463.
`Prohibition Issue in India,' MDM, XIII, 11 (Nov. 1918), pp. 263-64.
`Report: Eleventh Quadrennial Conference of the National YWCA of India, Burma and Ceylon, April 30-May 9, 1938,' NCCR, LVIII, 7 (July 1938), pp. 401-7.
`Sixth Biennial Report of the Indian National Council,' YMI, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1902), pp. 19-23.
`Some Thoughts on Present Discontent,' HF, XVIII, 5 (new series) (May 1907), pp. 167-69.
`Statistics of Telugu Christianity,' DDM, XI, 8 (Aug. 1934), p. 6.
`The Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 29 (25 Aug. 1932), pp. 342-43.
`The Fourth Tamil Camp,' YMI, XIX, 6 (June 1908), pp. 98-99.
`The Indian Census,' DDM, X, 11 (Nov. 1933), pp. 9-12.
`The Indian Christian Attitude towards Indian National Aspirations,' NMI, II, 9 (May 1908), pp. 84-85.
`The National Missionary Society of India,' `The Meeting at Serampore,' `The Constitution of the National Missionary Society of India,' YMI, XVII, 1 (Jan. 1906), pp. 1-10.
`The Position of Indian Christians,' Guardian, X, 34 (29 Sept. 1932), p. 401.
`The Pushkaram Festival at Bezwada,' DDM, X, 10 (Oct. 1933), pp. 10-14.
`The Question of the Depressed Classes,' Guardian, XIV, 23 (4 June 1936), p. 354.
`The Rt. Rev. Bishop Whitehead,' HF, XLII, 6 (June 1922), pp. 216-17.
`The Standing Committee,' DDM, XIII, 10 (Oct. 1936), pp. 4-8.
`The Tamil Church Deepika,' MDM, XXIV, 10 (Oct. 1929), p. 341.
`The World Missionary Conference,' CMG, XXXVII, 436 (April 1910), p. 64.
`The Year's Harvest - YMCA Rural Work,' HF, XL, 12 (Dec. 1920), p. 470.
`What Is "Dalit" and Dalitism?' DalitVoice, II, 16 (1-15 June 1983), pp. 1-2, 11.
A Brief Report of the Missionary Work of the Church of South India, CSI Synod Board of Missions, 1949; in `Church of South India Pamphlets, Misc.,' SOCA, Birmingham.
A Collection of Papers Connected with the Movement of the National Church of India (Madras), Madras, 1893.
Allen, Roland. Missionary Methods: St. Paul's or Ours: A Study of the Church in the Four Provinces, 1st ed. London, 1912; 2nd ed., London, 1927; 6th ed., Grand Rapids, 1962.
Allen, Roland. Missionary Principles, Grand Rapids, 1964.
Allen, Roland. The Spontaneous Expansion of the Church and the Causes Which Hinder It, Grand Rapids, 1962.
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(VSA = Vedanayakam Samuel Azariah)
1. `Untouchable' is one of many names used historically to describe those groups belonging to the Panchama (or fifth) varna outside the Indian caste system. Some names, such as Depressed Class, Scheduled Class, or Harijan, were invented by government or political leaders on behalf of untouchable groups; others, such as Adivasi, Adi-Dravida, and Adi-Andhra, were invented by untouchable groups themselves. Different names were usually devised to reduce the stigma associated with older designations, or to unify several oppressed groups into one identifiable category for government benefits. Each, therefore, carries potent political and historical connotations. See S. Saraswathi, Minorities in Madras State: Group Interests in Modern Politics, (Delhi, 1974). The untouchable label is particularly unpopular among untouchables today, who prefer self-designations such as "Dalit." See `What is "Dalit" and Dalitism?' Dalit Voice, II, 16 (1-15 June 1983), pp. 1-2, 11. However, for this book, I will favor historically apposite or descriptive terminology over currently acceptable terminology.
2. A typical letter to his wife, Anbu, concludes: `There's no wife like you! I thank my God upon every remembrance of you. When I think of you, my heart leaps in joy and thankfulness; and my eyes are wet with love. Kisses dear, kisses all over.' VSA to Anbu, 13 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
3. On the `theology of Christian imperialism' and its promotion by British Christians as diverse politically as the nationalist C. F. Andrews (during his early career at St. Stephen's College) and the conservative Brigadier General Sir Henry Page Croft, see Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj (Delhi, 1991).
4. Stephen Tinnevelly (Neill), `Bishop Azariah of Dornakal,' The Student Movement, XLVII, 4, (March 1945), p. 84. This incident was also recorded in the first edition of the most widely circulated biography of Azariah in English: Carol Graham, Azariah of Dornakal (London, 1946), p. 9. However, the incident was deleted from her second edition (Madras, 1972). Such changes reflected the author's desire to be more sympathetic to nationalism and reduced the value of Graham's biography as a source on British views of Azariah before national independence.
5. Biographies of Bishop V. S. Azariah (hereafter VSA) by Carol Graham andJ. Z. Hodge (English), Knud Heiberg (Danish), N. Premachendrudu (Telugu), and G. V. Job and D. A. Christadoss (Tamil), along with dozens of shorter biographical booklets, articles, and theses, are listed in the `Bibliography of Works about Azariah,' pp. 408-11.
6. The term used for most non-Brahmin castes in missionary literature of this period was the Brahmin invective `Sudra,' which demonstrates the extent to which Brahmin culture influenced the British and their dependents after the British East India Company's rise to power. `Sudra' refers to the fourth varna in the Brahmanical social order (varnaschramadharma) and was applied even to high-ranking Telugu castes (jatis) such as Kammas and Velamas. This book attempts to employ specific jati names, or the terms `non-Brahmin' and `caste,' for those groups commonly called `Sudras' in the primary literature. However, use of the derogatory label is occasionally necessary due to lack of specification in the source materials and to avoid inconsistency. `Borderline' jatis such as the Yerukalas (Erukalas) which were considered neither `caste' (`varna') people nor outcaste people (like Andhra's Malas and Madigas) but were classified by the government as `criminal castes and tribes' (along with Chenchus, Yenadis, `Hill Reddis,' and Lombadies) will also be referred to wherever possible by their jati names. As in other cases, the `Sudra' label will be employed only where absolutely necessary for consistency and where finer distinctions are not required for comprehension.
7. Anthropologist Clifford Geertz coined the phrase `human recapitulation of a social transformation.' He, along with historian Charles Ryerson and sociologist Robert Bellah, have creatively used the biographies of certain historical figures, such as E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker and C. N. Annadurai, as `metaphors' for the history of the Tamil Renaissance. Charles Ryerson, Regionalism and Religion: The Tamil Renaissance and Popular Hinduism (Madras, 1988), pp. 1-24; Geertz's quotation is taken from p. 20. See also C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973).
8. The security and constancy of his family life and faith have enabled me to omit many biographical and personal details that did not seem particularly relevant to a study of his public life. Fulfilling the basic obligation to explore and document available sources for the reconstruction of his public contribution has also left little room in the present study to pursue other potentially fruitful analytical approaches: comparisons with the parallel experiences in India of Muslims and of both nonconformist and Roman Catholic Christians; and the critical perspectives that could be applied to his entire record by sociological, Marxist, subaltern, and perhaps even psychoanalytic historiography. Because this book is focused mainly on India and Britain, it has also not pursued the interesting subject of Azariah's broader international influence during his episcopacy. Particularly promising questions for further detailed study would be the extent of his influence on Western public opinion through frequent speaking tours and the nature of his broader international impact through ecumenical conferences.
8. Interview with Professor K. Swaminathan, Editor of The Collected Works ofMahatma Gandhi, 20 March 1986, Madras.
1. Hinduism has assumed a denominationalist or world-religion character through a complex process of cultural, social, political, and religious construction over the last two hundred years. For guidance on conceptual problems inherent in the contemporary use of the term `Hinduism,' and in the use and abuse of the concept of a `Hindu majority,' see R. E. Frykenberg, `Constructions of Hinduism at the Nexus of History and Religion,' journal oflnterdisciplinary History, XXIII, 3 (Winter 1993), pp. 523-50; `The Emergence of Modern "Hinduism" as a Concept and as an Institution: A Reappraisal with Special Reference to South India,' in Hinduism Reconsidered, ed. Gunther D. Sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, South Asian Studies No. XXIV (New Delhi, 1989), pp. 29-49; `The Concept of "Majority" as a Devilish Force in the Politics of Modern India,' Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, XXV, 3 (Nov. 1987), pp. 267-74; and Romila Thapar, `Syndicated Moksha?' Seminar, CCCXIII (1985), pp. 14-22.
2. As I explained in the opening note, I have chosen the archaic usage over the contemporary usage to maintain consistency with the historical sources. I recognize, regret, and apologize for the jarring anachronisms: for those of us accustomed to contemporary terminology it is difficult to revert to the older terms, with their highly British connotations. However, maintaining consistency with historical usage seemed a higher priority for this book than satisfying contemporary preference.
1. Robert Caldwell, Lectures on the Tinnevelly Missions (London, 1857), p. 28.
2. On early incursions into Tinnevelly by German missionaries sponsored by the King of Denmark with support from the SPCK, beginning with Christian Frederick Schwartz in 1778, see Julius Richter, A History of Missions in India, trans. S. H. Moore (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 96-127, particularly pp. 119, 127, 161-73; W. O. B. Allen and Edmund McClure, Two Hundred Years: A History of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698-1898 (New York, 1898; reprinted, 1970), pp. 258-88. R. E. Frykenberg has correctly emphasized the important precedents set by the often-overlooked conversion movements which took place under Lutheran supervision in Tinnevelly as early as 1797, and the important role of conversions from the area's most important agricultural caste (the Vellalars) during this early period as well. See `The Emergence of "Free" Religion under the Company's Raj in South India,' typescript from author, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1984, p. 22; `On the Study of Conversion Movements: A Review Article and a Theoretical Note,' IESHR, XVII, 1 (1980), pp. 125-26; and `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India during the Late Company Period: Questions concerning Hindu-Christian Encounters with Special Reference to Tinnevelly,' Indian Society and the Beginnings of Modernization, c. 1830-1850, ed. C. H. Philips and M. D. Wainwright (London, 1976), pp. 193-95. Recognition of eighteenth-century Lutheran influence is also given in Hans Cnattingius, Bishops and Societies: A Study ofAnglican Colonial and Missionary Expansion, 1698-1850 (London, 1952) and S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 28-58, 212-22, 227-35.
3. The Church Missionary Atlas (London, 1896), pp. 145-46.
4. Of a total of 91,092 Christians, 51,355 belonged to Tinnevelly's CMS and SPG missions and to South Travancore's London Missionary Society (LMS). J. Richter, op. cit., p. 201. On LMS work in Travancore, see Dick Kooiman, Conversion and Social Equality in India (New Delhi: South Asia Publications, n.d.).
5. Mercy Azariah, Bishop Azariah ofDornakal: A Play (Madras, 1948), p. 10; C. Graham, Azariah ofDornakal (London: SCM Press, 1st ed., 1946), p. 20; J. Z. Hodge, Bishop Azariah of Dornakal (Madras: CLS, 1946), p. 11; Group interview with K. Thasiah, C. Christian Devaraj, and other villagers in Vellalanvilai, 10 March 1986. Hereafter, Vellalanvilai interview.
6. C. Graham, op. cit., p. 20; `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' DDM, XXII, 5 (May 1945), p. 4.
7. In particular, Harvey Mills Company, Tuticorin (Vellalanvilai interview). Stephen Neill recounted in an unpublished draft of his autobiography that Azariah's grandfather used donkey teams to carry jaggery as far as Madras (Neill Collection, Oxford).
8. On the ranking of Shanars `in-between' untouchables and Sudras, see Robert Caldwell, Lectures on the Tinnevelly Missions, op. cit., pp. 44-45. Caldwell is amplified and discussed in Robert Hardgrave, The Nadars of Tamilnad: The Political Culture of a Community in Change (Berkeley, 1969), pp. 21-24.
9. Azariah's surviving children and grandchildren do not know to which subcaste their family belonged before conversion (A. J. Azariah to author, 26 Feb. 1988, Madras). Nadar subcaste distinctions were breaking down in the nineteenth century; hence it is often difficult to arrive at a consensus on questions of name, rank, or occupation of subcastes even among non-Christians. Hardgrave, op. cit., p. 32.
12. R Hardgrave, op. cit., 43-70; and his article, `The Breast-Cloth Controversy,' IESHR, V (June 1968), pp. 171-81.
13. Ibid., p. 48.
14. Ibid., pp. 48, 53.
10. R. Caldwell, Lectures, op. cit., p. 14.
11. Ibid., p. 31.
15. D. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 18601960', in Religion in South Asia: Religious Conversion and Revival Movements in South Asia in Medieval and Modern Times, ed. G. A. Oddie (New Delhi, 1977), p. 53; Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 139-143; R. Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 69-70, 265-66.
16. R. Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 96-97.
17. Ibid., pp. 97-109. The success of this method of uplift has been disputed. D. Forrester has questioned Hardgrave's conclusion that Sanskritization failed (Forrester, op. cit., p. 53, referring to Hardgrave, p. 129).
18. C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life', in op. cit., p. 4. This description was published in Dornakal to commemorate the bishop's death and is therefore likely to include the memories of Azariah's wife and children. In fact, most Nadars are Saiva, there being only one Vaishnava Nadar kuttam. See Hardgrave, op. cit., p. 37.
19. C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 4.
20. R. Caldwell, Lectures, op. cit., pp. 47-49.
21. Although there were exceptions among the wealthier class or the more devout, among whom Gnaniyar may have been counted. R. Caldwell, Tinnevelly Shanars, 1st ed., pp. 8-29, quoted in R Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 37-38.
22. R Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 37-38. Similar observations have been made by modern missionaries regarding the unorthodoxy of much village `Hinduism.' Ellis O. Shaw suggests that standard textbook descriptions of Hinduism are gravely deficient for not including the non-Brahmanical but widespread practices of much village religion. Rural Hinduism: Some Observations and Experiences, ed. S. P. Appasamy (Madras, 1986).
23. Chettivillai is also known by its Christian name, Chithambarapuram. Villagers of Chettivillai claim that it is the native place ofAzariah's father, although other people believe that Megnanapuram (Bishop Jason Dharmaraj) and Vellalanvilai (Ambrose Azariah) were his native villages.
24. C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 4. The year of his birth is given in A. J. Azariah, A Biographical Sketch of Samuel Vedanayagam Thomas (1855-1890) (Madras, 1970), p. 1. Murugan's popularity is reflected in some of the earliest Tamil heroic poetry: Hardgrave, op. cit., p. 37; Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar (London, 1966), pp. 57-58, 143; K. Kailasapathy, Tamil Heroic Poetry (Oxford, 1968), pp. 35-36. The name Velayudham also refers to the three-pronged spear of Siva: Mercy Azariah, op. cit., p. 15.
25. Vellalanvilai interview.
26. R. E. Frykenberg, `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India during the Late Company Period,' in op. cit., p. 201. In the nearby village of Nedu Vilai, a CMS mission was established in 1836, and 140 out of a total population of 338 villagers were baptized. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 17071858, op. cit., p. 466.
27. Indian Christians remember that the village was called Saba Nilam (the `Land of Curse') before their conversion to Christianity. M. Azariah, op. cit., p. 14. In the reorganization of the CMS after the death of Rhenius in 1838, this village became one of six CMS mission centers in Tinnevelly. M. E. Gibbs, The Anglican Church in India: 1600-1970 (New Delhi, 1972), p. 142.
28. Mr. K. Thasiah, aged 78 in 1986, whose great-grandfather was one of the first Nadars baptized by John Thomas in Megnanapuram. Vellalanvilai interview.
29. See M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 142-43, for the full account from Emily Joseph of Megnanapuram, dated 29 August 1956.
30. Ibid., p. 143.
31. Group interviews in Megnanapuram, 9 March 1986.
32. For a discussion of techniques of Tamil oral composition, see K. Kailas- apathy, Tamil Heroic Poetry, op. cit., pp. 135-228. The viper tradition also plays an important symbolic role in many legends of Christian heroes and `holy men,' from St. Paul on Cyprus to St. Thomas in Mylapore.
33. As, e.g., in M. Thiel-Horstmann, `Indian Christian and Traditional Folksong Patterns,' in Asie du Sud, Traditions et Changements, Colloques Internationaux du C.N.R.S. (Paris, 1979), pp. 87-91.
34. This history was recounted to me by the great-grandson of Swamiadiyan Sudalaialumperumal, the headman who was first converted in response to Thomas's preaching (Vellalanvilai interview). The date of the first baptism was confirmed by the current Pastorate Chairman in Vellalanvilai, C. Christian Devaraj (Devaraj to author, 7 April 1987).
36. C. Graham, op. cit., p. 20j. Z. Hodge, op. cit., p. 11; and C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 4.
35. Translated as `the Gem of the Christian Veda,' in M. Azariah, op. cit., p. 15; C. Graham, op. cit., p. 20; C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 4.
37. Vellalanvilai interview.
38. A. Azariah to author, 10 Aug. 1985.
39. R. Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 50-51; C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., pp. 4-5; and A. H. Grey-Edwards, Memoir of the Rev. John Thomas: CMS Missionary atMegnanapuram Tinnevelly, South India, 1836-1870 (London, 1904), pp. 79-83.
40. R. Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 50-5 1; S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., pp. 229-230. On the history of communal conflict provoked by conversions in Tinnevelly and Madras, and the persecutions of converts, see R. Frykenberg, `Impact of Conversion and Social Reform,' in op. cit., pp. 200, 207-8.
41. R Caldwell, Lectures on the Tinnevelly Missions, op. cit., p. 70.
42. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 399.
43. Ibid., p. 400. This scheme was the product of a tradition - begun by the pietist Professor A. H. Francke (1663-1727) of the University of Halle, and imported to India by missionaries Ziegenbalg, Schwartz, and Rhenius - which challenged the exclusivist clericalism and tight ecclesiastical controls of much of the Anglican tradition. Thus, to many Anglican missionaries, it appeared to be "revolutionary."
44. Ibid., p. 400. Although Hebrew and Greek ceased to be required of candidates, there is evidence that Thomas Vedanayagam acquired some knowledge of the languages anyway. See H. Whitehead, `Vedanayakam Samuel Azariah,' IRM, XXXIV, 134 (April 1945), p. 184.
45. C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 5; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 251; S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., pp. 400-401.
47. The date recorded on his tombstone in the churchyard of Holy Trinity Church, Vellalanvilai.
46. These different experiences contributed to the relatively quick advance of the Anglicans and comparatively slow advance of the Roman Catholics in the ordination of Indians to the priesthood and the episcopacy. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., pp. 298-99, 397-401; The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan (Madras, 1972), pp. 96-98.
48. R Hardgrave, op. cit., p. 53. The current Vellalanvilai Pastorate Chairman, who lives in the rectory in which Azariah was born, described the process thus: `This Nadar community worked hard and little by little they purchased the lands from the Manadu Vellalars and built houses. Because of the ownership of whole properties of the Vellalars, this name (Vellalanvilai) was published. Nowadays there are no Vellalars in Manad. They sold all the land and went away to places like Trichi and Thanjore towns' (C. Christian Devaraj to author, 7 April 1987).
49. C. Christian Devaraj to author, 7 April 1987. There is also a small village called Nainarpuram attached to the southeast of the village where Hindu `Harijans,' who work the fields for daily wages, live today.
50. D. A. Christadoss, Acariya Attiyatcar (Tirunelveli, 1974), pp. 2-3.
51. S. C. Neill, `Vedanayagam Samuel Azariah,' in VSA, Christian Giving (London, 1954), p. It. Ambrose Thomas was also headmaster of a CMS school in Colombo (D. A. Christadoss, op. cit., p. 4).
54. Ibid., p. 1.
55. Essays by Samuel V. Thomas, MA (Medalist in Sanskrit, University of Madras), bound volume of essays with no information on date or place of publication. Volume in the possession of Dr. D. Packiamuthu, Palayamkottai.
56. `Introduction,' in Essays by Samuel V. Thomas, op. cit., p. i.
52. A. J. Azariah, ABiographical Sketch of Samuel Vedanayagam Thomas, op. cit., p. 1.
53. Ibid., p. 1.
57. Milton, Poongavana Piralayam or Paradise Lost, Books I and II, trans., S. V. Thomas (Madras, 1978). First edition: Trichinopoly: Southern Star Press, 1887. This work was mistakenly attributed to Ambrose V. Thomas in C. Graham, op. cit., p. 23. From Graham, however, we learn that S. V. Thomas owned a printing press in Megnanapuram. Here Azariah learned techniques that were to be helpful later when establishing the Dornakal Diocesan Press.
58. Not all of these translations are available today, but they are known to exist (or to have existed). Letter from Grace Aaron to author, 9 Jan. 1987; Extracts from Letters ofBishopAzariah, with an Introduction by the Bishop of Madras (Madras, 1945), pp. 1718. Azariah wrote in 1937 of Murray's book that `next to the Bible that book has helped me most in my Christian life.' Ibid., p. 18.
59. A `married sister of Azariah' named Yovanna is a character in Scene 3 of M. Azariah, op. cit., p. 23. Yovannais also mentioned in D. A. Christadoss, op. cit., p. 3.
61. There was apparently `no special reason.' C. Graham, `Bishop Azariah's Family and Early Life,' in op. cit., p. 6.
60. 1 Samuel 1:4-20. This was a common practice among south Indian Christians wanting sons. Compare to: W. D. Clarke, `In Memoriam: Samuel Satthianadhan,' MDM, I, 5 (May 1906), p. 245.
62. Ambrose Azariah to author, 10 August 1985, Madras. This account is corroborated almost exactly by Graham, who likely heard it from Azariah as well. C. Graham, op. cit., p. 24. Once made Bishop of Dornakal, Azariah signed his letters `V. S. Dornakal.'
63. Here `the boys learnt to read from palmyra leaf books and traced their alphabet with their fingers on sand.' C. Graham, op. cit., p. 21. Today Vellalanvilai offers a more modern, comprehensive education to an enlarged number of local youths at the `Bishop Azariah Memorial School,' founded in 1963.
64. Speech at a Mother's Union Meeting in New Zealand in 1923, quoted in The Church of South India, the Indian Missionary Society, Madras, and the National Missionary Society of India Jointly Celebrate the Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah, 1974 (Madras: Diocesan Press, 1974), p. 23 (Henceforth Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariab 1974).
65. C. Graham, op. cit., p. 21.
66. The Eliot Tuxford School for Girls is now located on the site of the former CMS mission schools for boys and girls inside the mission compound built by John Thomas. Interview with R. Jeyakumar Devadason, Megnanapuram, 9 March 1986. The boys' school has been moved to another site outside the mission compound.
67. Quoted in C. Graham, op. cit., pp. 22-23.
69. D. A. Christadoss, op. cit., p. 16.
68. To be discussed below. See `Bibliography of Azariah's Publications,' pp. 37991.
70. The journal is still published by the Christian Brotherhood Association (Tirunelveli Diocesan Press, Palayamkottai).
71. R Hardgrave, op. cit., pp. 93-94.
72. Sharrock's refusal in 1892 to publish banns of marriage with the title Nadar provoked his congregation in Tuticorin to petition the Bishop of Madras in protest. They did not receive much sympathy from the bishop. Ibid., pp. 93-94.
73. Note from the CMS High School Manager and Principal, Edwin Keyworth, 20 January 1893, Azariah Collection, Madras.
74. Ibid.
75. Other notable Church of Scotland colleges were founded in Calcutta by Alexander Duff, in Bombay by John Wilson, and in Nagpur by Stephen Hislop.
76. The system of affiliating colleges was modeled after the University of London system: E. Jackson to author, 21 Jan. 1991, Birmingham; E. J. Bingle, `A Hundred Years 1837-1937: History of the Christian College,' MCCM, Centenary Issue (March 1937), p. 133.
77. Frykenberg, `Modern Education in South India, 1784-1854: Its Roots and Its Role as a Vehicle of Integration under Company Raj,' The American Historical Review, 91, 1 (Feb. 1986), pp. 53-54. Anderson visited Calcutta to observe Duff's work before founding his own institution (see E. J. Bingle, op. cit., p. 130). For a reassessment of Duff's achievement, see M. A. Laird, Missionaries and Education in Bengal, 1793-1837 (Oxford, 1972), pp. 256-59.
78. M. A. Laird, op. cit., pp. 207-8. This did not prevent Anderson from accepting admission of three pariah boys in 1838 at the cost of temporarily lowered enrollments when caste pupils withdrew from the school. John Braidwood, True Yoke fellows in the Mission Field: The Life and Labours of the Rev. John Anderson and the Rev. Robert Johnston, Traced in the Rise and Development of the Madras Free Church Mission (London, 1862), pp. 74-97; S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 320.
79. John McKenzie, `Higher Education,' in The Christian Task in India, ed. J. McKenzie (London, 1929), p. 91. On Miller, see Kaj Baago, Pioneers of Indigenous Christianity (Madras, 1969), pp. 186-99.
80. S. C. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., p. 127. Also J. McKenzie, op. cit., pp. 91-93.
81. On Miller's defense at the Allahabad Conference in 1872-73 of the idea that, despite declining numbers of conversions in Christian schools, Christian education was one of the best methods of preparing India for Christianity, see G. A. Oddie, Social Protest in India: British Protestant Missionaries and Social Reforms, 1850-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1978), pp. 22-23. However, this type of argument was not completely absent even from the justifications made by the Baptist trio Carey, Marshman, and Ward for the establishment of Serampore College in 1818. E. Jackson to author, 21 Jan. 1991, Birmingham.
83. E. J. Bingle, op. cit., p. 130.
84. P. Cherian, `Some Recollections of an Eventful Decade, 1880-1890,' MCCM, Centenary Number (March 1937), p. 170.
82. S. C. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., pp. 12627.
87. R Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening in South India, 1852-1891 (Tucson, Arizona, 1974), pp. 306-7.
88. Ibid., p. 326.
86. S. C. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., p. 126.
89. See, e.g., an article published in 1884 repudiating the claims of theosophy which did not succeed in convincing all of the students. The controversy is discussed in R. Suntharalingam, op. cit., pp. 307-8. After its first fifty years of publication, the magazine reduced its scope to issues of more narrow college interest (see E. J. Bingle, op. cit., p. 134).
90. After receiving a law degree, K. T. Paul began his career as headmaster of a mission school and then entered government employment. He served as General Secretary of the NMS from 1909 to 1914 and National General Secretary of the YMCA from 1916. See H. A. Popley, K. T. Paul: Christian Leader (Calcutta, 1938).
91. Ibid., pp. 28-29.
92. K. Baago, `The First Independence Movement among Indian Christians,' ICHR, I, 1 (June 1967), pp. 65-78; G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, 1885-1950: An Interpretation in Historical and Theological Perspectives (Frankfurt am Main, 1979), pp. 78-85.
93. No records of grades or activities are available in the Madras Christian College Archive, Tambaram.
96. Interview with A. Azariah, 3 June 1986, Madras; J. Z. Hodge, op. cit., p. 11; C. Graham, op. cit., p. 24. There are no records of the examinations in Madras Christian College Archives, Tambaram.
97. J. Z. Hodge, op. cit., p. 11.
98. His son explained that he chose to take up the YMCA position rather than to delay for his exams. Interview with A. Azariah, 3 June 1986, Madras.
99. Interview with A. Azariah, 3 June 1986, Madras.
94. A. J. Azariah, A Biographical Sketch of Samuel Vedanayagam Thomas, op. cit., p. 1.
95. Amy Wilson-Carmichael, Walker of Tinnevelly (London, 1916), p. 9.
100. James Devadasan to VSA, 17 July 1920, Azariah Collection, Madras.
101. For the college's centenary celebrations in 1937, Azariah wrote: `The College may well be proud of the great men that have been at the helm during this past century since Anderson, Miller, Cooper, Skinner, Henderson, Macphail, Michie Smith, Russell, Kellett, Morten, Meston are the few with whom I was personally acquainted, the very recital of whose names evokes wholesome memories of reverence and inspiration' (MCCM, Centenary Number [March 1937], pp. 122-23).
102. VSA, `Commemoration Service Address,' MCCM, Centenary Number (March 1937), p. 111.
1. The name Young Men's Christian Association was adopted at the fifth meeting of the group in July 1844: C. P. Shedd, History of the World's Alliance of Young Men's Christian Associations (London, 1955), p. 23. See also Clyde Binfield, George Williams and the Y.M.C.A.: A Study in Victorian Social Attitudes (London, 1973).
2. R. Rouse, `Voluntary Movements and the Changing Ecumenical Climate,' in A History of the Ecumenical Movement, 1517-1948, ed. R. Rouse and S. C. Neill (London, 1954), p. 327.
3. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 70. See also pp. 68-82.
4. Ibid., p. 201.
7. Ibid., pp. 41-101.
8. Nish, Young Men's Christian Association of Calcutta, 1857-1957, claims it was founded three years later than does Shedd. See E. Sharpe, Not to Destroy but to Fulfil: The Contribution ofJ. N. Farquhar to Protestant Missionary Thought in India before 1914 (Uppsala, 1965), p. 152.
9. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 199. See also E. C. Worman, `Early History of the YMCA,' published serially in YMI, Oct. 1922 Jan. 1923. Bound volume in YMCA Headquarters, UTC, Bangalore.
10. YMI, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1902), p. 19. E. C. Worman, op. cit., pp. 1-3. Even the important future YMCA leader, David McConaughy, thought in 1893 that the first YMCA in India was established at Trivandrum in 1873. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' Report of theThirdDecennialMissionary Conference, Bombay, 1892-1893,1 (Bombay, 1893), p. 191.
11. For example, early associations were formed due to the efforts of LMS representatives in Trivandrum (1870), the evangelistic tour of Rev. A. N. Summerville of Glasgow (1875), and the influence of Prof Frank Sanders of Yale University and Jaffna College. YMI, XIII, 1 (Jan 1902), p. 19.
5. Ibid., pp. 15-40, 102.
6. Ibid., p. 199.
12. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., pp. 302-3. Evangelist Dwight L. Moody supported this movement, and the `Cambridge Seven,' who had been inspired by Moody's campaign at Cambridge University in 1884, became the model for the American effort in 1886 to extend the influence of the Northfield missionary uprising. `Historical Sketch of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions,' Register of Ms. Group No. 42, pp. 7-8, SVM Archives, YDS.
13. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 354.
14. S. E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven, 1972), p. 865.
15. He visited India during his 1895-97, 1901-2, 1912-13, 1928-29, 1936-37, and 1938-39 world tours. See III: 117/1930-32, 1936, 118/1950, 1953-54, Mott Papers, YDS. Also: Experiences and Impressions during a Tour in Asia in 1912-1913, Being Extracts from Personal Letters of John R. Mott (privately printed), Mott Papers, YDS.
16. The founders did not intend to convert the whole world, but rather to proclaim the gospel and thereby give each living person an opportunity to respond. Dana L. Robert, `The Origin of the Student Volunteer Watchword: "The Evangelization of the World in This Generation,"' The International Bulletin of Missionary Research, X, 4 (Oct. 1986), pp. 146-49.
17. Records of World Tour, 1895-97, III: 117/1930-32, Mott Papers, YDS.
18. John Mott, `An Unprecedented World-Situation,' c. 1913, L• 461, Mott Papers, YDS.
19. VSA to John Mott, 12 April 1906,1: 461, Mott Papers, YDS.
22. Ibid.
20. VSA to Anbu, 20 March 1907, Shanghai, Azariah Collection, Madras.
21. Ibid.
23. VSA to Anbu, 27 March 1907, Kobe, Japan, Azariah Collection, Madras.
24. VSA to Anbu, 10 April 1907, Nagoya, Japan, Azariah Collection, Madras.
25. VSA to Anbu, 2 April 1907, Nikko, Japan, Azariah Collection, Madras.
26. G. S. Eddy, `The Japan Conference,' YMI, XVIII, 7 Only 1907), pp. 87-91; G. Soundararaj, `V. S. Azariah as YMCA Secretary', in Birth Centenary ofBishopAzariah 1974, op. cit., pp. 35-37; D. Lotz, "`The Evangelization of the World in this Generation": The Resurgence of a Missionary Idea among the Conservative Evangelicals' (Ph.D. thesis, Hamburg, 1970), p. 38.
27. VSA to John Mott, 12 April 1906,1:4/61, Mott Papers, YDS. George Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, op. cit., pp. 94-95.
28. VSA, `Enlisting Students in the Extension of Christ's Kingdom,' in Report of the Conference of the World Student Christian Federation: Held at Tokyo, Japan, April 3-7,1907 (New York: WSCF), pp. 124-26. On the significance of the conference and Azariah's role, see Hans-Ruedi Weber, Asia and the Ecumenical Movement, 1895-1961 (London, 1966), pp. 69-77.
29. K. S. Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity: The Great Century, 1800-1914, in Northern Africa and Asia (London, 1947).
30. VSA to Anbu, 8 March 1907, Azariah Collection, Madras.
31. John R McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress (Princeton, 1977), pp. 359-69;J. Brown, Modern India: The OriginsofanAsianDemocracy(Delhi,1985), pp. 175-85.
32. YMI, XVIII, 8 (Aug. 1907), p. 99.
33. Stephen Neill argued that Azariah owed more to the YMCA than to the church itself when he was elevated to the episcopate. S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1964), p. 366. Critics of Azariah's consecration charged at the time that his `unorthodox' (i.e., non-Anglican) preparation for the bishopric would prove to be a disability in office because he would be essentially unfamiliar with the administrative, liturgical and pastoral demands of Anglican offices.
34. Eric J. Sharpe, Not to Destroy but to Fulfil, op. cit., pp. 159-63, 193, 221-23. These suspicions only grew in upcoming decades. See G. Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj, op. cit., pp. 129, 256-57.
35. E. Sharpe, Not to Destroy but to Fulfil, op. cit., p. 221.
36. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., pp. 309-10. `The members are of two classes: any young man of good character, introduced by two members, may become an Associate Member; any young man who is a Communicant Member of a Christian Protestant Church, may become an Active Member. Every Active Member is expected to take some definite part in the work of the various committees of the Association.' D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' op. cit., p. 193. Membership fees were equal for both classes.
37. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' in op. cit., p. 189.
38. Bengt Sundkler, Church of South India: The Movement towards Union, 1900-1947 (London, 1954), pp. 33-35.
39. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' in op. cit., p. 189.
40. J. A. Mangan, The Games Ethic and Imperialism: Aspects of the Diffusion of an Ideal (New York, 1986). The important role of the YMCA is overlooked in this study.
41. Cecil Earle Tyndale-Biscoe (1863-1949), head of the CMS School in Shrinagar from 1890 to 1947, provides an excellent description of the forcible introduction of sports in Tyndale-Biscoe of Kashmir: An Autobiography (London, 195 1). The enormous popularity of cricket and football in India today suggests, however, that resistance to these sports was short-lived.
42. Rt. Rev. George Barne, former Bishop of Lahore, `Foreword,' in Tyndale-Biscoe ofKashmir, op. cit., pp. 9-10. (Barne was Bishop of Lahore from 1932 to 1949.) According to Mangan, Tyndale-Biscoe was the best example of a 'muscular' missionary at work in India, `the preux chevalier of imperial Christian knights.' Mangan, op. cit., pp. 177-9 1. See also G. Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj, op. cit., pp. 226-36. Other important examples were T. L. Pennell (1867-1912) and A. G. Fraser (1873-1962).
45. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 310.
46. YVII, XIV, 3 (March 1903), p. 46.
47. YMI, VII, 3 (March 1896), p. 28. Although the occupational distribution did not include nationality, the total membership of 437 included `152 Native Christians, 142 Hindus, 8 Mahomedans, 86 Eurasians, 46 Europeans, 1 Parsi and 2 Coorgs.' Ibid. (Coorgs, whose religion stands firmly within the Hindu tradition, were still classified separately, both here and below.)
43. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' in op. cit., pp. 192-93.
44. E. C. Worman, op. cit., p. 10
50. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' in op. cit., p. 194.
51. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 362. Efforts to involve non-Christians in YMCA activities were pursued more energetically and persistently than efforts to include nonProtestant Christians, particularly Roman Catholics.
52. D. McConaughy, `Second Paper,' in op. cit., p. 193.
53. This was, in fact, the second Hindu organization of this kind to be established during the YMCA's first five years in Madras. The first one had only a brief life. See YMI, V, 7 (Sept. 1894), p. 49; YMI, V, 8 (Oct. 1894), p. 57.
48. E. C. Worman, op. cit., p. 5.
49. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 342.
54. What was regarded as `disgusting humiliation' by the association was regarded as a sign of reform by The Hindu, which complimented the community for receiving Mr. Ramanujam back. YMI, V, 10 (Dec. 1894), pp. 73-74.
55. YVII, VII, 3 (March 1896), p. 28.
56. J. N. Farquhar, Modern Religious Movements in India (London, 1929), pp. 25, 8081, 125, 278, 329, 343, 444.
59. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 362.
57. Ibid., p. 25. See also p. 444.
58. Ibid., p. 278.
60. Quoted in ibid., p. 342.
61. E. C. Worman, op. cit., p. 5.
64. Ibid., p. 309.
65. As we shall see below, he was also appointed as the General Secretary of the YMCA in Madura. Azariah began training for both positions in 1895 while serving as an Assistant Secretary in Madras (E. C. Worman, op. cit., pp. 6, 13). Indeed, one of Azariah's closest American YMCA colleagues claimed later that his main purpose in going to India was to develop national leaders for India's evangelization. Donald F. Ebright, `The National Missionary Society of India, 1905-1942: An Expression of the Movement toward Indigenization within the Christian Church' (Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1944), p. 71.
66. K. T. Paul, `The Call to Missionary Service,' YMI, XXIV, 2 (Feb. 1913), p. 103.
62. YMI, VII, 3 (March 1896), p. 28.
63. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 310.
69. E. M. Jackson, Red Tape and the Gospel: A Study of the Significance of the Ecumenical Missionary Struggle ofWilliam Paton (1886-1943) (Birmingham, 1980), p. 73; R. Rouse, `Voluntary Movements and the Changing Ecumenical Climate,' in op cit., p. 328; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 341; S. C. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., p. 154; C. Graham, op. cit., pp. 24-26. See also: YMI, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1902), pp. 19-20 which notes that, in 1899, there were 10 Indian and 15 foreign Secretaries represented at the First General Secretary's Conference.
70. VSA to John Mott, 25 May 1909, I: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
71. The YMCA did not, however, accept western literary influences uncritically. It rejected all `skeptical books' along with `corrupt ones ... coarse novels and publications of worthless character (that) hurt men by bringing impure images into their minds.' CP, VI, 48 (28 Nov. 1895), p. 3.
67. G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, op. cit., p. 144.
68. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., p. 81.
74. I. David, `The Development of the Concept of Indigenisation among Protestant Christians in India from the Time of Henry Venn' (M.Th. thesis, United Theological College, Bangalore, 1975), pp. 7-37. Quotation on p. 107.
72. CP, VII, 7 (13 Feb. 1896), p. 6.
73. CP, VI, 48 (28 Nov. 1895), p. 3.
75. `V. S. Azariah An Appreciation', YMI, XX, 9 (Sept. 1909), p. 144; VSA, `Smaller Associations,' in Proceedings of the Fourth Indian National Convention of the YMCAs held at Calcutta, 26-30 Dec. 1896, p. 44. The primary sources for Azariah's YMCA career are The YoungMen ofIndia (YMI); private correspondence in the Azariah collection, Madras; Mott and Eddy Papers at YDS; and interviews with Indian Christians in Madras and Tinnevelly.
76. His activities were first reported in a 1894 issue of YMI, V, 7 (Sept 1894), p. 55.
77. Unfortunately, YMI contains no record of the contents of this address. YMI, V, 2 (Feb. 1895), p. 19.
78. There is a great deal of confusion in both primary and secondary sources over Azariah's exact titles during his employment with the YMCA. He has been de- scribedas`South India Traveling Secretary' (Hodge, op. cit., p. 15), `Traveling Secretary' (H. Whitehead, `Vedanayakam Samuel Azariah,' in op. cit., p. 184), `branch secretary' (G. Soundararaj, `V. S. Azariah as YMCA Secretary,' in Birth Centenary ofBishop Azariah 1974 [Madras: Diocesan Press, 1974], p. 36), and `Area Secretary for Tamil Nadu' ('Important Events in Bishop Azariah's Life,' in Birth Centenary ofBishopAzariah -1974, op. cit., p. 85). There is equal confusion over his new title after a significant promotion in 1902: `Associate General Secretary' (H. Whitehead, op. cit., p. 184), Joint General Secretary of the National Council' ('Important Events in Bishop Azariah's Life,' in op. cit., p. 85), `All-India Traveling Secretary' (G. Soundararaj, op. cit., p. 36), and `Associate General Secretary of the All-India YMCA' (D. A. Christadoss, `Azariah the Christian Leader,' in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah -1974, op. cit., p. 44). Even more confusion is introduced if titles are translated from Tamil sources such as D. A. Christadoss, Acariya Attiyatcar. I have used the most authoritative source available, the YMI, for Azariah's titles. Thus, in March 1895 he began training to become the first `Tamil Agent of the Indian National Council of YMCAs.' He was also sometimes called the `Tamil Agent of the Indian National Union,' or simply the `Tamil Secretary.' After his promotion, Azariah was listed as the `Associate National Secretary of the Indian National Council' or `Tamil Secretary for the National Council.' Throughout his tenure with the YMCA, he also held positions as the General Secretary of the Madura and, then, the Palamcottah and Tinnevelly YMCA headquarters. The National Council of YMCAs of India in New Delhi was unable to provide any further information about Azariah's career (D. S. Chinnadorai to author, 29 March 1986; A. K. Chowdhury to author, 16 May and 2 Sept. 1986.)
79. YMI, VII, 2 (Dec. 1896), p. 139.
80. VSA, `What I Saw,' YMI, VII, 9 (Sept. 1896), p. 98.
81. VSA, `The Needs of India,' YMI, IX, 3 (March 1898), p. 31.
82. She completed one of the first First in Arts courses administered by Sarah Tucker College in Palamcottah. `Sarah Tucker Institute' affiliated with Madras University in 1896, becoming the first women's college in South India. CP, VI, 48 (28 Nov. 1895), p. 2; CP, VI, 49 (5 Dec. 1895), p. 5.
83. That Azariah's wedding budget was a mere 40 rupees has become an important part of the oral tradition about Azariah in Tinnevelly today, and has also been enshrined in the drama about Azariah's life by D. Packiamuthu, Valihatti (Tirunelveli: IMS, 1963; Madras: CLS, 1974). See also D. A. Christadoss, Acariya Attzyatcar, op. cit., p. 40.
84. Later in his life, from 1921 to 1957, Eddy led the Fellowship for a Christian Social Order, an influential liberal Christian organization that hosted traveling seminars for a total of 1500 American leaders to England, continental Europe, and the Soviet Union in an attempt to develop a Christian approach to reforming industrial capitalism. Eddy also became involved in improving race relations in America, helping in 1936 to organize the Christian Socialist Delta Cooperative Farms in Mississippi, which provided land for both black and white Protestant families of evicted sharecroppers. See G. S. Eddy, Eighty Adventurous Years: An Autobiography (New York, 1955). A study that portrays Eddy's widespread influence during the interwar period is Richard W. Fox, Reinhold Niebuhr: A Biography (New York, 1985).
85. `Corres: Report Letters from India,' I: 3/52, Eddy Papers, YDS. See also, G. S. Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade (New York, 1945), pp. 140-41.
86. G. S. Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade, op. cit., p. 141.
87. VSA, `Missionary Work and the Spirit of the Association,' YMI, XV, 3 (March 1904), p. 45.
90. This was part of a three-month tour of South India; see Report Letters Nos. 28-31,1: 3/55, Eddy Papers, YDS.
88. Report Letter No. 28, I: 3/55, Eddy Papers, YDS.
89. R. W. Fox, op. cit., p. 78.
91. Report Letter No. 31, ibid.
93. VSA to Anbu, 11 Sept. 1906, Mehamadabad, Azariah Collection, Madras.
92. E. C. Carter, Among Indian YoungMen (Cambridge, MA, March 1904), pp. 2627.
94. VSA: `The Mutual Relations of the Associations,' YMI, XII, 2 (Feb. 1901), pp. 23-25; `Associations in Small Towns,' YMI, XVI, 2 (Feb. 1905), pp. 39-41; `Smaller Associations,' op. cit., pp. 40-44.
98. Arun Bandopadhyay, `The Communal Riots in Tinnevelli in 1899: Some Reconsiderations,' in Caste and Communal Politics in South Asia, ed. Sekhar Bandopadhyay and Suranjan Das (Calcutta, 1993), pp. 29-45.
99. VSA, `A Visit to South Travancore,' YMI, VII, 11 (Nov. 1896), pp. 121-22. See also VSA, `What I Saw,' op. cit., pp. 98-99; `Smaller Associations,' op. cit., pp. 42-43. He noticed that the work in Travancore was more highly developed than that in his districts (`A Visit to South Travancore,' op. cit., pp. 121-22).
95. VSA, `Tamil Secretary's Report,' YMI, X, 7 Only 1899), p. 113.
96. VSA, `What I Saw,' op. cit., pp. 98-99.
97. `Letter from an Indian Pastor ofTinnevelly,' YMI, X, 10 (Oct. 1899), p. 162.
100. VSA, `The Life of Faith,' YMI, IX, 6 (June 1898), pp. 83-84; `The Needs of India,' op. cit., pp. 30-31; `Lessons in Prayer,' YMI, XI, 11 and 12 (Nov. and Dec. 1900), pp. 192-93, 210-11; `The Tamil District Conference,' YMI, VIII, 7 (Aug. 1897), p. 98; `The Morning Watch,' YMI, VIII, 8 (Sept. 1897), pp. 124-26; `Oh To Be Nothing,' YMI, X, 1 (Jan. 1899), pp. 7-8.
101. VSA, `Smaller Associations,' op. cit., p. 43.
102. C. P. Shedd, op. cit., p. 292. The British YMCA leadership opposed Luther D. Wishard's early missionary campaign, and McConaughy was aware of the delicacy of his position while touring England in 1899. Ibid., pp. 292, 305-6.
103. Ibid., pp. 292, 306-7, 327, 662-63. It has been claimed that the British failure to subordinate the energetic missionary endeavors of the North American International Committee to the control of the Central International Committee enabled the YMCA to conceive of its mission in global rather than European-American terms. Ibid., pp. 292, 306-8.
104. Ibid., p. 309, and YMI, XIV, 3 (March 1903), p. 46.
105. VSA, `The Problem of Co-Operation between Foreign and Native Workers,' op. cit.
106. Edward C. Carter, a graduate of Harvard University who served as traveling secretary for northern India, was another close companion of Azariah during his YMCA years. See E. C. Carter, Amonglndian YoungMen, op. cit.; `Indian Christian Leadership and the Indian Church,' YMI, XXIV, 3 (March 1913), pp. 154-57. Bad relations are a more common theme in The Christian Patriot. See, e.g., CP, VII, 8 (20 Feb. 1896), p. 4; CP, VII, 15 (9 April 1896), p. 4.
108. G. S. Eddy, Religion and Politics in India, op. cit.; Eighty Adventurous Years, op. cit., p. 53. These estimations included friends such as Reinhold Niebuhr. R. W. Fox, op. cit.
109. G. S. Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade, op. cit., pp. 139-40.
107. G. S. Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade, op. cit., pp. 139-40.
110. G. S. Eddy, Report Letter No. 14 Sept. 1898, In Dark Cochin, I: 3/51, Eddy Papers, YDS.
111. VSA to Anbu, 13 Feb. 1899, Azariah Collection, Madras. David Packiamuthu captures the spirit of this close friendship in the first act of his play, Valihatti, op. cit.
112. VSA to J. Mott, 25 May 1909, I: 461, Mott Papers, YDS. L. P. Larsen was a YMCA secretary from Denmark. See Knud Heiberg, V. S. Azariah: Biskop of Dornakal (Copenhagen: Der Danske Missionsselskab, 1950), pp. 15-16.
113. `The Fourth Tamil Camp,' YMI, XIX, 6 (June 1908), pp. 98-99.
114. VSA, `Smaller Associations,' op. cit., p. 41.
1. For example, VSA, `The Needs of India,' op. cit., pp. 30-31; `Unoccupied Fields,' YMI, XVI, 2 (Feb. 1905), pp. 25-27; `Missionary Work and the Spirit of the Association,' op. cit., pp. 43-46; `The Unoccupied Fields of India,' YMI, XVII, 1 (Jan. 1906), pp. 12-16.
2. Introductory Lessons on India and Missions for Mission Study Classes, 1st ed. (Calcutta: Student Volunteer Movement of India and Ceylon, 1908). See the Bibliography for later editions in English, Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam.
3. VSA, `Missionary Work and the Spirit of the Association,' op. cit., pp. 44-46.
4. Lamin Sanneh, `Christian Mission in the Pluralist Milieu: The African Experi- ence,'IRM, LXXIV, 294 (April 1985), pp. 199-211. See also Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, NY, 1989).
5. Lesslie Newbigin, Unfinished Agenda (London, 1985), pp. 218-19. M. A. Laird, Missionaries and Education in Bengal: 1793-1837 (Oxford, 1972), pp. 55-8, 265; Charles Ryerson, Regionalism and Religion: The Tamil Renaissance and Popular Hinduism (Madras, 1988), pp. 60-81.
6. I am grateful to Professor Sanneh for his suggestions on this subject in an interview on 17 Sept. 1987, Cambridge, MA.
7. Mott to Hofmeyr, 21 Jan. 1902, World Trip 1901-2: Records, III: 117/1936, Mott Papers, YDS.
8. The South India Conference of the SVM in Madras, Dec. 14-17; and three in Allahabad: (1) the YMCA Conference of the Association Secretaries of India, Burma, and Ceylon, Dec. 22-24, (2) the National Convention of the YMCA of India and Burma, Dec. 26-29, and, (3) the Conference of the Secretaries of the International Committee in India and Ceylon, Dec. 30 Jan. 1.
9. Mott to Hofmeyr, 21 Jan. 1902, op. cit.
10. VSA to J. Mott, 12 April, 1906,1: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
11. Ibid.
12. Although British and American sources commonly claim that the pioneering advocates of indigenization were Rufus Anderson of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission (Secretary from 1832) and Henry Venn of the Church Missionary Society (Secretary from 1841), pietist Lutherans (not to mention Jesuits) provide earlier precedents in South India. See R Frykenberg, `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India during the late Company Period,' in op. cit., pp. 187-204. Indeed, native Tamil priests Sathianadhan and John Devashayam played important roles within the remarkably indigenous ethos of the Tinnevelly church of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Credit for church indigenization must therefore go to C. F. Schwartz and C. T. Rhenius as much as to Anderson and Venn. On Anderson, see William R Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago, 1987), pp. 77-90. On Venn, see C. Peter Williams, The Ideal of the Self-GoverningChurch: A Study of Victorian Missionary Strategy (Leiden, 1990); and T. E. Yates, Venn and Victorian Bishops Abroad: The Missionary Policies of Henry Venn and Their Repercussions upon the Anglican Episcopate of the Colonial Period, 1841-1872 (Uppsala, 1978).
13. D. J. Fleming, Devolution in Mission Administration: As Exemplified by the Legislative History of Five American Missionary Societies in India (London, 1916).
14. Michael Hollis, Paternalism and the Church (Oxford, 1962). Interview, 7 Sept. 1984, Manormead, Hindhead. Hollis was Anglican Bishop of Madras from 1942 to 1947 and the Church of South India's Bishop of Madras from 1947 to 1954.
15. W. T. Sathianadhan, `The Native Church in South India,' Report of the General Missionary Conference held at Allahabad 1872-73 (London, 1873), pp. 251-52. Not surprisingly, W. T. Sathianadhan's son Samuel became a founding Vice-President of the NMS.
16. G. W. Houghton, `The Development of the Protestant Missionary Church in Madras 1870-1920: The Impoverishment of Dependency' (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1981).
17. Ibid., pp. 281-94.
18. VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' HF (new series), XVI, 1 (Jan. 1905), pp. 19-20. Both Rhenius and Caldwell established native missionary societies. See R Frykenberg, `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India,' in op. cit., p. 203; and H. W. Tucker, Under His Banner: Papers on the Missionary Work of Modern Times (London, 1886), pp. 52-53.
21. Schwartz called these Indian workers his `Helpers,' while Rhenius used the terms `Pastor' or `Catechist.' The Tamil term was upadesiar, meaning territorial or 'parish' leaders, caregivers or `pastors.'
22. D. F. Ebright, `The National Missionary Society of India, 1905-1942,' in op. cit., p. 73.
23. G. Houghton, op. cit., pp. 117-20. For an impressive list of other small, localized indigenous missions, see D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 60-63.
24. G. S. Eddy, `Signs of Promise in India: The Missionary Spirit in the Native Church,' MRW (June 1904), pp. 430-31. Copy in II: 6/101, Eddy Papers, YDS.
19. Sunder Raj, The Confusion Called Conversion (New Delhi, 1986), p. 13.
20. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 361.
25. Ibid., p. 433. Also G. S. Eddy, The Missionary Spirit,' YMI, XIV, 10 (Oct. 1903), pp. 169-71.
26. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 60-63.
27. VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., pp. 19-20. Azariah also noted that Tinnevelly had sent evangelists to both the Kois (Godavary District) and the Todas (Nilgiris Hills).
28. A. H. Arden authored his works anonymously thus: Foreign Missions and Home Calls, 'By the Author of "Are Foreign Missions doing any Good?"' (London, 1893) and Are Foreign Missions Doing Any Good? 'By the Author of "Foreign Missions and Home Calls"' (London, 1894). Bibliography listings are under Arden.
29. Joseph Abraham, Fifty Years'History of the Indian Missionary Society ofTirunelveli (1903-1953) (Palayamkottai, 1955), pp. 1-4.
30. A. H. Arden, Foreign Missions and Home Calls, op. cit., p. 59. He quotes one calculation that the United States was making a return of 13 percent per annum on the money invested in its early missionary work in the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii). Arden did not write his book with Indian Christian audiences in mind. Foreign missions, as he conceived them, were always sent out by western churches to `heathen lands.'
31. VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., pp. 17-29; `The Missionary Effort of the Tinnevelly Church,' CMR, LIX (1908), pp. 554-60; Introductory Lessons on India and Missions, op. cit., pp. 93-96.
32. VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., p. 18.
33. See, e.g., G. S. Eddy, `Religion and Politics in India,' II: 6/125, Eddy Papers, YDS.
34. Its first missionary, J. K. Shinnatamby, was sent to India in 1899. For fifty years the Anglican church in Jaffna had already supported a mission to neighboring islands, `The Native Evangelical Society,' and an energetic `Women's Foreign Missionary Society' had also been established. Letter No. 22, `Corres: Report Letters from India,' I: 3/53, Eddy Papers, YDS; D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 63-67. For journals of their tour, see Letter Nos. 28-31, `Corres: Report Letters from India,' I: 3/55, Eddy Papers, YDS.
35. Eddy's original account credits Azariah with recognizing the need to recruit more Indians as missionaries; but, in a later interview, Eddy suggested that he issued a `personal challenge' to Azariah imploring him to found a similar society in Tinnevelly. G. S. Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade, op. cit., p. 143; Eighty Adventurous Years, op. cit., pp. 53-54. For an interview account, see D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 66-67.
36. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 66-69; VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., pp. 18-19.
37. For example, Rev. E. A. Douglas shared the speaker's platform with V. Gnanamuthu at a public meeting for the IMS in 1903, 7 July 1903, PIMS, IMSA.
39. 23 October 1903, PIMS, IMSA.
40. VSA, The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., pp. 19-20.
38. Ibid.
41. Ibid., pp. 23-25.
42. VSA, `Mission of Help to the Older Churches,' NCCR, L, 2 (Feb. 1930), pp. 59-61.
43. VSA, `The Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly and Fields for Work,' op. cit., pp. 22-23.
44. For examples of Tinnevelly's destruction of idols and reuse of Hindu shrines and temples, see Mission of Sawyerpooram, Part Second, Journal of the Rev. G. U. Pope, 5th ed. (London, 1846), pp. 17-18; Mission of Sawyerpooram, Part Third, Report of the Rev. G. U. Pope, January 1845, 4th ed. (London, 1847), p. S.
45. Quoted in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah 1974, op. cit., p. 25.
46. Joseph Abraham, Fifty Years History of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli (1903-1953), op. cit., p. 4.
47. R Hardgrave, The Nadars of Tamilnad, op. cit., pp. 43-94; Arun Bandopadhyay, `The Communal Riots in Tinnevelli in 1899,' op. cit.
48. E. F. Irschick, Politics and Social Conflict in South India: The Non-Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929 (Bombay, 1969).
49. Letter No. 32, `Corres: Report Letters from India,' I: 3/55, Eddy Papers, YDS.
52. `V. S. Azariah,' NMI, III, 10 (June 1909), p. 80. On the brotherhoods, see M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 303-16.
53. VSA, `The Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 31 (8 Sept. 1932), p. 368.
50. Letter No. 31, `Corres: Report Letters from India,' I: 355, Eddy Papers, YDS.
51. 5 March 1907, PIMS, IMSA.
54. Detailed studies include D. F. Ebright, `The National Missionary Society of India, 1905-1942,' in op. cit.; J. M. Jayasingh, `The History of the National Missionary Society of India: A Critical Study' (M.Th. thesis, Asian Centre for Theological Studies and Mission, Seoul, Korea, July 1983); Eric Sharpe, Not to Destroy but to Fulfil, op. cit., pp. 223-37; The National Missionary Society of India, 1905 (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, n.d.); The First Ten Years of the National Missionary Society, 1905-1916 (Salem: T.A.C. Press, n.d.); In His Footsteps: Report of the National Missionary Society oflndia, 1936 (Madras: NMS Press, 1936), copy in NMSA, Madras; G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, 1885-1950, op. cit., pp. 146-54.
55. Raja Sir Harnam Singh (1851-1930) was a convert from the royal house of Kapurthala and manager of the Kapurthala Estates in Oudh, and was knighted in 1899. Kali Charan Banerji (1847-1907) was a Brahmin convert, lawyer, newspaper editor, professor at Free Church College, translator of the New Testament into Bengali, and founder of the Calcutta Christo Samaj in 1887. Samuel Sathianadhan (18611906), son of W. T. Sathianadhan, was educated at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and became Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Presidency College, Madras, Fellow of both the Royal Statistical Society in London and University of Madras, Assistant to the ICS Director of Public Instruction and author of numerous books and articles. B. P. Sircar was a Hindu convert who received an M.A. degree in Canada, was ordained in 1904, and became a YMCA activist. N. C. Mukerji was a brilliant Brahmin convert who suffered from leprosy and became Principal of Ewing Christian College, Allahabad. S. V. Karmarkar was the son of a Brahmin convert from Poona, who received a B.D. degree at Yale, was ordained and worked with the American Marathi Mission, the YMCA, the British and Foreign Bible Society, and other Christian organizations. R. Siraj-ud-din was Professor of History and Logic at Forman Christian College and a founder of St. Andrew's Brotherhood, Lahore, which was dedicated to evangelizing the educated classes. J. R. Chitamber was the son of a Maratha Brahmin convert and Principal of Methodist College, Lucknow. In 1930, he became the first Indian bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church of South East Asia. L. T. Ah Son was a musician and teacher at Baptist College, Rangoon, and his brother, Ah Pon, was a doctor and an ordained medical missionary. They were the sons of Adoniram Judson's first converts. See C. E. Abraham, The Founders of the National Missionary Society ofIndia (Madras, 1947); D. F. Ebright, op. cit., Appendix II, pp. 251-54; W. D. Clarke, `In Memoriam: Samuel Satahianadan,' in op. cit.
56. Proceedings of the National Missionary Society: Minute Book (Dec. 1905-Dec. 1923), NMSA, Madras. Copy in D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 92-93. See also The Meeting at Serampore (Madras, 1947).
57. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 89-90.
58. `National Missionary Society,' NMI, II, 5 (Jan. 1908), pp. 40-41.
59. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., p. 104.
60. VSA, `The National Missionary Society of India,' HF (new series), XVII, 7 (July 1906), p. 251.
63. See Sherwood Eddy's important Letter No. 36,22 Jan. 1906,1:3/57, Eddy Papers, YDS.
61. Ibid., p. 248.
62. Ibid., p. 249.
68. `The Indian Christian Attitude towards Indian National Aspirations,' NMI, II, 9 (May 1908), pp. 84-85.
69. The Meeting at Serampore (Madras, 1947), p. 2, copy in NMSA, Madras. See also VSA, `The National Missionary Society of India,' op. cit., p. 246.
64. `Branches Old and New,' NMI, III, 6 (Feb. 1909), p. 51.
65. NMI, III, 8 (April 1909), pp. 61-62.
66. NMI, III, 9 (May 1909), pp. 69-70.
67. NMI, II, 11 (July 1908), p. 102.
70. NMI, II, 4 (Dec. 1907), p. 28.
73. Ibid., pp. 103, 143.
71. `Notes,' NMI, II, 12 (Aug. 1908), p. 122; D. F. Ebright, op. cit., p. 99.
72. D. F. Ebright, op. cit., p. 100.
74. `Notes,' NMI, II, 12 (Aug. 1908), p. 122.
75. C. F. Andrews, `A New Year's Message,' NMI, II, 5 (Jan. 1908), p. 35.
76. According to D. F. Ebright, op. cit., pp. 99-100. The society's most 'indigenous' later projects - the Christa Seva Sangha and the Christukula Ashram in Tirupattur -were initiated by westerners Jack C. Winslow and E. Forrester Paton (who co-founded the ashram with S. Jesudason).
77. NMI, II, 3 (Nov. 1907), pp. 19-21; II, 4 (Dec. 1907), p. 29; II, 5 (Jan. 1908), p. 36; III, 10 (June 1909), pp. 80-81.
78. `Korea: The Marvellous Successes of the Gospel,' NMI, II, 10 (June 1908), pp. 95-97.
79. J.N.R. (author), `John Gibson Paton,'NMI, II, 12 (Aug. 1908), pp. 116-21.
80. NMI, III, 9 (May 1909), pp. 72-73.
81. J. M. Jayasingh, op. cit., pp. 144-45, 207-11.
1. VSA to Anbu, 17 Aug. 1906, Azariah Collection, Madras.
2. Different dates for this event have been suggested. See, e.g., D. Packiamuthu, `Azariah, the Apostle of India,' in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah, 1974, op. cit., p. 82 (who sets the date as 1909); and J. Z. Hodge, op. cit., p. 17 (who claims Azariah came to the decision shortly after August 1906).
3. This story has been told by Azariah and by virtually all biographers, although the Rev. Alfred Bunyan believed that a suggestion by Henry Whitehead precipitated Azariah's resignation from the YMCA and his move to Dornakal. Interview, 29 March 1986, Dornakal.
4. The NMS had invited the Tinnevelly-based IMS to affiliate itself with the national organization in 1908 but then rejected the conditions under which the IMS desired to affiliate. Original Minute Books: Proceedings of the Executive Committee, I, 4 Aug. 1908; 11 March 1909; 13 May 1909; 14 July 1909, NMSA, Madras.
5. Resolution XIII, `Offer of Secretary Mr. V. S. Azariah,' 13 April 1909, PIMS, IMSA.
6. Mr. J. R Isaac, Letter to The Mail, 11 Feb. 1912; quoted in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariab, 1974, op. cit., p. 20.
7. Resolution XIII, 13 April 1909, PIMS, IMSA.
8. 1909 Folder, Azariah Collection, Madras.
9. G. S. Eddy, Eighty Adventurous Years, op. cit., p. 54. Elsewhere, Eddy described Azariah's decision as a heroic sacrifice': Eddy, Pathfinders of the World Missionary Crusade, op. cit., p. 147.
10. Interview with Azariah's daughter, Grace Aaron, 24-25 Sept. 1985, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.
It. D. A. Christadoss, `V. S. Azariah Missionary Priest,' in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariab, 1974, op. cit. pp. 42-43
12. Their four living children were Mercy (b. 8 April 1899), Edwin (b. 11 June 1901), George (b. 24 Dec. 1903), and Grace (b. 10 May 1908). They would have two more sons in Dornakal: Henry (b. 5 June 1911) and Ambrose (b. 31 Jan. 1916). A total of three children died in infancy. VSA to Anbu, 31 March 1909, Azariah Collection, Madras.
13. Rev. Canon Sell, `Strengthened with Might,' in The Glorious Company of the Apostles and Other Sermons (Madras, 1927), p. 15.
14. The so-called `Thomas Christians' began appointing Indian bishops only from 1896, although there had been earlier precedents. The Synod of Diamper in 1599 marked the beginning of a deep schism in the Syrian church between those who pledged allegiance to the Roman Catholic Church (and hence came under the jurisdiction of foreign bishops sent either by the Pope or by the Portuguese, who were given the right to appoint bishops under claims of the Padroado) and those who retained allegiance to the eastern churches (sometimes known as the Malankara Church). After the Syrian break with the Roman Catholics (over the famous oath of the Koonen Cross), leaders of the Malankara Church consecrated one of their own members as bishop (Parambil Tumi, known as Thomas de Campo) in a ceremony performed by priests (without any episcopal involvement) in 1653. By 1665, the Eastern Church established communion with the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, from whom it then received many of its future bishops. See A. M. Mundadan, Indian Christians: Search for Identity and Struggle for Autonomy (Bangalore, 1984), pp. 8-14; S. C. Neill, The Christian World, unpublished lecture series, Neill Collection, Oxford, and A History of Christianity in India: The Beginnings to 1707, op. cit. See also Leslie W. Brown, The Indian Christians of St. Thomas: An Account of the Ancient Syrian Church of Malabar (Cambridge, 1956, 1982).
15. They were given the title of Vicars Apostolic, signifying their role as direct representatives of the Pope in episcopal orders but without territorial titles taken from the area in which they were to work. S. C. Neill, The Christian Society (London, 1952), pp. 241-42; A History of Christianity in India: The Beginnings to 1707, op. cit., pp. 335-41; A. M. Mundadan, op. cit., pp. 140-44.
16. In that year it conferred episcopacy on Tiburtius Roche of Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu. In the centralized Roman Catholic Church hierarchy, progress towards indigenization of the episcopate depended very much on the actions of the Pope. It was the strong initiative of Pope Pius XI which led to the relatively rapid progress of episcopal indigenization in India and elsewhere after the consecration in Rome of 12 bishops of different races in October 1926. The first non-European Cardinals (who stand above bishops in the church hierarchy) were appointed by Pope Pius XII. S. Neill, The Christian Society, op. cit., pp. 241-42; and A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 521-27.
17. Brenton Thoburn Badley, The Making of a Bishop: The Life-Story of Bishop jashwant Rao Chitambar (Lucknow, 1942), p. 5. There are a number of striking similarities between the careers of Azariah and J. R Chitamber, the first Methodist bishop. Chitambar committed himself to Christian work under the influence of John Mott and Robert Wilder, who visited Lucknow in February 1896. (He signed the pledge to keep the `Morning Watch' and committed himself to take up direct Christian work unless prevented by God.) He accompanied Azariah as fellow delegate to Tokyo in 1907 and to Edinburgh in 1910, and was a co-founder of the NMS. The first Indian Lutheran bishop was Raja Manickam of Tranquebar, 1955. S. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., pp. 155-56.
18. Tsae-Seng Sing was consecrated assistant bishop in the Chekiang Diocese of the Chung Hua Sheng Kung Hui (the Anglican church in China) in October 1918. Ding Ing-ong was consecrated assistant bishop in Fukien Diocese in April 1927. (Interestingly, the diocesan bishop, John Hind, tried to persuade Ding to become diocesan bishop with himself as assistant, but testified that `the climate of opinion in the Fukien church, alike among missionaries and Chinese church members, was not ready for this.') The Roman Catholic Church in China had a similar experience to that in India. The first Chinese Roman Catholic bishop was Lo Wen-Tsao (1617-91) whose brief tenure as Bishop of Basilinopolis (1685 to his death) was followed by a long period of `regression.' Six Chinese bishops were among those consecrated by Pius XI in 1926. G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success: A History of the Church Missionary Society 1910-1942, II (London, 1977), pp. 246, 266, 286; G. K. A. Bell, Randall Davidson: Archbishop of Canterbury, II (London, 1935), pp. 1227-29.
19. J. S. Motoda and J. Y. Naide were consecrated as Bishops of Tokyo and Osaka respectively in the Nippon Sei Ko Kwai (The Holy Catholic Church of Japan), a united Anglican church. It is interesting to note that Archbishop Davidson began to encourage the NSKK to consecrate a bishop of Japanese birth in 1917. The Methodists preceded the Anglicans in Japan by consecrating Yoitsu Honda as bishop of the American Episcopal Methodist Church in 1907. The Roman Catholics waited until 1927 to consecrate aJapa- nese bishop, Mgr. Hayusake. G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., pp. 310-11.
20. Assistant Bishop Abere Balya.
21. Bishop Hassan Barnabas Dehqani-Tafti.
22. Henceforth the Government of India, or the Indian government, are terms used to designate the government of the Raj in India under British rule. (The British government, in contrast, was located in Britain.) The Government of India (GovernorGeneral in Council), the Government of Bengal (Government of Fort William, or Governor-in-Council for Bengal), and the Government of Madras (Government of Fort St. George, or Governor-in-Council for Madras) are also distinct from the governments of individuals, such as Curzon's government.
23. This theory receives detailed documentation in L. F. Knoll, `State and Religions in British India: 1814-1865' (Ph.D. thesis, Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, California, 1971). Although Knoll's thorough study of Ecclesiastical Department records in Madras provides an interesting history of church-state interaction, his conclusions suffer from a lack of perspective that might have been achieved by consulting other primary source materials such as those available in church and missionary society archives. The partnership theory is also a common theme in general histories such as Kenneth and Helen Ball hatchet, `Asia,' in The Oxford Illustrated History of Christianity, ed. John McManners (Oxford, 1990), pp. 488-518.
24. Both quoted in D. A. Low, Lion Rampant, op. cit., pp. 119-20.
25. R. E. Frykenberg, `Conversion and Crises of Conscience under Company Raj in South India,' in Asie du Sud, Traditions et Changements, Colloques Internationaux du C.N.R.S., no. 582, p. 312; `The Emergence of "Free" Religion under the Company's Raj in South India,' in op. cit., pp. 14-16; `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India during the Late Company Period,' in op. cit., pp. 210-15. See also C. Y. Mudaliar, The Secular State and Religious Institutions in India: A Study of the Administration ofHindu Public Religious Trusts in Madras (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp. 1-53, particularly, pp. 16-23. Furthermore, it was Indian Christians who were left with fewer rights in British India than any other group after the passage of the East India Act of 1813. They were excluded from certain jobs and professions, and were liable both to be deprived of property, wives, and children upon conversion, and to be punished in public by caning for refusing to participate in certain Hindu ceremonies. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 173, and R. E. Frykenberg, `The Emergence of "Free" Religion,' in op. cit., pp. 24-28.
26. M. E. Gibbs, The Anglican Church in India, op. cit., pp. 8-11; S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, 4th ed. (New York, 1977), pp. 208-11.
27. S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, op. cit., pp. 323-24; A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., pp. 255-61.
28. S. C. Neill, Colonialism and Christian Missions (London, 1966), pp. 99-100.
29. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 51, 82.
30. Using letters patent rather than the normal procedure of the conge d'elire, or `permission to elect' a bishop, which was granted by the Crown to the Dean and Chapter of a diocesan cathedral. The use of letters patent was permitted by an Act of 1547. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 261. For text of letters patent, see C. J. Grimes, Towards an Indian Church: The Growth ofthe Church ofIndia in Constitution and Life (London, 1946), pp. 229-38.
31. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 266. Such laws were often grossly inappropriate within the Indian context: ibid., p. 56.
32. Grimes, op. cit., p. 63. As the number of Anglican dioceses increased in the nineteenth century, the Bishoprics Act of 1878 mandated that only 26 British bishops were to have seats in the House of Lords.
33. S. C. Neill, History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 262; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 5 7;j. McLeod Campbell, Christian History in the Making (London, 1946), pp. 8889.
37. Quoted in ibid., p. 263. On the problem of episcopal relations with missionary societies, see Hans Cnattingius, Bishops and Societies, op. cit.
38. Previously vociferous opponents of missions to the East, such as Canon Sydney Smith, chose to remain silent and the church was less fearful of causing damaging political effects in India. Derrick Hughes, Bishop Sahib: A Life of Reginald Heber (Worthing, 1986), pp. 87-88, 194-95.
34. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 262.
35. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 58.
36. Quoted in S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 263.
39. Indian ordinands were exempted from making the oath of allegiance to the Crown required of candidates in England. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 267. Derrick Hughes, op. cit., p. 85.
40. Quoted from his farewell address to the SPCK in London before departure for India. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, p. 267;j. M. Campbell, op. cit., pp. 92-96.
41. In the Madras Presidency, the bishop was preceded only by the Governor and the Chief Justice. L. Newbigin, Unfinished Agenda: An Autobiography (London, 1985), p. 214.
42. John Rosselli, Lord William Bentinck: The Making of a Liberal Imperialist, 17741839 (Berkeley, 1974), p. 212.
43. By the late nineteenth century, one-fourth of India's Anglican clerical body was supported by Indian taxation mandated by Acts of Parliament. H. W. Tucker, Under His Banner, op. cit., pp. 45-46.
44. D. A. Low, Lion Rampant, op. cit., pp. 113-47.
45. VSA, `Self Government for the Church of England in India,' HF, XLIII (I in new series), 12 (Dec. 1923), p. 449.
46. This subject is reviewed in G. W. O. Addleshaw, `The Law and Constitution of the Church Overseas,' in The Mission of theAnglican Communion, ed. E. R. Morgan and R Lloyd (London, 1948), pp. 74-98.
47. S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, op. cit., p. 327.
48. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India: 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 266.
49. On the development of episcopacy in America, see F. V. Mills, Bishops by Ballot: An Eighteenth Century Ecclesiastical Revolution (New York, 1978).
50. T. E. Yates, Venn and Victorian Bishops Abroad: The Missionary Policies of Henry Venn and Their Repercussions upon the Anglican Episcopate of the Colonial Period 1841-1872 (London: SPCK, 1978), pp. 28-29; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 116.
51. The theory was expressed by Richard Hooker (c. 1554-1600) in his Treatise on the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity. For a nineteenth-century defense of this theory, see W. H. Fremantle, The World as the Subject of Redemption: Being an Attempt to Set Forth the Functions of the Church as Designed to Embrace the Whole Race of Mankind (1883 Bampton Lectures) (London, 1885).
52. See G. Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj, op. cit.; and `Christian Imperialists of the Raj: Left, Right and Centre,' in Making Imperial Mentalities: Socialisation and British Imperialism, ed. J. A. Mangan (Manchester, 1990), pp. 127-43.
53. C. J. Grimes, Towards an Indian Church, op. cit., p. 88.
54. W. F. France, The Oversea Episcopate: Centenary History of the Colonial Bishoprics Fund, 1841-1941 (London, 1941);j. M. Campbell, op. cit., pp. 113-15.
55. Owen Chadwick, The Victorian Church: Part II (London, 1970), p. 347.
56. Manchester, 1847; Truro, 1876; St. Alban's, 1877, Liverpool, 1880; Newcastle, 1882; Southwell, 1884; Wakefield, 1888; Bristol, 1897; Birmingham, 1905; Southwark, 1905. (Ripon was formed in 1836.) The movement for appointing suffragans began in 1870 when the dioceses of Canterbury and Lincoln appointed respectively the suffragan bishops of Dover and Nottingham. Today diocesan bishops are vastly outnumbered by suffragans in the two provinces of Canterbury and York.
57. Had the eighteenth-century conception of the episcopate survived into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is likely that the pressure to multiply dioceses in India, as well as in England, would have been substantially reduced. Cecilia M. Ady, `From the Restoration to the Present Day,' in The Apostolic Ministry: Essays on the History and the Doctrine of Episcopacy, ed. Kenneth E. Kirk (London, 1946), pp. 441-60; J. R H. Moorman, `The Anglican Bishop,' in Bishops: But What Kind? Reflections on Episcopacy, ed. Peter Moore (London, 1982), pp. 116-26; Owen Chadwick, op. cit., pp. 342-47.
58. The following discussion is based on an analysis by T. E. Yates, op. cit., pp. 1620, 99-109.
59. Quoted in ibid., p. 105. On Venn, see also C. Peter Williams, The Ideal of the Self-Governing Church: A Study of Victorian Missionary Strategy (Leiden, 1990); Max Warren, ed., To Apply the Gospel: Selections from the Writings of Henry Venn (Grand Rapids, 1971); and Wilbert R. Shenk, Henry Venn Missionary Statesman (Maryknoll, NY, 1983), and `The Contribution of Henry Venn to Mission Thought,' Anvil, II, 1 (1985), pp. 25-42.
60. The Anglo-Catholic critique of state control over the church and its bishops helped to move Anglicanism beyond British territorial control in Africa. Wilberforce's conception of `missionary bishops' as spiritually rather than legally ordained authorities inclined him to believe that the Anglican church should be free to create dioceses outside the dominions of the Crown. His advocacy of this position led to the first consecration in 1861 of a `missionary bishop' to an area without a preexisting church or state support when C. F. Mackenzie was appointed `Bishop of the Mission to the Tribes Dwelling in the Neighbourhood of the Lake Nyassa and the River Shire' in central Africa. The legal problems this presented the government were suggested by a letter from Bishop Gray, the Metropolitan of the Church of the Province of South Africa, who was responsible for Mackenzie's charge:
The Foreign Office is at present in a flutter about the possibility of issuing a licence without defining the limits of the Central African Diocese. They have referred the question to the Law Officers!! Shall I name the Mountains of the Moon? (Quoted in S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, op. cit., p. 304)
Mackenzie's consecration established an important precedent in the process of defining the legal position of Anglican dioceses outside British territories. The problem was settled during a protracted battle in the 1860s over the heresy trial and excommunication of the first Bishop of Natal, J. W. Colenso, during which the Church of England lost coercive jurisdiction over churches in self-governing colonies.
61. J. Richter, A History ofMissions in India, op. cit., p. 274; C. J. Grimes, Towards an Indian Church, op. cit., pp. 83-84; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 280J. M. Campbell, op. cit., p. 308.
63. Detailed discussions of episcopal extension in India may be found in: W. F. France, The Oversea Episcopate, op. cit.; J. Richter, A History of Missions in India, op. cit., pp. 273-80; C. J. Grimes, Towardsan Indian Church, op. cit., pp. 83-92; E. J. Palmer, `The Angli- can Communion: India,' in op. cit., pp. 202-3; and H. Whitehead, Indian Problems in Religion, Education, Politics, op. cit., pp. 100-102. Excellent documentation may also be found in the papers of M. E. Gibbs, IOR Neg 7667, I Gen. part a, IOL, London.
62. S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, op. cit., p. 327.
64. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 280.
65. Formally, the Bishops in Foreign Countries Act, which provided for the establishment of a joint bishopric whose incumbent was appointed alternately by the Crowns of England and Prussia. Interestingly, an Arab was not appointed to the Jerusalem bishopric until the 1970s. `The Jerusalem Bishopric,' seminar given by P. Urwin, Oxford, 5 May 1987.
66. As summarized by Henry Whitehead, Indian Problems in Religion, Education, Politics, op. cit., p. 90. Among other legal problems Whitehead noted that, according to letters patent, Commissioners Delegate were to be chosen from a body that no longer existed and the clergy were to be disciplined by officials who no longer existed.
67. Ibid., p. 91.
68. VSA, `Self Government for the Church of England in India,' in op. cit., pp. 447-48.
69. Grimes, Towards an Indian Church, op. cit., p. 103.
70. Ibid.
71. Henry Whitehead, Indian Problems in Religion, Education, Politics, op. cit., pp. 100-101.
72. Minutes of the Episcopal Synod of the Province of India and Ceylon, 1863-1908 (Calcutta, 1911), res. 7, p. 14.
73. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 262-77.
74. Ibid., p. 339.
75. Ms. 2966: 223, Palmer Papers, Lambeth Palace Library, London.
76. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 351; Proceedings of the Meeting of the Provincial Council of the Church of the Province oflndia, Burma and Ceylon, Second Session held at Calcutta, Jan. 28-Feb. 3, 1926, Record of Decisions, pp. 41-43, BHA, Calcutta.
77. DDM, V, 1 (Jan. 1928), p. 7; VSA, A Charge Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941 (Dornakal: Mission Press, 1941), p. 4; S. C. Neill, The Story ofthe Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., pp. 117-18.
78. Henry Whitehead's papers and correspondence were destroyed after his death, chiefly because of the Church Missionary Society's failure to recognize their importance (letter from his nearest living family relation, Barbara Holmes, 19 Oct. 1986). Nor were his papers kept by the Oxford Mission in Calcutta (letters from the Mission's General Secretary, Graham P. Newell, 31 Oct. 1985, and from the Rt. Rev. J. D. Blair, 15 Nov. 1985), by the Madras Diocese (apart from printed quarterly and monthly letters contained in an incomplete set of the diocesan magazines in the diocesan headquarters), or by Trinity College. (Indeed, a signed copy of Whitehead's book Indian Problems, which had been donated by Whitehead to his college library and which still contained his personal letter to the Principal, was found for sale at an Oxford bookshop during the course of this research.) Henry Whitehead's papers were important not only for their descriptions of Christian activity in Bengal and Madras during the period from 1883 to 1922, but also for their valuable ethnographic observations such as those contained in his book The Village Gods of South India.
Victor Lowe, the biographer of Alfred North Whitehead, was also unable to locate the letters between Henry Whitehead and his brother and concluded that they had been destroyed (letter from V. Lowe, 10 June 1985). Nor were later Bishops of Ma- dras, Michael Hollis and Lesslie Newbigin, aware of the existence of any collections of Henry Whitehead's papers (letter from Hollis to V. Lowe, 25 April 1969; interview with author, 7 Sept. 1984). One of the few scholars privileged to examine Whitehead's private papers and to interview his wife Isabel was Bengt Sundkler of Uppsala University, Sweden, to whom I am deeply indebted for allowing me to study his notes and for his valuable consultation. Sundkler compiled a sizable bibliography of Whitehead's writings in his book Church of South India, op. cit., p. 439. The listing of Henry Whitehead's published writings and addresses in the bibliography of this book, taken in conjunction with the sixteen items in Sundkler's bibliography, may represent only part of Whitehead's total life's output but comprise together the largest such bibliography compiled to date.
Apart from autobiographical details provided in his own writings (especially his `Pastoral Letter' and `Diary,' published in the Madras diocesan magazines and his book Indian Problems), there is very little biographical information available on Henry Whitehead. Among the best sources are George Longridge, A History of the Oxford Mission to Calcutta, 2nd ed. (London, 1910); Arthur H. B. Brittain, ed., The Secunderabad Magazine: A Record of Church Work in an Indian Parish, III, June 1900-April 1901 (Madras, 1901), p. 30; MDR, XIV, 1 (Jan. 1900), p. 2; Bengt Sundkler, Church of South India, op. cit.; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit.; `The Rt. Rev. Bishop Whitehead,' HF, XLII, 6 (June 1922), pp. 21617.
79. According to all sources except MDR, XIV, 1 (Jan. 1900), p. 2, which puts his ordination in 1880.
80. J. Richter, A History of Missions in India, op. cit., p. 325.
81. The Oxford Mission to Calcutta, First Annual Report: Michaelmas 1880, Oxford.
82. Whitehead taught all of his students to play cricket, one of his proudest accomplishments. B. Sundkler's interview with Isabel Whitehead, Sept. 1947, Reading. Sundkler Collection, Uppsala.
83. This 1899 estimate was based on a circulation figure of five thousand, plus readership gained because, the mission claimed, `the paper circulates to families, and to students' clubs, so that for every person who has a copy of the Epiphany sent him, probably some two or three at the very least will read it every week. A circulation, therefore, of about five thousand represents a body of something like ten thousand readers every week.' The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, 1899, pp. 19-20.
84. The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, 1890, pp. 29-30.
85. The Oxford Mission to Calcutta: Annual Report, 1896, p. 17.
86. George Longridge, op. cit., p. 146.
89. H. Whitehead, `The Future of Christianity in India,' MDM, I, 11 (Nov. 1906), p. 529.
87. See especially H. Whitehead, Our Mission Policy in India (Madras, 1907).
88. H. Whitehead, Work among Indian Outcastes (London, 1912), p. 4.
90. Minutes for 9 July 1906, 27 Jan. 1908,2 April 1908 (in which the IMS refused the suggestion of Mrs. Whitehead to establish a branch of the mission in Madras), 6 June 1908, 14 July 1909, in PIMS, IMSA.
91. Government of India, Department of Education, Ecclesiastical, No. 7 to the Secretary of State for India, 21 Sept. 1911; and A. G. Cardew, Government of Madras to the Home Department, Government of India, No. 69, 4 Oct. 1909, both in 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC. Also, Nos. 66-67, Nov. 1909, GOI, HDP, IOL.
92. MTDM, III, 3 (March 1908), pp. 80-81.
93. East Anglican Daily Times, 3 May 1927, quoted in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariab, op. cit., p. 20.
94. Whitehead to Copleston, 20 May 1909, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
95. The Synod approved his intention to appoint an assistant, on the understanding that the assistant bishop would not be a voting member of the Synod. Minutes of the Episcopal Synod of the Province of India and Ceylon, 1863-1908, op. cit., Res. 17, p. 79.
96. Whitehead to Copleston, 17 Nov. 1908, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
97. T. Walker to Durant, 1 April 1901; Minutes of the Tinnevelly CMS Missionary Conference, 6 April 1901; H. Schaffter to Durant, 10 April 1901; T. Walker to Durant, 4 April 1901; all in Sundkler Collection, Uppsala, Sweden.
98. B. Sundkler, Church of South India, op. cit., p. 52. See also pp. 50-60. Whitehead's metamorphosis would seem to illustrate G. A. Oddie's observation that circumstances and developments in India, rather than social and educational backgrounds in the West, were the most important factors contributing to British missionary involvement in Indian social reform. G. A. Oddie, Social Protest in India, op. cit., pp. 9-17. See also Brian Stanley, `The Reshaping of Christian Tradition: Western Denominational Identity in a Non-Western Context,' in Unity and Diversity in the Church, ed. R N. Swanson (Oxford, 1996), pp. 399-426.
99. Copleston's most famous work, Buddhism Primitive and Present in Magadha and in Ceylon (London, 1st ed., 1892; 2nd ed., 1908), is still regarded as a competent textbook by scholars today, as is Whitehead's Village Gods of South India (1st ed., London and New York, 1916; 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1921; republished in Delhi, 1976, and New York, 1980).
100. Correspondence between Whitehead and the Metropolitan in 1909 indicates that Azariah had already been discussed and approved privately as the candidate for the office. Copleston assured Whitehead in May that he approved of `the general plan, the person, and the ultimate hope' proposed by Whitehead. Whitehead to Copleston, 20 May 1909, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
101. B. Sundkler's interview with Isabel Whitehead, Sept. 1947, Reading. Sundkler Collection, Uppsala. Mrs. Whitehead's Work An Appreciation, by an anonymous author, p. 4, in Whitehead Collection, County Donegal, Ireland. (I am grateful to Barbara Holmes for granting me access to what remains of the family's papers.) Little information is available on Mrs. Whitehead apart from secondary descriptions of her artistic and social service interests in biographies of Azariah. (She was a painter, an enthusiastic hostess, President of the YWCA, and founder of the Social Service League in Madras). Henry Whitehead gave credit to his wife for Azariah's appointment during a tour of the Dornakal Diocese after his 1922 retirement from Madras. See G. Abraham to Metropolitan, 24 June 1935, 422: 19A, D Series, USPG.
102. H. Whitehead to J. Mott, 26 April 1909, 1: 99/1740, Mott Papers, YDS.
105. Copleston to C. E. C. Bardsley, St. John Baptist's Day, 1912, 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
106. Copleston to Whitehead, 26 May 1909, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC. See also Whitehead to Copleston, 20 May 1909, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
103. Whitehead to Copleston, 20 May 1909, 5: 1/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
104. Copleston to Whitehead, 26 May 1909, ibid.
107. Whitehead to Copleston, 5 July 1909, ibid.
108. Whitehead to Copleston, 11 Jan. 1910, with enclosure: Government of Madras, Ecclesiastical Department Memo No. 525-1, 3 Jan. 1910, ibid.
109. Edwin Hirschmann, The `White' Mutiny: The Ilbert Bill Crisis in India and the Genesis of the Indian National Congress (New Delhi, 1980).
112. Copleston to Whitehead, 31 Jan. 1910, 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
113. Resolution 11, Minutes of the Episcopal Synod held at Calcutta from 1910-1936, p. 4, BHA, Calcutta; Copleston to Whitehead, 7 July 1911,5:1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 342-43.
114. Whitehead, Indian Problems, op. cit., pp. 100-101.
110. `Consecration of Indian Bishops,' Minute, 7 Dec. 1905, 3860, J&P, IOL.
111. H. C. Woodman (Additional Deputy Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department) to the Chief Secretary to the Government of Madras, No. 510, 27 Nov. 1909, GOI, HDP, IOL.
115. Thomson was educated at Aberdeen University, was appointed to the ICS after the 1869 examination, and served in several posts in Madras, Godavari, and Travancore/Cochin until his retirement in 1906. He became a member of the Council of India in 1908, where he and Lee-Warner were considered the most conservative members. John Morley concluded that Thomson was `no good at all.' See Stanley Wolpert, Morley and India: 1906-1910 (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 152, 268.
116. `Proposal to appoint an Assistant Bishop in Madras: Note of dissent by Sir James Thomson,' 8 May 1912, 2341, J&P, IOL.
117. Note from Sir James Thomson, 15 July 1912, 2341, J&P, IOL. See also in 2341, J&P, IOL: Minute 1912; Thomson to M. C. Seton, 20 May 1912; E. J. Turner to Thomson, n.d.; note from Thomson, 5 June 1912; Seton to Sir William Lee Warner, 8 June 1912; Seton to Sale, 8 July 1912; Sale to Seton, 9 July 1912.
118. `Proposal to appoint an Assistant Bishop in Madras: Note of dissent by Sir James Thomson,' in op. cit.
119. Ibid.
120. Edgerley was educated at Balliol and entered the ICS in 1877. He served in a variety of posts in Bombay (Private Secretary to the Governor, 1889-95; Secretary to the Government, 1897; Member of the Council, 1907), and became a member of the Council of India in 1909.
121. Arthur Hirtzel to Seton, 2 April 1912, 2341, J&P, IOL.
122. Hirtzel was Secretary to the Political Department at the India Office from 1909 to 1917, and Permanent Under-Secretary until 1930. John Morley considered Hirtzel his `right hand man' during his tenure as Secretary of State.
123. Hirtzel to Seton, 19 April 1912, 2341, J&P, IOL.
124. `Reference Paper,' 3926/1 1, J&P, 6 Nov. 1911 and `Minute,' J&P 3926, 1911; both in 2341, J&P, IOL. Hirtzel indicated that certain letters concerning the Azariah debate were removed from the file at the Secretary of State's instruction. Although the reason for this is not given, it could possibly have been Crewe's desire to protect the contents of this debate from public exposure (Hirtzel to Seton, 2 April 1912, 2341, J&P, IOL; see also Whitehead to Copleston, 15 Aug. 1911, and other items in 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC).
That Hirtzel favored Azariah's elevation to the episcopacy is further proof of Studdert-Kennedy's argument that, by overlooking the religious dimension of the Secretary's life and thought, Stanley Wolpert has misrepresented Hirtzel as a mere conservative opponent of liberal proposals (a `potent deterrent to liberalizing change'), but with a contradictory and inexplicable commitment to the evolution of Indian nationalism (G. Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj, op. cit., pp. 73-80). As Hirtzel's advocacy of Azariah (and of the later church unity movement spearheaded by Azariah) suggests, this contradiction finds its resolution in the christological domain. Hirtzel's liberalism was derived from his commitment to the Christian missionary endeavors which, if supported enthusiastically, would insure that `when Indians come to govern themselves in accordance with Indian ideas, Indian ideas are to be Christian ideas' (quoted in ibid., p. 79). Azariah's appointment was thus an important step in the Christian `imperialist's' plan, for it marked the stage at which the British race (the superior race, Hirtzel argued, because it was Christian) passed a significant portion of its imperial trusteeship to an Indian who would assist the British in their historical mission of promoting the collective redemption of humankind in Christ. Azariah promised to be a willing partner in the Christian imperialist's mission and thus he was to be encouraged in his leadership.
125. Debates on Indian Affairs, House of Commons, Session 1912 (2 and 3 George V), 20 Feb. 1912 to 6 March 1913, Comprising Extracts from The Parliamentary Debates (London, 1912), col. 79.
126. Proceedings of the Council of the Governor of Fort St. George, Jan. 1911 to June 1912, vol. XXXIX, pt. 1 (Madras, 1912), pp. 907-8, in Legislative Council Proceedings, Madras, 1911-12, V/9/2492, IOL.
127. Editorial, Church Times, 24 Jan. 1913, quoted in B. Sundkler, Church of South India, op. cit., p. 372, n.18, and in Sundkler collection.
128. Quoted in J. Brown, Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy, op. cit., p. 139.
129. Whitehead to Copleston, 15 Aug. 1911, 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
130. By 1917, the Metropolitan reported that seven CMS clergy in Ellore wished to be transferred from the Madras Diocese to the Dornakal Diocese and added, `I believe I am right in saying that four years ago some of them had expressed very strongly their determination not to work under an Indian Bishop. Certainly many of the Madras missionaries took this position. The change is a most wonderful testimony to the depth and power of Bishop Azariah's work. A more splendid indication of the wisdom of making the experiment could hardly be imagined.' H. H. Montgomery, The Life and Letters of George Alfred Lefroy (London, 1920), p. 248.
131. `Resolution of the India Sub-Committee,' 24 January 1912, 178: 357, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace.
132. Davidson to Stenning, 27 Jan. 1912, 178: 361-62, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace.
133. The Archbishop said to Azariah in a 1910 meeting: `Well, you have been in orders only a year: That gives ground to the opposition.' VSA to Anbu, 8 July 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
134. Reaching just beyond Singareni in the North and Cuddapah in the South, to just beyond Kurnool in the West and Masulipatam in the East.
135. Bernard Lucas, HF, XXXII, 9 (Sept. 1912), p. 329. On Lucas, see G. Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj op. cit., pp. 135-37, in which he notes Hirtzel's attraction to Lucas's liberal theology. See also Kaj Baago, Pioneers of Indigenous Christianity, op. cit., pp. 200-206; and Brian Stanley, `The Reshaping of Christian Tradition," in op. cit., pp. 411-12.
136. Bernard Lucas, HF, XXXII, 11 (Nov. 1912), pp. 407-8.
137. The Hindu - Madras, XVIII, 2 (9 Jan. 1913), p. 5.
138. I am indebted to Mahatma Gandhi's grandson, Rajmohan Gandhi, for focusing my attention on this aspect of the Indian response to Azariah's appointment during two conversations in Madras in February 1986.
139. See, e.g., V. S. Azariah to Maulvi Syed Ahmed Ulla Sahib, Esq., Dornakal, July 31, 1911; Syed Ahmed Ulla, Taluqdar and Bunjudar of Dornakal, to V. S. Azariah, 31 July 1911; Director General, H. H. the Nizam's Government, Revenue Department to V. S. Azariah, 27 July 1912 and 16 Oct. 1917; DDA.
140. 12 July 19 11, Minutes of the Executive Committee, Minute Book, 1903-22, PIMS; interviews with Alfred Bunyan, 29 March 1986, and with Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
141. Interviews with Alfred Bunyan, 29 March 1986, and Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
142. `Members of the Church of England' to The Lord Bishops of the Province of India and Ceylon, n.d. (Nurul Islam Press, Tinnevelly), 178: 369-70, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace. Copy with signatures in 5: 1/4, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
143. `Christians in communion with the Church of England and living in the Diocese of Madras' to Copleston (Vest & Co., Madras, n.d.), 178: 371-72, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace. Copy with signatures in 5: 1/4, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
144. `... we beg the Synod to consider very carefully the result of imposing an Assistant Bishop on an unwilling Diocese which has never been consulted as to his pay and position. We protest against the secrecy with which all arrangements have been made.' See `Christians in communion with the Church of England and living in the Diocese of Madras' to Copleston (Vest & Co., Madras, n.d.), 178: 371-72, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace. Copy with signatures in 5: 1/4, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
145. C. H. Gill to Copleston, 10 Feb. 1912, 5: 1/5, Dornakal, MACIPBC. See also (i) `The Indian Christian Community in Communion with the Church of England, and living in the Diocese of Madras to the Archbishop of Canterbury' (Vest & Co., Madras, n.d.); (ii) C. M. Soondram to Davidson, n.d., (iii) letter from VOX POPULI in the Indian Patriot, 23 April 1912; letter from CMS in the Indian Patriot, 30 April 1912; letter from C. G. Marshall to the Madras Times, 20 March 1912 (which claims mistakenly that Azariah would be paid from state revenues and questions the propriety of this in light of the declared neutrality of the Crown and government in matters of religion), all in 178: 386-88, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace.
146. Whitehead to Copleston, 8 Nov. 1911, 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
147. Whitehead to Davidson, 6 June 1912, 178: 389-90, Davidson Papers, Lambeth Palace. See also Whitehead to Copleston, 14 Sept. 1911, 5: 1/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC. By race prejudice, Whitehead was referring to internal Indian prejudices against the darker-skinned Dravidian races.
Whitehead added that one of the main organizers of the protest in Madras, C. M. Soondram, bore a personal grudge against Azariah for refusing to speak at a meeting organized by Soondram in protest against another speaker's `gross immorality.'
148. `Petition for Rev. V. S. Azariah's appointment as Bishop of Dornakal,' 5: 1/ 6, Dornakal, MACIPBC. See also 5: 115 for further letters and petitions in Azariah's favor. This same argument had been used in 1878 by Nadar Christians to prevent the proposed appointment of a Vellalar to the bishopric in Tinnevelly.
1. VSA to Anbu, 2 Aug. 1909, Azariah Collection, Madras.
2. VSA to Anbu, 31 March 1909, Azariah Collection.
3. VSA to Anbu, 9 Sept. 1909, Azariah Collection.
4. H. H. Montgomery, The Life and Letters of George Alfred Lefroy, op. cit., pp. 238-39.
5. Alec R. Vidler, The Church in the Age of Revolution: 1789 to the Present Day (Middlesex, 1961), p. 252.
6. VSA to Anbu, 26 May 1909, Azariah Collection, Madras.
7. `How Should Indians Dress?' CP, VII, 17 (23 April 1896), p. 5.
8. The ongoing popularity of turbans during this period is suggested by the many photographs of prominent figures such as Radhakrishnan, C. Rajagopalachari, Sarvepalli Gopal, or members of the Legislative Assembly in Madras, in which they are wearing turbans. Azariah and his peers were likely using their headgear to make a statement about modernity and its separation from traditional caste domination. Later in Dornakal, Azariah's son recalls, Azariah regarded turbans as unnecessary because, unlike peasants, clergy did not need protection from the sun. (Interview with Ambrose Azariah, 2 March 1986, Madras.)
9. VSA to Anbu, 21 May 1909, Azariah Collection, Madras. Although Azariah desisted at this stage, some Indian Christians did wear turbans during this period. See, e.g., the 1905 photograph of NMS founders in which three delegates are wearing turbans: Siraj-ud-din of Lahore, Chitamber of Lucknow, and Karmarkar of Bombay. (Two of these were sons of Brahmin converts, and one was a Muslim convert whose family was said to be related to notable Muslim saints whose tombs were located in Srinigar, Kashmir.) See RG 32, IV; 23/239, Eddy Papers, YDS. One photograph of Azariah in a procession in Tinnevelly pictures him in a turban, but this was clearly a special ceremonial occasion and we do not know if Azariah was pressured against his will to don it.
10. VSA to Anbu, 5 Sept. 1909, Azariah Collection, Madras.
It. As one historian has written of the `younger churches" persistent use of western clothing styles: `Native priests were dressed up like European clergymen, and even native bishops, when there came to be such, adorned themselves in the riding attire of eighteenth-century English prelates.' Alec R. Vidler, op. cit., p. 252.
12. Family photo album, Azariah Collection, Madras.
13. Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press: Delhi, 1997), pp. 106-62; David Cannadine, `The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the "Invention of Tradition," c. 1820-1977,' in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 101-64.
14. Azariah to Mrs. Whitehead, 3 Oct. 1912, Sundkler Collection, Uppsala. See the frontispiece to Eyre Chatterton, A History of the Church of England in India, op. cit.
15. VSA to Anbu, 11 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
16. Ibid.
17. VSA to Anbu, 19 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras. The tension, embarrassment, and, sometimes, humor produced when Indians and Europeans imagined the experience of the `other' through dramatic enactments are deeply revealing. Compare Azariah's descriptions of Westerners dressed as Indians with Henry Whitehead's description of Telugu schoolboys performing a musical drama of the life of Joseph:
The dresses looked as though they had been borrowed from some Hindu Dramatic Company in the town. They were an extraordinary assortment of garments, Indian and European. The actors whitened their faces with chalk, producing a most ghastly effect, and they walked up and down the stage flourishing sticks, swords, and pocket handkerchiefs. Jacob looked like an elderly Hindu of the olden school, Joseph like a spoilt child of a Hindu Raja, with a much bespangled coat and with his cheeks painted white, with bright patches of red. He walked up and down the stage flourishing his pocket handkerchief, till one gradually felt profound sympathy for his brothers. When he was finally sold for 30 pieces of silver, a Hindu merchant in the audience justly remarked, `It is too much, he is not worthy of it."A Diary of the Bishop's Tour,' MTDM, V, 8 (Aug. 1910), pp. 294-95.
18. VSA to Anbu, 11 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
19. Isabel Whitehead to Anbu, 16 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
20. Edwin Samuel Montagu Diaries, 1912-1913, pp. 79-80, 84-85, D. 523/38-40, IOL, London.
21. She seems to have had a warmer, although still patronizing, relation with Azariah's wife. In one letter to Anbu, she asked Anbu to pray for her reunion with her son Constantine, after eighteen months' separation (Isabel Whitehead to Anbu, 16 April 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras). One expects that Anbu was more sympathetic than Edwin Montagu about the English memsahib's forced separations from children.
24. VSA to Anbu, 27 April 1910.
22. VSA to Anbu, 22 April, 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
23. Ibid.
25. VSA to Anbu, 16 June 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras. Mrs. Whitehead was not the only liberal westerner guilty of being overbearing. Azariah had experienced similar pressure from his confidant in this instance, Sherwood Eddy, during their NMS collaboration, as noted in the previous chapter.
26. Ibid.
27. `The Problem of Co-operation between Foreign and Native Workers,' in World Missionary Conference, 1910: The History and Records of the Conference: Together with Addresses Delivered in the Evening Meetings (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 306, 311, 315.
30. Ibid., p. 312.
28. Isabel Whitehead to Anbu, 2 July 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
29. Ibid., p. 315.
31. Ibid., p. 306.
32. S. C. Neill, `Bishop Azariah,' op. cit., p. 38.
33. That is, nothing above the waist or below the knee. Ibid.
34. Emma Tarlo, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India (Chicago, 1996), pp. 251-83.
35. Nor was there much interest in imitating mosques, apparently because they excluded women in worship, although probably also because of the converts' desire for distinctiveness from other Indian religious traditions. S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 411; A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 536-39; The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., pp. 163-65; A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose (Madras, 1958), p. 79.
36. E. B. Havell, `Christian Architecture in India,' MTDM, IX, 2 (Feb. 1914), pp. 49-51, advocates the use of Hindu architecture for Christian churches.
37. Interview with Bishop Michael Hollis, 7 Sept. 1984, Manormead, Hindhead. See also K. M. de Silva, `From Elite Status to Beleaguered Minority: The Christians in Twentieth Century Sri Lanka,' in Asie du Sud. Traditions et Changements, Colloques Internationaux du CNRS, No. 582, p. 349.
38. Interview with Ambrose Azariah, 2 March 1986, Madras.
39. There is some disagreement about the original name of the village. One account claimed it was first called `Whitehead Farm' (interviews with Rev. M. Daniel, 29 March and 8 April 1986, Dornakal), while another claimed it was first called `Conconda' after Henry Whitehead's son, John Henry Constantine (nicknamed `Concon'), who later became one of the world's great mathematicians (interview with Ambrose Azariah, 24 March 1986, Madras). Both accounts agreed, however, that the Whiteheads were responsible for persuading Azariah to change the name to Vedanayagapuram.
40. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal. The stone pillar capped with a crown appears to have been placed there on the occasion of the King's silver jubilee in 1935.
41. VSA to Anbu, 11 May 1910, Azariah Collection, Madras.
42. John V. Taylor, `Selfhood Presence or Persona?' in The Church CrossingFron- tiers: Essays on the Nature of Mission in Honour of Bengt Sundkler, ed. P. Beyerhaus and C. F. Hallencreutz (Uppsala, 1969), p. 176.
43. J. M. Brown, Modern India: The Origins ofanAsian Democracy, op. cit., pp. 147-49. Also B. T. McCully, English Education and the Origins of Indian Nationalism (New York, 1940); C. H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform (Princeton, 1964).
44. The subject arose in a 1857 debate over the creation of a new diocese centered in Agra in the North-Western Province (later known as the United Province of Agra and Oudh, and then as Uttar Pradesh; but not the same as the North-West Frontier Province). The CMS resisted the appointment of a foreign missionary bishop in favor of `a resident bishop who is familiar with the language and habits of the Native Christian Church, and who fully enjoys its confidence. But the question will then arise whether a native will not be the proper person' (quoted in S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., p. 274; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 194; and T. E. Yates, op. cit., pp. 104-6). In a memorandum on the extension of the Indian episcopate, the society reiterated its position that missionaries and evangelists should lead the way in establishing a native church rather than foreign missionary bishops who would, they argued, retard the emergence of indigenous bishops.
The proposal for a bishopric at Agra was dropped largely because of CMS missionaries' lingering belief that missionaries and chaplains ordained in England and supported largely by foreign agencies ought not to be subject to the jurisdiction of an than Christians in Political Affairs,' in The Church Crossing Frontiers: Essays on the Nature ofMission in Honour ofBengt Sundkler, ed. P. Beyerhaus and C. F. Hallencreutz [Uppsala, 1969], pp. 78-79).
Indian bishop consecrated in India. They protested that the Indian bishop's authority would be severely limited if it did not include control over the appointment and salaries of missionaries and chaplains serving within the diocese. Therefore, Neill contends that organizational and financial considerations more than racial prejudice hindered the early emergence of an Indian bishop (S. C. Neill, Colonialism and Christian Missions, op. cit., p. 108).
The idea of appointing an Indian bishop was raised again in the following decade by Azariah's father's mentor, CMS missionary John Thomas. Unlike the church in the Punjab, the Tinnevelly church was relatively advanced in financial self-support. Only the Ugandan church in Africa had gone further in realizing Henry Venn's vision of self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating churches with indigenous church councils and speedy transfers of authority to the native clergy (the so-called `euthanasia' of mission). By 1864, John Thomas wanted to place fifteen self-reliant congregations under the jurisdiction of an Indian bishop.
The Metropolitan at the time, Bishop Cotton, approved of appointing an Indian, but only as an assistant to the Bishop of Madras. This modified plan was then undercut by a report to Cotton from the SPG missionary in Tinnevelly, Robert Caldwell, questioning the Tinnevelly church's ability to maintain itself financially apart from the missionary societies. Caldwell doubted that an Indian bishop could operate effectively as a diocesan leader or that a suitable episcopal candidate could be found among the Tamil clergy. `Things appear to me to be about as ripe at present for our having a native Governor as for our having a native Bishop' (M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 252-53). By 1866, the plan for an Indian bishop was abandoned, although it was referred to repeatedly by the Bishop of Madras, Frederick Gell (bishop 1861-99), in subsequent charges to the diocesan clergy as part of his efforts to encourage the indigenous church to become more self-supporting, self-governing, and self-expanding. He considered the plan for a native bishop to be merely postponed and suggested that native chaplains be appointed instead (Frederick Gell, A Charge Delivered on the 1st of November 1866 in St. George's Cathedral, Madras, at the Second Visitation of Frederick Gell, Bishop of Madras [Madras, 1867], pp. 30-32; A Charge Delivered on the 27th of October 1869 in St. George's Cathedral, Madras, at the Third Visitation of Frederick Gell, Bishop ofMadras [Madras, 1869], p. 11).
The CMS continued to explore the possibility of an Indian bishop for Tinnevelly in the 1870s without success. It chose a British missionary, Edward Sargent, as assistant bishop for the CMS mission areas in Tinnevelly in 1877. At least two Tamil clergymen were subsequently advanced as possible candidates for Tinnevelly bishoprics. But the first, William Sathianadhan, was rejected because of his caste affiliation as a Vellalar in contrast to Tinnevelly's Nadar majority. The other candidate, Vedanayagam Viravagu, was put forward in 1880 for a minuscule bishopric to be created in the north of the district but declined the offer, and the plan was therefore deemed `premature' (M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 254; S. C. Neill, `The Participation of In-
45. S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 403-5.
46. See M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 254. Racist pressure to segregate the native and European churches under separate bishops began very early in India, and the bishops consistently took a firm stand against it. In 1838 a CMS missionary influenced by Tractarian ideals proposed unsuccessfully that the church in India subdivide its three dioceses and create suffragan bishops in each new area (T. E. Yates, op. cit., pp. 78-83). Bishop Samuel Wilberforce's unsuccessful motion to Parliament in 1853, examined above, would have allowed the creation of missionary bishops (probably Europeans rather than Indians) for the Indian congregations within existing bishoprics (Julius Richter, A History of Missions in India, op. cit., p. 274). The Bishops' Conference in 1873 decisively rejected a proposal for assistant bishops as opening the way for `an inferior class of Bishops' without the freedom and independence necessary to execute the duties of their office (E. J. Palmer, `The Anglican Communion: India,' Episcopacy Ancient and Modern, op. cit., pp. 205-6; see also Church Missionary Society: Resolutions passed by the General Committee, July 22, 1873, on the Appointment of Coadjutor Bishops in India, 1: 1, Bishops, MACIPBC). This decision was crucial, argued a former Bishop of Bombay in 1930, for avoiding the `considerable temptation to appoint Indian bishops as assistants ... [which] would have become a cause of much ill-feeling today' (E. J. Palmer, `The Anglican Communion: India,' op. cit., p. 207).
The possibility that the episcopacy might be divided along racial lines was always imminent. Records of the Episcopal Conference in 1888 indicate that, although the bishops were steadfastly opposed to `the idea of two churches, one for Europeans and one for Natives,' their views were not shared by people in England (Report of the Episcopal Conference, Calcutta [handwritten], 16 Jan. 1888, p. 3, BHA, Calcutta). In fact, Henry Venn and the CMS were by the late 1860's advocating racially defined episcopates because Venn feared that racially integrated churches would always be dominated by Europeans. See C. Peter Williams, The Ideal of the Self-Governing Church, pp. 43-47.
49. S. C. Neill, `The Participation of Indian Christians in Political Affairs,' op. cit., p. 68.
50. Whether the CMS objections were valid or not (most secondary sources have concluded they had some validity although further investigations may reveal otherwise), it is undeniable that the society's response worsened relations between the mis- sionaries and many Tinnevelly Christians by the century's end. Ibid., pp. 68-69J. Richter, A History of Missions in India, op. cit., p. 431; S. C. Neill, Creative Tension: The Duff Lectures, 1958 (London, 1959), pp. 68-69.
47. C. Graham, Azariah ofDornahal, op. cit., p. 40; M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 343.
48. S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 525-26.
51. On the history of Crowther's bishopric, see Lamin Sanneh, West African Christianity: The Religious Impact (London, 1983), pp. 75-76, 81-89, 168-78; T. E. Yates, op. cit., pp. 110-17, 124-63; J. B. Webster, The African Churches among the Yoruba, 1888-1922 (Oxford, 1964); S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 306, 377-78, 396; Max Warren, Social History and Christian Mission (London, 1967), pp. 23-50.
52. Practical considerations rather than capitulation by Crowther's mentor, Henry Venn, to Tractarian ideals account for the appointment of Crowther as bishop to a mission field. See Yates, op. cit., pp. 153, 162.
53. It was fellow Anglican Roland Allen who in 1927 first suggested that Crowther had been the victim of an impossible situation. Bengt Sundkler, The Christian Ministry in Africa (London, 1962); Roland Allen, The Spontaneous Expansion of the Church (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1962), pp. 140-41; S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 377-78, 396 (additional note); S. C. Neill, Anglicanism, op. cit., p. 341; T. E. Yates, op. cit., pp. 158-63; Lamin Sanneh, West African Christianity, op. cit., pp. 169-73.
54. B. Sundkler, The Christian Ministry in Africa, op. cit., p. 46. Crowther was succeeded by three European bishops and, although a number of Africans were appointed as assistant bishops in following years, no African diocesan bishop was appointed again until 1952. It is interesting to note that Africans generally opposed the appointment of British successors. As we shall see, this contrasts with the Dornakal experience where the indigenous church virtually insisted that a European successor to Azariah be appointed.
Crowther's humiliation and the choice of a European successor created a strong backlash among African Christians, whose growing separatist sentiments led subsequently to the prolific growth of Africa's independent churches. The appointment of African assistant bishops to serve under Europeans, beginning with James Johnson in the Niger Delta, created further animosity among African congregations and widened the separatists' rift with Anglicanism (L. Sanneh, West African Christianity, op. cit., pp. 168-78).
55. Rev. Canon Sell, `Strengthened with Might,' in The Glorious Company of the Apostles and Other Sermons (Madras, 1927), p. 17.
56. Although these missionaries condemned caste practices among Indian converts, they nevertheless made themselves into an exclusive caste in India. This contradiction between their Enlightenment-based opposition to caste or class and their own behavior was remarked upon by Bishop Heber and others. M. Warren, Social History and Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 36-56; Michael Hollis, Paternalism and the Church, op. cit.
57. M. Warren, op. cit., p. 50.
58. M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 338-39.
59. J. A. Sharrock, South Indian Missions: Containing Glimpses into the Lives and Customs of the Tamil People (London, 1910), p. 280.
60. Ibid., p. 279.
61. See Brajendra Nath De, `Reminiscences of an Indian Member of the Indian Civil Service,' memoirs published serially in Calcutta Review, CXXXII-CXXXVI (April 1953 July 1956). I am grateful to Barun De for having drawn my attention to this interesting memoir. On British strategies for coping with new demands made by western-educated Indians, see J. M. Brown, Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy (Delhi, 1985), pp. 138-43. See also Francis G. Hutchins, The Illusion of Permanence, op. cit.; John R. McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress, op. cit., pp. 21-49; Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 131-93.
62. Interview with David Packiamuthu, 13 March 1986, Perumalpuram, Tirunelveli. Miss Ardill was undoubtedly related to the conservative CMS missionary in Palamcottah, R F. Ardill, who was also critical of Azariah's consecration, as we shall see in a following chapter.
63. At the time of Azariah's consecration, all other Indian bishops except two were Oxbridge graduates of considerable distinction, and the two others were graduates of Trinity College, Dublin: Reginald Stephen Copleston (fellow and tutor of St. John's College, Oxford), Henry Whitehead (fellow and lecturer of Trinity College, Oxford), Edwin James Palmer (first-class Lit. Hum., fellow and tutor of Balliol College, Oxford), Ernest Arthur Copleston (Reginald's younger brother, St. John's College, Ox- ford), Rollestone Sterritt Fyffe (Emanuel College, Cambridge), George Alfred Lefroy (first-class Theological Tripos, Trinity College, Cambridge), Charles Hope Gill (Queen's College and Ridley Hall, Cambridge), George Herbert Westcott and Foss Westcott (fourth and fifth sons of Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, Brooke Foss Westcott, a famous new Testament scholar; both sons at Peterhouse, Cambridge), Arthur Acheson Williams (Trinity College, Dublin; fellow of Madras University), Eyre Chatterton (honours in classics and literature, Senior Moderator, and Gold Medallist in Ethics and Logic, First Theological Exhibitioner, Trinity College, Dublin).
64. Whitehead, Indian Problems in Religion, Education, and Politics, op. cit., pp. 199224; R J. Moore, Liberalism and Indian Politics: 1872-1922 (London, 1966).
65. Whitehead, Indian Problems, pp. 270-301.
66. MTDM, III, 9 (Sept. 1908), pp. 327-28.
67. Edwin Samuel Montagu Diaries, 1912-13, D. 52338-40, IOL.
68. Rev. Canon Sell, `Strengthened with Might,' in op. cit., pp. 13-23.
69. Carol Graham, Azariah ofDornahal, op. cit., p. 40; M. Gibbs, op. cit., p. 343.
70. MTDM, VII, 9 (Sept. 1912), pp. 263-72.
71. Gibbs claims that Nirod Kumar Biswas was the second Indian diocesan bishop. He was consecrated Bishop of Assam in 1946, whereas C. K. Jacob was consecrated the year before, as Gibbs's own appendix demonstrates. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 380, 414, 416. Neill also claims that Azariah had one Indian diocesan colleague at the time of his death. S. C. Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, op. cit., p. 155.
72. Unlike Azariah, who was given complete administrative control over a designated area while serving simultaneously as an assistant to the Bishop of Madras from 1913 to 1921, the assistant bishops of Calcutta and Lahore were given no independent jurisdiction over subdivisions of their dioceses and, hence, no diocesan seats in the Episcopal Synod such as that occupied by Azariah from the date of his consecration. Azariah suggested that they should be given such limited privileges in `Circular Letter,' 16 Nov. 1942, 1: 4, Episcopal Synod, MACIPBC.
73. G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, op. cit., pp. 232-33.
74. Metropolitan to the Rt. Revd. Bp. Montgomery, et al., 11 June 1917, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
75. Archbishop of Canterbury to the Metropolitan, 7 Aug. 1917, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
76. C. Graham, Azariah ofDornahal, op. cit., pp. 42, 48.
77. G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, op. cit., p. 233. Note also the similarities described by E. C. Bhatty between the foreign-based administrations of the government and the missionary societies. Ibid., pp. 233-43.
78. Ibid., p. 235.
79. Bishops were appointed by a variety of methods before disestablishment of the church in 1930. The Crown, with the advice of the Secretary of State for India, appointed bishops under letters patent for Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Lahore, Rangoon, death: George C. Hubback (Calcutta, 1945-50), G. T. Selwyn (Tinnevelly, 1945-47 CSI), and A. B. Elliot (1945-47 CSI). Also excluded from the above calculations are the two western bishops appointed to Colombo between 1912 and 1945: Mark R CarpenterGarnier (1924-38) and Cecil D. Horsley (1938-48). These five bishops, together with Azariah, C. K. Jacob, and the 27 bishops appointed in India and Burma between 1912 and Azariah's death, bring the count up to 34, the above-mentioned number of bishops appointed in India, Burma, and Ceylon between 1912 and 1945.
In the Chota Nagpur, Travancore/Cochin, and Tinnevelly dioceses, large rural Indian Christian populations elected European bishops in 1936, 1938, and 1939 respectively. After 1945, more Indians were elected to episcopal posts; but only after political independence and the formation of the united Church of South India in 1947 was the Anglican church on the subcontinent placed under the control of a predominantly Indian episcopal body.
Even under the democratic post-independence election procedures, foreign bishops continued to be elected to serve in India. For example, Bishop Lesslie Newbigin served with great distinction as Bishop of Madura in the newly formed Church of South India from 1947 to 1959 and as Bishop of Madras from 1965 to 1974. It is clear that race was only one of a large number of factors affecting the outcome of episcopal elections in India and elsewhere during this period. Despite the striking difference between the African and Indian responses to the appointments of European successors to the first native bishops (anger in Africa and, as we shall see, relief in Dornakal), the African church continued to elect Europeans in later years. In a 1961 election of a new Archbishop for western Africa, the African candidate received some European support but not enough to win against the European candidate, Cecil Patterson, who was supported by many Africans. S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., p. 526.
The `indigenization' of church leadership in India was clearly not the result of democratic reforms accompanying disestablishment. On the contrary, democratization slowed down the indigenization of Anglican church leadership.
Lucknow, and Nagpur. Bishops under the commission of the statutory Bishops of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay (Assam, Chota Nagpur, Nasik, Dornakal, Tinnevelly, and Madura) were appointed by those bishops. If either the Bishop of Madras or the Bishop of Bombay was the commissioner, they required the Metropolitan's assent as well (E. J. Palmer, op. cit., pp. 206-7). The Bishop of Travancore was appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Colombo first by the Crown and then by the Diocesan Synod after disestablishment of the Church in Ceylon in 1886 (ibid., pp. 207-8). The church in India and Burma appointed seventeen more bishops according to these diverse procedures between the date ofAzariah's consecration and church disestablishment in 1930. Of these, seven appointments were transfers from other sees and the remaining ten bishops chosen mainly from the missionary population. Although the Bishop of Madras offered Azariah the opportunity to become Bishop of Tinnevelly, Azariah refused and the church failed to use any of its seventeen opportunities to elevate other Indians to the episcopate.
Indian bishops were also absent from the church in Ceylon where relatively early disestablishment permitted diocesan clerical and lay participation in episcopal elections. When Reginald Copleston was transferred from the see of Colombo to Calcutta in 1902, his brother, Ernest Arthur Copleston, was chosen as his successor by five senior bishops from the Church of England to whom the independent church entrusted the appointment. The `free' church in Ceylon continued to choose English bishops until 1964, when it elected Harold de Soysa as bishop. (E. A. Copleston served as bishop until 1924, when he was succeeded by Mark Rodolph Carpenter-Garner [1924-38], Cecil Douglas Horsley [1938-48] and Archibald Rollo Graham-Campbell [1948-64].) See Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 339, 413.
80. When the church achieved its independence from English civil control on 1 March 1930, the choice of episcopal nominees was turned over to diocesan governing bodies. At this time, individual bishops of the new Church of India, Burma, and Ceylon lost all rights of coercive jurisdiction but, in exchange, obtained the `right to be free in all spiritual matters from the direction or interposition of any civil government' (Gibbs, op. cit., p. 357). The new church's constitution contained several alternate methods for the appointment of bishops. Bishops of so-called `missionary dioceses' (those whose finances were still temporarily controlled by missionary societies) were appointed directly by the Metropolitan, but `fully organized' dioceses were to elect bishops through their own governing bodies.
Of the ten bishops appointed by the church in India and Burma in the period between disestablishment and Azariah's death, none were native Indians Madras: Arthur Michael Hollis (1941-47); Rangoon: George A. West (1934-55); Lahore: George D. Barne (1932-49); Travancore and Cochin: Bernard C. Corfield (1938-44); Chota Nagpur: George N. L. Hall (1936-57); Lucknow: Sydney A. Bill (1939-47); Tinnevelly: Stephen C. Neill (1939-45); Nagpur: Alexander O. Hardy (1937-48); Nasik: Henry C. Read (1944-57); Bhagalpur (Patna): Thomas Lenman (1943-54).
This count excludes the three westerners appointed in 1945 after Azariah's
83. Ibid.
84. Manifesto of the Layman's Association of the CMS Churches of the Dornakal Diocese, 5: 2/6, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
85. S. C. Neill, The Christian Society, op. cit., p. 253. See also G. W. Houghton, `The Development of the Protestant Missionary Church in Madras 1870-1920,' op. cit.
81. `Circular Letter,' 16 Nov. 1942, 1: 4, Episcopal Synod, MACIPBC.
82. Ibid.
86. Circular Letter, 16 Nov. 1942, op. cit.
87. Quoted in `Assistant Bishop,' DDM, XII, 1 (Jan. 1935), p. 12. In the same issue, see also pp. 11 and 13 and `The Bishop's Letter,' pp. 8-10.
88. VSA to Metropolitan, 13 Nov. 1934, 5: 2/4, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
89. G. Abraham to Metropolitan, 24 June 1935, 422: 19A, D Series, USPG.
90. Memorial by P. Yesudas, 17 July 1939, 524: 1, D Series, USPG.
91. `Your Most Obedient Children of Congregations in Andhra Diocese' to the Metropolitan, undated, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
92. T. Emmanuel Prianadhudu to the Metropolitan, 17 Jan. 1945, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
93. `360 Congregations of Dornakal Diocese' to the Metropolitan (undated), 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC. See also in same file a telegram from CMS Church's Laymen's Association, Ellore, to the Metropolitan (undated), requesting a European bishop.
94. A. Andrews to the Metropolitan, 22 Feb. 1945, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC; Metropolitan to A. Andrews, 5 March 1945, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
95. Seelam Jacob to the Metropolitan, 27 March 1945, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
96. Elliot received 32 votes, another European received 16, and the only remaining Indian received 3 votes. See Metropolitan to the Bishops of Chota Nagpur and Madras, 12 April 1945, 5: 2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
97. A. B. Elliot to the Metropolitan, 27 April 1945,5:2/7, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
98. P. Raghunadha Rao, History of Modern Andhra (New Delhi, 1978; revised ed., 1983), pp. 69-124.
99. `Andhra University, Third Convocation, 1929. Addresses by V. S. Azariah and the Vice-Chancellor Mr. R C. Reddy,' copy in Azariah Collection, Madras.
100. Quoted in Eugene F. Irschick, Politics and Social Conflict in South India, op. cit., p. 246, n. 58. See also pp. 244-51.
101. During the ongoing negotiations for the united Church of South India, critics of the episcopacy like the non-Anglican J. J. Banninga of Madura noted that the laity have usually sought progress and the bishops have been the conservative element,' and argued that allocation of greater powers to bishops would be `a conservative rather than a progressive force' that `puts the power into the hands of the bishops to keep the church as it has been' rather than placing authority `in the hands of the laity to make the Church be what they think it ought to be.' J. J. Banninga to Bartlett, 21 July 1928, Sundkler collection, Uppsala.
102. G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, 1885-1950, op. cit., pp. 232-33.
103. Quoted in ibid., p. 155.
104. Hugh Tinker, The Ordeal of Love, op. cit., pp. 77-78, 83.
105. H. H. Montgomery, The Life and Letters of GeorgeAlfred Lefroy, op. cit., p. 248.
1. On Gandhi, see Margaret Chatterjee, Gandhi's Religious Thought (Notre Dame, IN, 1983). On Christian reinterpretations, see G. V. Job, et al., Rethinking Christianity in India Today, ed. D. M. Devasahayam and A. N. Sudarisanam (Madras, 1938). See also M. M. Thomas, The Acknowledged Christ of the Indian Renaissance (London, 1969), p. 80; and VSA, The Church and Evangelism, op. cit. (1936), pp. 32-37.
2. The classical name Andhra is generally preferred by Telugu speakers. The name of today's state, Andhra Pradesh, translates as `country of the Andhras."Andhra' was commonly used alone to refer to Telugu-speaking regions as they existed before incorporation into the modern state.
3. The 13 districts of the Madras Presidency in which Andhras were concentrated at the time of the 1931 Census were Ganjam, Vizagapatam Plains, Godavari East Agency, Godavari East Plains, Godavari West, Kistna, Guntur, Nellore, Cuddapah, Kurnool, Anantapur, Madras City, and Chittoor. The 9 districts of the Nizam's Dominions were Hyderabad City, Atraf-i-Balda, Warangal, Karimnagar, Adilabad, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, and Nalgonda. `Statistics of Telugu Christianity,' DDM, XI, 8 (Aug. 1934), p. 6; J. B. Williams, Research Studies in the Economic and Social Environment of the Indian Church (Guntur, 1938), Tables 1A and 1B.
4. on the difficulties of measuring the irrigation system's effectiveness, see E. Whitcombe, `Irrigation and Railways,' in The Cambridge Economic History ofIndia, ed. D. Kumar and T. Raychaudhuri, pp. 677-737.
5. On the role of Telugu Christians in building irrigation systems during the latter famine and the conversion movements that followed the crisis, see John E. Clough, Social Christianity in the Orient (New York, 1914).
6. D. B. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 18601960,' op. cit., pp. 41-43. Clough's record demonstrates, however, that persecutions continued despite such changes. See J. E. Clough, op. cit. See also A. T. Fishman, Culture, Change and the Underprivileged: A Study of the Madigas in South India under Christian Guidance, op. cit.; P. Hiebert, Konduru: Structure and Integration in a South Indian Village, op. cit.
7. Interview with Rev. Daniel, 31 March 1986, Dornakal. Rev. Daniel's father was a Mala weaver named Butchayya who converted to Christianity under the influence of the IMS and took the new Christian name, job. He took the case against the dora, Madavarazu Narasimha Rao, to the district court with the help of Samuel Packianathan.
8. Interview, 23 March 1986, Madras.
9. Beginning with the publication of the Bellary Christian Association's Satya- doota. P. Raghunadha Rao, History ofModern Andhra, op. cit., pp. 73-76.
to. Noble College (known then as English School) was founded in Masulipatam by CMS missionary Robert Noble in 1843, with a mission particularly to Brahmin elites. See John Noble, A Memoir of the Rev. Robert Turlington Noble: Missionary to the Telugu People oflndia (London, 1867). Noble College's importance as a centerpiece in Andhra's emerging cultural self-identity helps to explain why Azariah's later closure of the college caused a particularly strong outburst of criticism from upwardly mobile Christian populations. Other milestones were the University of Madras (1857), a second grade college in Rajahmundry (1873), Hindu College in Visagapatam (1878), and Dhallikota College in Berhampur (1879). For a study of one of the patron saints of the Telugu revival, see Peter Schmitthenner, Telugu Resurgence, 1800: C. P. Brown and Cultural Consolidation in South India (New Delhi: Manohar, in press). This study is based on a revision of his University of Wisconsin Ph.D. thesis (1991) entitled `Charles Philip Brown: The Legacy of an East India Company Servant and Scholar of South India.'
It. P. R. Rao, op. cit., pp. 67, 74.
12. The CMS established its first Telugu mission in 1841 after discovering that civil and military officials in the Telugu country had been praying for missionaries to come and had raised 2,000 to 3,000 pounds sterling toward their support. In response to an appeal from John Goldingham, the Collector of the Guntur District from 1836 to 1841, the society centered its operations in Masulipatam, the largest town on the eastern coast between Madras and Calcutta and the site of an East India Company factory since the seventeenth century. Likewise, the SPG founded its mission at Cuddapah in 1842 after receiving a petition from a former civil servant, William Howell, who had resigned in 1822 to engage in full-time evangelistic work for the London Missionary Society in Cuddapah and gained a hundred converts in twenty years. The SPG accepted Howell as a missionary when he was episcopally ordained in 1842 and sponsored his work in Cuddapah. W. D. Clarke, The Centenary of the South Indian Mission of the Church Missionary Society (Madras, 1914), pp. 21-24. Copy in 1913-14: 34, G2 12/0, CMSA. Also M. E. Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 151, 260; C. Graham, Azariah ofDornahal, op. cit., pp. 63-70.
13J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart (Lucknow, 1937), pp. 11-21.
14. Noble witnessed the conversions of nine Brahmins, one Velama, and one Muslim. Two baptisms of students in 1852 resulted in a temporary boycott of the school. Although the numbers were small, these converts were greatly influential: one became a judge, another a magistrate, one a minister and missionary, two were headmasters, seven were assistant-masters of English schools, and one edited a vernacular Christian magazine. The Church Missionary Atlas (London, 1896), pp. 143-44. See also John Noble, op. cit. In contrast to Noble, whose mission to elites followed the example of the Jesuit missionary, Robert de Nobili, CMS missionary G. T. Fox focused on Andhra's low-castes and outcastes. See Henry W. Fox, Memoir of G. T. Fox: Missionary to the Teloogoo People (London, 1861).
15. The Protestant church in the Punjab grew from 3,823 in 1881 to 483,081 in 1947 due to accessions of sweepers and landless laborers. Between 1870 and 1914, most of the Chuhras of Sialkot district converted to Christianity. The Nadar movements of Tinnevelly were examined in Chapter One. For discussions of mass movement activity, see D. B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Policies on Caste of Anglo-Saxon Protestant Missionaries in India (London, 1980), pp. 83-92J. C. B. Webster, A History of the Dalit Christians in India (San Francisco, 1992); T. V. Philip, `Protestant Christianity in India since 1858,' in Christianity in India: A History in Ecumenical Perspective, ed. H. C. Perumalil and E. R. Hambye, op. cit., pp. 267-72. Of course, group conversion movements also occurred in the Roman Catholic Church, beginning with the sixteenth-century conversion en masse of the Paravas. On the Parava community, see S. B. Kaufmann, `A Christian Caste in Hindu Society: Religious Leadership and Social Conflict among the Paravas of Southern Tamilnadu,' MAS, XV, 2 (April 1981), pp. 203-34; `Popular Christianity, Caste and Hindu Society in South India 1800-1915: A Study of Travancore and Tirunelveli' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1980). However, later movements to the Catholic church were not as large as those to the Protestant community. See A. Meersman, `The Catholic Church in India since the mid-19th Century,' in Christianity in India: A History in Ecumenical Perspective, op. cit., p. 253. On South Indian Protestant mass movements, see D. B. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 1860-1960,' and G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion among NonBrahmans in Andhra Pradesh, with Special Reference to Anglican Missions and the Dornakal Diocese, c. 1900-1936,' both in Religion in South Asia: Religious Conversion and Revival Movements in South Asia in Medieval and Modern Times, ed. G. A. Oddie (New Delhi, 1977), pp. 35-66 and 67-99 respectively. See also by G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion in the Telugu Country, 1860-1900: A Case Study of One Protestant Movement in the Godavery-Krishna Delta,' IESHR, XII, 1 (Jan.-March 1975), pp. 61-79; and `Christianity in the Hindu Crucible: Continuity and Change in the Kaveri Delta, 1850-1900,' ICHR, XV, 1 (June 1981), pp. 48-72. These authors trace the movements back to the late nineteenth century although there are earlier precedents, as R E. Frykenberg argues in his articles referenced in the opening of Chapter 1. See also S. C. Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858, op. cit., pp. 215-35.
16. It was widely agreed, even by those who commonly used the term, that `mass movements' was an inappropriate name for describing conversion movements, which rarely involved more than a small proportion (about 3 percent) of the total Indian population. They were `mass' movements less in the sense that they attracted huge numbers of converts than in the sense that the converts entered the church en masse, i.e., in family or jati groups. `Group,' `communal,' or `people' movements have all been suggested as alternatives better approximating the movements' group or caste-based character. J. W. Gladstone, Protestant Christianity and People's Movements in Kerala, 18501936 (Kannamoola, Trivandrum, 1984), pp. 7-9; J. W. Pickett, `Christian Mass Movements in India,' MRW, LIX, 4 (April 1936), p. 167; and Christian Mass Movements in India, op. cit., pp. 21-22. The less than satisfactory term `mass movement' has been adopted for the purposes of this study in deference to its contemporary usage during the period under investigation.
17. `The India Census,' DDM, X, 11 (Nov. 1933), p. 9. These figures do not include accessions in the Indian states, Burma, or Ceylon. The total Christian population of India, Burma, and Ceylon in 1931 was 6,819,829, almost half of which were Protestant Christians. Directory of Christian Missions and Churches in India, Burma and Ceylon, 1940-1941 (Nagpur, 1940), p. 37. Statistics based on census data were used frequently in mass movement literature and sometimes contradicted each other. Elsewhere, Azariah stated that the total Indian Christian community in India and Burma in 1931 numbered only 5,990,234, with a growth rate of 34 percent between 1921 and 1931. VSA, `The Christian Church in India,' in Moving Millions (Boston: The Central Committee on the United Study of Foreign Missions, 1938), p. 172.
18. The most effective agents for the spread of Christianity were not the missionaries but rather Indian Christians who spread the news about their new faith informally among their own people. Isolation of new converts in mission compounds tended to hinder this process of transmission. T. V. Philip, `Protestant Christianity in India since 1858,' in op. cit., p. 272; Sunder Raj, The Confusion Called Conversion (New Delhi, 1986), pp. 13-14. The indigenous transmission system is described in J. Clough, op. cit.
19. John C. B. Webster, A History of the Dalit Christians in India (San Francisco, 1992), pp. 40-44.
20. Venkayya himself was said to have persuaded over 700 people from his family and jati to be baptized. See G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion in the Telugu Country, 1860-1900,' in op. cit., pp. 67-69; The Church Missionary Atlas, op. cit., p. 144; C. Graham, Azariab ofDornahal, op. cit., pp. 68-69J. B. Williams, Research Studies in the Economic and Social Environment of the Indian Church, op. cit., p. 9.
21. It is significant that both of these pioneer converts regarded the missionaries as potential champions of their causes with the police and in the law courts. Missionaries often provided converts with legal assistance and frequently defended them against persecutors. See A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged: A Study of the Madigas in South India under Christian Guidance (Madras, 1941), pp. 16-17. Protection from what converts described as police harassment was one of the common motives for conversion. For example, Yerukalas (Erukalas), who were commonly identified as `burglars' as well as basket weavers and soothsayers, complained that they were frequently blamed for burglaries they never committed. One Yerukala convert in Dornakal testified: `In former times when a theft occurred, whoever might be the thief, the village authorities used to arrest us and put us in prison for some days. But since we have become Christians we are free from such troubles. No one is bold enough to touch us without the permission of our pastor.' DDM, IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), p. It. In 1912, CMS missionaries observed a decrease in the numbers desiring Christian instruction after the Nizam's Inspector-General of Police rescinded an order that placed certain lower castes under police supervision but exempted Christian enquirers. When the Nizam extended this exemption to all lower classes, the missionaries recorded, `one of the motives which has figured largely in the accessions of recent years no longer exists.' Minutes of the 125th Telugu Missionary Conference held at Bezwada, Sept. 29-Oct. 2, 1912, in 1912: 205, G2 12/0, CMSA. Yerukalas and Waddars were the groups most anxious for missionary protection from police intimidation and harassment, according to G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion among Non-Brahmans in Andhra Pradesh, with Special Reference to the Anglican Missions and the Dornakal Diocese, c. 1900-1936,' in op. cit., pp. 75-76. As we shall see below, Malas and Madigas were also frequently accused of crimes, and, whether they were guilty or not, the fact that missionaries offered them any support at all, moral or otherwise, was apparently significant enough to ignite an interest in conversion. See also J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., p. 42.
22. C. Graham, op. cit., pp. 66-67. On the mass movements, mainly ofMadigas, to the Baptist churches in Andhra, beginning with the above-mentioned dramatic conversion story of Yerraguntla Periah and his wife in 1866, see J. Clough, op. cit., pp. 14043 and A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged, op. cit., pp. 5, 10-15. Both Clough and Fishman stress that Periah and his many friends and relatives who converted to Christianity formerly participated in Vaishnavite or Saivite reform movements or were members of the Nasriah sect whose guru, Nasr Mohammed Mastan, had advocated high ethical standards and the abolition of caste.
23. This compared to rates of 13 percent for Muslims and 10.4 percent for Hindus. Directory of Christian Missions and Churches in India, Burma and Ceylon, 1940-1941, op. cit., pp. 34, 36, 38.
24. The number of Protestant Christians increased at a rate of 183.8 percent in Hyderabad State and 54.8 percent in the Madras Presidency, the greater part of this increase taking place in the Telugu regions. Ibid., p. 42; `Statistics of Telugu Christianity,' DDM, XI, 8 (Aug. 1934), pp. 6-7. The increases in the Telugu districts for Protestant and Roman Catholic Christians were 52 percent for the Madras Presidency and 152 percent for the Hyderabad State. VSA, `Evangelization and Its Challenge,' NCCR, LIV, 1 (Jan. 1934), p. 9.
26. DDM, X, 11 (Nov. 1933), p. 4.
27. VSA, `India: A Present Urgent Opportunity,' in The Spirit of Missions (U.S.A., autumn 1937), p. 543; A Charge Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941, op. cit., p. 4.
28. J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, op. cit., pp. 302-3.
25. Excellent although occasionally inconsistent statistics of Anglican church growth in the Dornakal Diocese may be found in DDM: V, 1 (Jan. 1928), pp. 1-2; V, 4 (April 1928), p. 11; V, 11 (Nov. 1928), p. 6; V, 12 (Dec. 1928), p. 1; VI, 6 (June 1929), p. 3; VIII, 11 (Nov. 1931), p. 1; X, 1 (Jan. 1933), `Statistics for the Year 1931'; X, 5 (May 1933), `Statistics for the Year 1932'; X, 11 (Nov. 1933), p. 4; XI, 6 (June 1934), p. 19; XI, 8 (Aug. 1934), pp. 6-9; XI, 11 (Nov. 1934), p. 6; XII, 4 (April 1935), p. 19; XIII, 5 (May 1936), p. 2; XIV, 3 (March 1937), p. 2; XV, 3 (March 1938), p. 1; XVIII, 4 (April 1941), p. 1. See also VSA, A Charge Delivered atBezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941, op. cit., p. 4.
29. For more on these groups and on the age-old animosity between them, see Sydney Nicholson, `Social Organization of the Malas An Outcaste Indian People,' Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, LVI (Jan. June, 1926), pp. 91-103; T. R. Singh, The Madiga: A Study in Social Structure and Change (Lucknow, 1969); and N. Subha Reddi, `Community-Conflict among the Depressed Castes of Andhra,' Man in India, XXX, 4 (Oct.-Dec., 1950), pp. 1-12; Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV (Madras, 1909), pp. 292-325, 329-87; J. Abraham, Fifty Years' History of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli, 1903-1953, op. cit., pp. 7677; Knud Heiberg, V. S. Azariah of Dornakal, op. cit., p. 79; C. Graham, Azariah of Dornakal, op. cit., p. 53.
30. VSA, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, IX, 6 (June 1932), pp. 1-4; G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion among Non-Brahmans in Andhra Pradesh, with Special Reference to Anglican Missions and the Dornakal Diocese,' in op. cit., pp. 67-99; James G. Manor, `Testing the Barrier between Caste and Outcaste: The Andhra Evangelical Lutheran Church in Guntur District,' ICHR, V, 1 (1971), pp. 27-41j. Abraham, Fifty Years' History of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli, 1903-1953, op. cit., pp. 71-79; J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., pp. 2, 40-45, 48-50, 100-117.
31. Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, op. cit., IV, pp. 207-32; J. Abraham, Fifty Years' History of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli, 1903-1953, op. cit., pp. 68-70j. Manor, `Testing the Barrier between Caste and Outcaste,' in op. cit., pp. 29-30; J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., pp. 106-7.
32. The IMS reported that 636 Mandulas had received baptism by 1955. J. Abraham, op. cit., pp. 73-76.
33. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 4.
34. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, IX, 6 (June 1932), p. 1. These figures do not include accessions to the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Medak, but see F. Colyer Sackett, Posnett of Medals (London, 195 1), pp. 50-53, 81-87.
35. A. Rumpus, `Report on the United Evangelistic Campaign 1934,' DDM, XII, 3 (March 1935), p. 12.
36. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 4.
37. J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, op. cit., p. 6.
38. Rev. K. Luke, Darnahal Tiranalveli Indiyan Misanari Sanghamu: 1905-1956 (Vijayawada, 1956), pp. 6-7. VSA to Maulvi Syed Ahmed Ulla Sahib, 31 July 1911; Syed Ahmed Ulla to VSA, 31 July 1911; W. S. Butterfield to anonymous, 1912, DDA. It is worth noting that the IMS missionaries first attempted unsuccessfully to establish a mission headquarters in the village of Manukota. The conversion of a Yerukala thief from this village, named Rudrakshi Sunkadu, led to the creation of a congregation there several years later. K. Luke, op. cit., pp. 16-18.
39. `Diary of the Bishop's Tour,' MDM, II, 4 (April 1907), pp. 156-61J. Abraham, Fifty Years'Histoy, op. cit., pp. 15-16.
40. A detailed account of the transmission of Christianity from village to village in the IMS mission area is available in K. Luke, Darnahal Tiranalveli Indiyan Misanari Sanghamu, op. cit.
41. Three of these villages were Medidapalli, Thodelagudam, and Savattapalli. J. Abraham, op. cit., pp. 27-28; K. Luke, op. cit.
42. He also enjoyed introducing Anbu to books, writing to her on 24 June 1920, `I was very glad to get your letter ... and especially that part where you criticise the book I sent you. I think it is a true criticism and I am very proud that you have learnt to read a book like that with a critical eye and that you can pick out the best in any book!' VSA to Anbu, Azariah Collection, Madras.
43. Carol Graham, Azariab ofDornakal, op. cit., p. 17.
44. Ibid., pp. 53-54.
45. Ibid., pp. 86-87.
46. Mrs. C. William, `The Evangelist Bishop - As I Knew Him,' in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah, 1974, op. cit., p. 47.
47. DDM, VIII, 11 (Nov. 1931), p. 8.
48. DDM, IX, 5 (May 1932), p. 13.
49. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 2 (Feb. 1935), p. 1.
50. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, VIII, 9 (Sept. 1931), pp. 1-2.
51. Carol Graham, Dornahal: Every Christian a Witness (London, 1945), p. 28.
52. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 6 (June 1935), p. 2, where he implored his pastors to institute a retreat for confirmation candidates on a model established in Scandinavia.
53. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 4 (April 1934), pp. 5-6.
54. `Worship in the Indian Church,' DDM, XII, 10 (Oct. 1935), p. S.
55. D. Packiamuthu, Valihdtti, Act III, Scene 2.
56. Group interview in Beerole, A. P., 4 April 1986. Just what the `others' took in their `bags' from Dornakal remained unspecified (perhaps money? perhaps enhanced prestige in the church?). The central point was that Azariah sacrificed everything for them.
57. Sung to author, in Telugu, during an interview with an elderly priest in Dornakal, Rev. Daniel, 8 April 1986. Although Rev. Daniel was able to sing this lyric from memory, he said it has not been used since the 1930s because of offense caused to Hindus. A version of this lyric may be found in Andhra Christian Lyrics (Baptist edition, Madras, 1939), no. 432, p. 300.
58. `The Bishop's Letters,' DDM, IX, 12 (Dec. 1932), pp. 1-3; DDM, X, 9 (Sept. 1933), pp. 1-5; and DDM, XII, 9 (Sept. 1935), pp. 1-3.
59. TMI-IMS, XIV, 9 (Sept. 1917), p. 77.
60. VSA, `The Training of the Village Worker in India,' IRM, XII (July 1923), pp. 360-67; The Twenty-eighth Report of the IMS of Tinnevelly, 1930-31 (Palayamkottai, 1931), p. 5.
61. See, e.g., DDM, VI, 7 Only 1929), p. 16; M. Azariah, `Thirty Years' Report of the Dornakal Mission,' in op. cit., pp. 7-8. Medical work began in a hired house in the Dornakal bazaar, named St. Luke's Dispensary. In 1927, the dispensary was renamed `The Bishop Whitehead Hospital' after Bishop and Mrs. Whitehead donated the money to buy a bigger building.
62. This strategy, adopted by The China Inland Mission, deemphasized education. This turned out to be one of that mission's greatest weaknesses. Ruth A. Tucker, From Jerusalem to Irian Jaya: A Biographical History of Christian Missions (Grand Rapids, 1983), p. 185.
63. S. C. Neill, `Vedanayagam Samuel Azariah, 1874-1945,' in VSA, Christian Giving, op. cit., pp. 9-10.
64. VSA, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 9 (Sept. 1934), pp. 1-5. The IMS was criticized by Telugu Christians for its alleged failure to promote Telugus to positions of responsibility in the church, the common mistake of so many western missionary societies. See I. Victor Manuelraj, `An Evaluation of the Work of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli in the Dornakal Field from 1954 to 1974,' (B.D. thesis, Serampore University, 1976), p. 52.
65. Carol Graham, Between Two Worlds, privately published in England, n.d., p. 29.
66. See `Bibliography of Azariah's Publications.'
67. Eusebius (c. 260-c. 340) was bishop of Caesarea from about 315 and is known as the `father of church history' principally for his Ecclesiastical History, which treats the period from the Apostolic Age till his own day. B. F. Westcott (1825-1901) was Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge and prepared, with F. J. A. Hort, an important critical edition of the Greek New Testament, in addition to biblical commentaries and along series of theological works, before becoming Bishop of Durham in 1890. As noted elsewhere, he was also the father of Azariah's colleagues Foss and George Herbert Westcott. E. Hatch (1835-89) was Oxford's reader in ecclesiastical history. His 1880 Bampton Lectures, The Organization ofthe Early Christian Churches, traced the origins of the episcopate to financial administrators of Greek religious associations.
68. A. v. Harnack (1851-1930) was a patristic scholar whose seven-volume history of Christian doctrine demonstrated a liberal theology which stressed ethics at the expense of religious experience and metaphysics (which he considered an alien intrusion into Christian theology from Greek sources). E. C. Hoskyns (1884-1937) was dean of the chapel of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and argued in his famous `The Christ of the Synoptic Gospels' that the `historical Jesus' of liberal Protestantism was unhistorical. C. H. Turner (1860-1930) was a patristic and New Testament scholar of Magdalen College, Oxford, who produced the definitive edition of early Latin ecclesiastical canons.
69. F. J. A. Hort (1828-92) was a New Testament scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge. His Christian Ecclesia was published posthumously in 1897. A. C. Headlam (1862-1947) was Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford when he delivered his Bampton Lectures in 1920 entitled The Doctrine of the Church and Christian Reunion, which aimed to provide an ecclesiological foundation for unity between the Anglican church and other denominations. On Azariah's use of them, see B. Sundkler, Church of South India, op. cit., p. 181.
70. J. Z. Hodge, op. cit., pp. 99-100.
71. Interview with S. C. Neill, 12 May 1984, Oxford.
72. R. E. Frykenberg, `The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform upon Society in South India during the Late Company Period,' in op. cit., p. 197.
73. See `Bibliography of Azariah's Publications.'
74. Carol Graham, Between Two Worlds, op. cit., p. 29.
77. M. Azariah, `Thirty Years' Report of the Dornakal Mission of the Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly, 1903-1933,' DDM, XI, 12 (Dec. 1934), pp. 6-7; Joseph Abraham, Fifty Years' History of the Indian Missionary Society of Tirunelveli, op. cit., pp. 8991; Henry Whitehead, `The Bishop's Diary,' MDM, XVI, 3 (March 1921), pp. 51-59; DDM, V, 10 (Oct. 1928), pp. 13-15.
78. The bishop closed Noble College reluctantly for financial reasons. The college fell into debt in the mid-1930s when it lost fee-paying students to the newly opened Hindu College and the SPG was unable to make up the difference. See VSA to Waddy, 1 Aug. 1935, 396: 2, D Series, USPG.
75. P. M. Simon, `Evangelistic Work at Alampur,' DDM, X, 10 (Oct. 1933), p. 9.
76. The 11th Annual Report of the IMS of Tinnevelly, 1913-14, pp. 20-21, IMSA.
79. VSA, `The Church in Rural India,' DDM, V, 10 (Oct. 1928), p. 8; `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, VII, 6 (June 1930), pp. 1-3.
80. VSA to W. F. France, 26 Nov. 1930, 331: 47, D Series, USPG. See also 8 Oct. 1919, PIMS, IMSA. In 1916, the average monthly earnings of a family of Mala fieldworkers were about six rupees (MDM, XI, 6 June 1916], p. 185). It should be emphasized that the IMS strongly supported the goal of attaining literacy and, where possible, the opportunity of further education. Azariah and his IMS colleagues are remembered as having brought both `God and literacy' to rural areas of Andhra Pradesh (interview with Dr. M. Santosham, President of the IMS, 28 Feb. 1986, Madras). However, Azariah recognized that education frequently undermined the goals of village development because the well educated left the villages for greater opportunities in towns or cities. He stressed the importance of vocational education, not out of disrespect for higher education per se, but in the interest of common village uplift.
81. This sentiment was well expressed in interviews with Alfred Bunyan (8 April 1986, Dornakal) and Bishop P. Solomon (1 April 1986, Dhyana Ashram, Paloncha). See also criticisms in Manifesto of the Laymen's Association of the CMS Churches of the Dornakal Diocese, 5: 2/6, Dornakal, MACIPBC. The general problem as experienced by Telugu Christians is discussed in A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged, op. cit., pp. 34-57.
82. H. Whitehead, `The New Movement in India and the Old Gospel,' The East and the West, IX, 1 (Jan. 1911), p. 5.
83. D. Packiamuthu, interview, 13 March 1986, Perumalapuram, Tirunelveli; and Valihatti, Act III, scene 6. On pioneering work of Christian missions in rural reconstruction, see A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged, op. cit., pp. 35-36. Also, interview with Ambrose Azariah, 23 Feb. 1986, Madras.
84. Interviews with Carol Graham, 19 Dec. 1984, Oxford; 22-23 April 1985, Farnham; 7 and 21-23 Oct., 4 Nov., 1986, Woking. See also C. Graham, `Women in the Indian Church,' IJT, VII, 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1958), p. 149; `History of the Mothers' Union in the Dornakal Diocese,' typescript, Graham Collection. Carol Graham's educational work in Dornakal, for which she authored a series of short books listed in the bibliography, was central to Azariah's campaign for village uplift. On St. Mary's Home for unwed mothers in Khammamett, see Elvajackson, Indian Saga (Devonport, New Zealand, 1980), pp. 59-60.
85. Carol Graham, Between Two Worlds, op. cit., p. 29, Graham Collection.
86. Carol Graham, 'M.U. Overseas Meeting, Dec. 5th, 1944,' typescript, Graham Collection.
87. This new territory encompassed much of the districts of Kurnool, Cuddapah, Kistna, West Godavari, and the Bhadrachalem division of East Godavari. The western side of his diocese (composed of former SPG areas surrounding the towns of Kurnool, Nandyal, and Cuddapah) was separated from the eastern portion of his diocese (composed of former CMS areas between the Kistna and Godavari Rivers) by a large tract of territory occupied by the Lutheran Church. See map of the Dornakal Diocese. See also `Statistics ofTelugu Christianity,' in op. cit., p. 6; C. J. Grimes, Towards anIndian Church, op. cit., pp. 89-90.
88. Between 1921 and 1931, the number of Protestant Christians increased at a rate of 183.8 percent in Hyderabad State and at a rate of 57.8 percent in the Madras Province, both of which were substantially higher than the average of 41 percent for Protestant Christians throughout India and Burma. Much of the increase in Hyderabad and Madras was caused by the Telugu movements. Directory of Christian Missions and Churches, op. cit., p. 42.
89. I. David, `The Development of the Concept of Indigenisation,' in op. cit., pp. 37, 107.
90. 5 and 6 March 1907, PIMS, IMSA; S. C. Neill, A History of Christian Missions, op. cit., pp. 333-36.
91. Azariah, like most China Inland Mission agents, did not have a college degree, but the Indian society placed much more emphasis on recruiting educated missionaries than its Chinese counterpart.
92. Many accounts of Azariah's life underestimate the degree to which Azariah owed much of his later success as a missionary bishop to the unstinting support of IMS workers who continued to work in Dornakal until the late 1980s. The last IMS missionary to Dornakal, Victor Manuelraj, only departed from the diocese shortly after the field research for this book was completed.
93. This useful distinction was drawn by I. David in `The Development of the Concept of Indigenization among Protestant Christians in India from the Time of Henry Venn,' in op. cit., pp. 7-4 1.
94. He was unhappy with the findings of the liberal `Rethinking Christianity Group,' whose prominent members included P. Chenchiah, V. Chakkarai, Bishop Appasamy, S. Jesudason, P. Devasahayam, Eddy Asirvatham, and A. N. Sudarisanam. See Rethinking Christianity in India Today (Madras, 1938). Chenchiah (1886-1959) was a lawyer and ChiefJustice of Pudukottai High Court. He and his associates were particularly influenced by Indian nationalism. On the participation of westerners in the development of liberal indigenous theology, see Kaj Baajo, Pioneers oflndigenous Christianity, op. cit., pp. 71-84. See also R H. S. Boyd, India and the Latin Captivity of the Church: The Cultural Context of the Gospel (Cambridge, 1974).
95. Although the struggle for autonomy from western missionary societies is the central focus of this investigation, it is important to note that Azariah also had to assert authority over IMS missionaries. The bitter resignation of Solomon Pakianathan in 1911 suggests that this was not always an easy process. See 12 July 1911, PIMS, IMSA.
96. I. David, op. cit., pp. 3-30.
97. For a good summary of Allen's life and contribution, as well as a bibliography, see Charles H. Long and Anne Rowthorn, `The Legacy of Roland Allen,' International Bulletin of Missionary Research, XIII, 2 (April 1989), pp. 65-70.
98. Roland Allen, Missionary Methods: St. Paul's or Ours::A Study of the Church in the Four Provinces (1st ed., London, 1912; 2nd ed., London, 1927; 6th ed., Grand Rapids, 1962).
99. I. David, op. cit., pp. 17-23. Azariah agreed with Allen on this although for different reasons, as will be explored below. See VSA, `Self-Support: False or True,' IRM, XXVII, 107 (July 1938), pp. 361-71; `Self-Support,' NCCR, LVIII, 10 (Oct. 1938), pp. 536-43.
100. Allen's works were virtually ignored for many years. He himself estimated that his theories would not be appreciated until about the year 1960. Only two of his works have been regularly reprinted. See Lesslie Newbigin's `Foreword,' in Roland Allen, Missionary Methods: St. Paul's or Ours? 6th ed., op. cit., pp. i-iii. That there has recently been a rediscovery of Allen's prophetic writings is evidenced by works such as Vincent J. Donovan, Christianity Rediscovered: An Epistle from the Masai (London, 1985). Allen shared Whitehead's deep appreciation for the Anglo-Catholic tradition garnered at Oxford, and, although Whitehead was fifteen years older than Allen, they both died in 1947.
101. Henry Whitehead, `Introduction,' in Roland Allen, Missionary Methods: St. Paul's or Ours?, 2nd ed., op. cit., pp. viii-ix.
102. Whitehead was equally impressed with Allen's later works, such as The Spontaneous Expansion of the Church and the Causes Which Hinderlt, op. cit. (the first British edition was published in 1927). Whitehead commended Allen on 21 August 1928 for producing an argument on the voluntary clergy overseas that was `unanswerable,' but asked, `Why is it printed privately and not given the widest possible circulation? It ought to be broadcasted and read by all the bishops, archdeacons, parish priests, parish councillors, communicants and earnest churchmen and churchwomen throughout the Anglican communions.... It convicts me of past sins.' Quoted in David Paton, `Biographical and Theological Essay,' in Reform of the Ministry: A Study in the Work of Roland Allen, ed. David M. Paton (London, 1968), p. 95.
103. I. David., op. cit., pp. 21-23.
106. Azariah used evidence from the historical works of Harnack (Mission and Expansion of Christianity) and K. S. Latourette (The History of the Expansion of Christianity) in addition to St. Luke's Acts of the Apostles. See, e.g., VSA, `The Place of the Church in Evangelism,' in Evangelism: International Missionary Council Meeting at Tambaram, Madras, December 12th to 29th, 1938 (London, 1939), pp. 32-47; The Church and Evangelism, op. cit. (1936).
104. VSA to Isabel Whitehead, 17 April 1912, Sundkler Collection.
105. VSA to Henry Whitehead, 2 May 1912, Sundkler Collection.
107. MDM, XI, 2 (Feb. 1916), p. 37.
110. From perhaps as early as 1910. See Letter from the Bishop ofAssam (George Clay Hubback) to R Allen, 20 Sept. 1928, Reform of the Ministry, op. cit., pp. 163-64.
111. `An Illustration from V. S. Azariah,' in The Ministry of the Spirit: Selected Writings of Roland Allen, ed. David M. Paton (London, 1960), p. 131.
112. Ibid., p. 131.
108. `Diary of a Visit in South India,' in Reform of the Ministry, op. cit., pp. 106-19.
109. Ibid., pp. 107, 116.
113. David M. Paton, Biographical and Theological Essay,' in Reform of the Ministry, op. cit., p. 23.
114. According to one view, `Allen's ideas had little influence on Anglican missions during his lifetime. His Spirit-centered ecclesiology seemed idealistic and impractical to the leadership of a highly institutionalized church closely associated with the British empire.' Long and Rowthorn, op. cit., p. 69.
115. Quoted in VSA, `The Transfer of Responsibility from the Mission to the Church,' MDM, XIV, 11 (Nov. 1919), p. 256. Azariah frequently mentioned the importance of Mott's influence on this development. See, e.g., VSA, `The Church's Ideal,' CMR, LXXI (1920), p. 153.
118. VSA, `The Transfer of Responsibility from the Mission to the Church,' op. cit. (1919), p. 257.
119. VSA, `The Church's Ideal,' op. cit., pp. 158-59.
116. VSA, `The Place of the Church in Evangelism,' op. cit. (1939), p. 33.
117. Ibid., pp. 40-41 and VSA, `The Church's Ideal,' op. cit. (1920), p. 153.
121. VSA, India and the Christian Movement, op. cit. (1935), p. 89.
120. VSA, `The Transfer of Responsibility from the Mission to the Church,' op. cit., p. 25 7.
122. VSA, `The Transfer of Responsibility from the Mission to the Church,' op. cit., p. 259.
123. For Azariah's own descriptions of his diocesan organization, see VSA, `The Christian Church in India,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 174-78; A Charge Delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese ofDornahal atBezwada, October 7, 1931 (Madras: Diocesan Press, 1931), pp. 47. Also Archdeacon Emmet, `Lay Work in Dornakal Diocese,' DDM, X, 4 (April 1933), pp. 7-10; B. Sundkler, Church of South India, op. cit., pp. 58-59.
124. VSA, `The Christian Church in India,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 174-75.
125. Although many dioceses did not classify their workers according to race, the Dornakal figures compared favorably to figures for ordained workers in the Bombay Diocese (29 Indian and 40 European) and for Chota Nagpur (34 Indians and 17 English). Directory of Christian Missions and Churches, op. cit., pp. 308-9.
126. See, e.g., Resolutions and Memorandum submitted by the Independent Lay Representatives of the CMS Churches of the Dornahal Diocese to the Most Reverend the Metropolitan of India, 6 Dec. 1943; VSA to the Metropolitan, 11 Dec. 1943; Metropolitan to VSA, 14 Dec. 1943, all in 5: 2/1, Dornakal, MACIPBC. Also N. T. Gnanaprakasan to the Metropolitan, 14 Nov. 1943; Memorandum Submitted by the Laymen's Association of the CMS Churches of the Dornahal Diocese to the Most Reverend the Metropolitan of India (Masulipatam: Hindu Press, n.d.), Metropolitan to VSA, 22 Nov. 1943; N. T. Gnanaprakasan to the Metropolitan, n.d.; Manifesto of the Laymen's Association ofthe CMS Churches of the Dornahal Diocese, all in 5: 2/6, Dornakal, MACIPBC.
127. 21,515 people were confirmed between 1920 and 1930. Whereas in 1915 it was possible to hold confirmations in 20 centers, by 1931 it was necessary to travel to 55 centers, and even this did not satisfy the demand. VSA, A Charge Delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Dornahal at Bezwada, October 7, 1931, op. cit., p. 6.
128. The first covered the area encompassed by the Nandyal Church Council, the second the Kistna Church Council, and the third the remaining work in the Deccan and in Dummagudem.
129.'1 think the Westerner will be for years to come a necessity.' VSA, `The Problem of Co-operation between Foreign and Native Workers,' op. cit. (1910), p. 315. `The rich heritage of Christian experience and culture that England possesses by reason of generations of its Christianity is something India has not got; and I believe English Christians owe it to God and to the Church of India to send us some of their best sons and daughters to pass this inheritance on to us. This is the service that we still expect of our mother Church of England.' VSA, A Charge Delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Dornahal at Bezwada, October 7, 1931, op. cit., pp. 24-25.
130. D. F. Ebright, `The National Missionary Society of India, 1905-42,' in op. cit., p. 89.
133. Ibid., pp. 537-38. (Italics in original)
134. VSA, `The Christian Church in India,' op. cit. (1938), p. 169.
131. VSA, `Self-Support: False and True,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 365-66.
132. VSA, `Self-Support,' op. cit. (1938), p. 537.
135. Kaj Baago, The Movement around Subba Rao, op. cit.; Pioneers of Indigenous Christianity, op. cit., pp. 81-84, 207-14J. N. Farquhar, Modern Religious Movements in India, op. cit., pp. 150-56.
136. Quoted in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariab, 1974, op. cit., p. 24.
1. S. Eddy to J. E. Tracy, 15 Jan. 1913, quoted in K. Baago, A History of the National Christian Council of India, 1914-1964 (Nagpur, 1965), p. 15.
2. H. Whitehead to Bardsley, 17 Jan. 1913, Series G2 I2/0, 1913: 15, CMSA.
3. VSA, `The Problem of Co-operation between Foreign and Native Workers,' op. cit. (1910), p. 312.
4. The bishop's relationship with his home society, the IMS, does not appear to have been comparably difficult. Although the above-mentioned resignation of IMS missionary Solomon Pakianathan because of `differences of opinion' with other workers suggests that internal relations may have been strained occasionally, archival evidence provides an overall impression of harmony and cooperation between Azariah and the IMS. T. Waller to Durrant, 17 Jan. 1912, Series G2 I2/0, 1912: 17, CMSA.
5. Khammamett in 1913 (Madras, 1914); copy in Series G2 12/0, 1913-14: 83, CMSA; Proceedings of the Madras Corresponding Committee, 3 Dec. 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 228, CMSA.
6. Henry Whitehead, Memorandum on the Proposed Arrangements for the Bishopric of Dornahal, 17 June 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 106, CMSA.
7. E. Sell to Durrant, 29 Jan. 1913, Series G2 12/0, 1913-14: 17, CMSA; Khammamett in 1913, op. cit.; Memorandum on Khammamett and Dornakal from Canon Sell, and private comments on Memorandum, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 132-33, CMSA.
8. Series G2 I2/0, 1912: 132-33, CMSA; J. Cain to Durrant, 8 Aug. 1912, Series G2 I2/0, 1912: 148, CMSA; Proceedings of the Madras Corresponding Committee, 29 Aug. 1912, Series G2 12/0,1912: 162, CMSA; E. Sell to Durrant, 2 Sept. 1912, Series G2 I2/0, 1912: 163, CMSA; Proceedings of the Madras Corresponding Committee, 29 Oct. 1912, Series G2 12/0,1912:191, CMSA.
9. They believed the Indian mission had made some serious mistakes, which they had observed with `great regret.' The goals of Indian men, money, and methods had not been promoted, and, in their estimation, a reluctance to consult Indian lay and clerical members of the District Church Councils would lead to future problems. They also resented the implication that they had not made sufficient use of Indian men, money, and methods in Khammamett. Minutes of the 125th Telugu Missionary Conference Held atBezwada, Sept. 29-Oct. 2, 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 205, CMSA. See also Canon Edward Sell to Durrant, 21 Aug. 1912, Series G2/I2/0, 1912: 153, CMSA.
11. Ibid.
12. Circular letter from E. Sell to Penn, 3 Sept. 1912, Series G2 I2/0, 1912: 193, CMSA.
10. E. Sell to Durrant, 31 Oct. 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 192, CMSA.
13. Henry Whitehead to Durrant, 18 July 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 129, CMSA; Resolution and Recommendation of Parent Committee, 11 Dec. 1912, Series G2 12/ P5 1904-13, 1912: 191, CMSA; Proceedings of the Madras Corresponding Committee, 3 Dec. 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 228, CMSA; E. Sell to Durrant, 29 Jan. 1913, Series G2 12/0, 1913: 17, CMSA. The settlements were not reached, however, without more objections from missionaries in the field being sent directly to London. See Penn to Durrant, 13 Nov. 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 221, CMSA.
Within a year of his enthronement as bishop, Azariah was called upon to serve as Superintending Missionary of the Khammamett district (and Mrs. Azariah as director of the boarding school) when the new appointee, Mr. Cranswick, was obliged by his wife's malaria to go to Australia. E. Sell to Waller, 29 Jan. 1914, Series G2 12/0, 1914: 7, CMSA. Interestingly, Azariah refused to have anything to do with the society's financial arrangements during this time. Minutes of the Madras Corresponding Committee, 6 Feb. 1914, Series G2 12/0, 1914: 10, CMSA. The reasons behind this decision remain a matter of speculation. The superintending missionary that Azariah replaced believed, however, that more responsibility for financial support should be given to the Indian church and that, regarding details, `no one can speak more practically or usefully than Bishop Azariah he has many thoughts on the subject.' G. H. Cranswick to Waller, 27 July 1914, Series G2 12/0, 1914: 104, CMSA.
14. E. Sell to Durrant, 4 Nov. 1912, Series G2 12/0, 1912: 215, CMSA.
17. Ibid.
18. The Telugu missionaries wanted the Madras Corresponding Committee to remain the mission's controlling body for an indefinite period of time, but they were overruled once again. Instead, the society's leadership in London concluded that `there will be no necessity for a reference on any matters, except finance, to the Secretary at Madras,' whose job would be more like that of a treasurer than that of a secretary. E. F. E. Wigram to VSA, 9 Nov. 1922, Series G2 12/L17, 1917-24: 322, CMSA; see also 1917-24: 287-88, 339; VSA to E. F. E. Wigram, 18 Jan. 1923, Series G2 12/P6, 1913-24: 10-11, CMSA.
15. R. F. Ardill to Durrant, 20 June 1913, Series G2 12/0, 1913: 68, CMSA.
16. Ibid.
19. See, e.g., correspondence between Azariah, E. F. E. Wigram (the India Group Secretary at CMS headquarters), and R W. Peachey (former Chairman of the Bezwada and Ellore District Church Councils and then Secretary of South India Missions) over where to station Miss Langdale-Smith. Wigram asserted that it was up to Azariah, not Peachey, to decide the issue. Series G2 12/L17, 1917-24: 277, 284, 287, CMSA; Series G2 12/P6,1913-24:64,80, CMSA. Peachey was one of the CMS Telugu missionaries to resist the transfer of Khammamett in 1912. E. Sell to Durrant, 21 Aug. 1912, Series G2 12/0,1912/106: 153, CMSA.
20. G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., pp. 58-64.
21. For correspondence related to this controversy, see 25: 114, 124-25, 128, 130, 133-34, 137 (Dornakal), CLS Series, USPG; and 35: 24, 54, 57, 65, 75-76 (Dornakal), CLR Series, USPG.
24. A. M. Murray to VSA, 26 Oct. 1926, and A. M. Murray to VSA, 2 Dec. 1926, 25: 133, 137 (Dornakal), CLS Series, USPG.
25. VSA to Pascoe, 23 Oct. 1920, 62: 76; VSA to King, 25 April 1921, 62: 132; A. Britten to Dolphin, 13 July 1921, 62: 163a; Britten to Dolphin, 19 July 1921, 62: 169; also, 62: 173, 176, 183, 193, 195, 218, 224, 246, 254, all in (Madras, Tinnevelly, Dornakal) CLR Series, USPG.
22. VSA to A. M. Murray, 6 Oct. 1926, 35: 75-76 (Dornakal), CLR Series, USPG.
23. Ibid.
26. The number of Protestant missionaries in India dropped from 5,201 in 1912 to 5,063 in 1938, despite the steady growth during the same period of the Protestant Christian community from about 1,000,000 in 1914 to about 2,500,000 in 1936. G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., pp. 11, 49.
27. VSA, `The Church's Ideal,' op. cit. (1920), pp. 148-63. See also his 1937 CMS `Annual Sermon': `The Unity Which Christ Wills,' CMO, LXIV (July 1937), pp. 150-52 (copy in CMSA, AR(MS), 1936-37, cited in G. Hewitt, op. cit., p. 110).
28. Clippings Album, Azariah Collection, Madras.
29. Letter from Manchester parishioner Bert Shepherd to author, undated, Stockport. On Johnson's special fund-raising appeals for the mass movements, launched in cooperation with Azariah and the National Christian Council in India, see G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., pp. 106-12.
31. See, e.g., VSA to S. Waddy, 19 April 1929, 324: 40; VSA to Waddy, 23 April, 363a: 18; VSA to Waddy, 23 May 1933, 363a: 18; VSA to Waddy, 5 July 1934,369:4, all in (Dornakal), D Series, USPG.
32. VSA to France, 5 Feb. 1941, 524: 3 (Dornakal), D Series, USPG.
30. The CMS Mass Movement Commission reported the following figures in 1928:
From G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., p. 109, who argues that the large numbers for the Telugu missions were at least partly attributable to the funds raised by Canon Johnson.
33. Sung by Mrs. Peram Kantama, 4 April 1986, Beerole. Many of the songs praising Azariah also stress the missionary character of his work with the IMS.
34. Interview with Rev. Pasunori Ratnam, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram.
35. Interview with Mr. David, 9 April 1986, Dornakal.
36. Sung by Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal, who also recalled Sister Carol's devotion and a spirit of cooperation between Azariah and the missionaries. Interviews also on 29 and 31 March 1986.
37. Interview with Mr. David, 9 April 1986, Dornakal.
38. Interview with Bishop P. Solomon, 31 March 1986, Dhyana Ashram, Paloncha.
39. Interview with Rev. Alfred Bunyan, 29 March 1986, Dornakal.
40. Interview with Alfred Bunyan, 29 March 1986, Dornakal. Azariah is said to have addressed him as `Father' (all other missionaries he addressed as `Mr.') and to have visited him on his deathbed in England. (Interview with Mr. David, 9 April 1986, Dornakal.)
41. A popular dancing song composed by Canon Subbayya begins: `Wherever there is jaggery, there are ants. In the same way, where people preach the Gospel, the people from surrounding areas gather. Victory! Hallelujah!' Sung by Mr. Kumari Joseph Samuel, 5 April 1986, Madiripuram.
42. This analogy was used for the broader relation between Britain and India by Sir John Lawrence, who has argued: `to consider the relation of Britain and India purely, or even mainly, in terms of aggression worked out in a colonial situation ignores many of the positive features of a four hundred year relationship that was similar to that of an aging marriage.' Sir John Lawrence, India and Britain: More than a Marriage of Convenience, offprint from the author.
43. VSA, `The Necessity of Christian Unity for the Missionary Enterprise of the Church,' in Faith and Order: Proceedings of the World Conference, Lausanne, August 3-21, 1927, ed. H. N. Bate (London: Student Christian Movement, 1927), p. 495.
44. Brief mainly because the subject has been dealt with extensively elsewhere, notably in Bengt Sundkler's Church of South India, op. cit. The archives at Selly Oak College, Birmingham, also contain a sizable collection of primary materials relating to the unity negotiations, including copies of joint Committee Reports and the journal Church Union News and Views (CUNV), I, 1 (July 1930), to XV, 3 (March 1945). See boxes labeled `Pamphlets (Old) 275' and `Pamphlets on South India Church Union Scheme,' the collection of papers labeled `Church of South India-Negotiations for and Inauguration of the Union,' and the collection donated by Lesslie Newbigin. See also Ruth Rouse, `Voluntary Movements and the Changing Ecumenical Climate,' and K. S. Latourette, `Ecumenical Bearings of the Missionary Movement and the International Missionary Council,' in A History of the Ecumenical Movement, 1517-1948 (London, 1954), pp. 309-402; G. S. Eddy, Religion and Politics in India, 6: 125, Eddy Papers, YDS. Surprisingly, Azariah's name does not appear in the index to Michael Hollis, The Significance of South India (London, 1966).
45. Proceedings at the Sixth Lambeth Conference, Third Day, 7July 1920, 105: 191-95; 12th Day, 31 July 1920, 108: 176-77; Proceedings of the Seventh Lambeth Conference, Third Day, Wed. 9July 1930,146:232-41, Mon. Aug. 4,1930,148:203-4; all in Lambeth Conference Papers, LP. For interesting commentary on unity debates at the Lambeth Conferences, see H. H. Henson, Retrospect of an Unimportant Life, II, 1920-1939 (London, 1943). Also, vols. 28-29, Papers of Archbishop Temple, LP, and Alan M. G. Stephenson, Anglicanism and the Lambeth Conferences (London, 1978), pp. 139-41.
46. VSA: `The Necessity of Christian Unity for the Missionary Enterprise of the Church,' in Faith and Order: Proceedings of the World Conference, Lausanne, August 3-21, 1927, ed. H. N. Bate (London: SCM, 1927), pp. 491-95, and discussions on pp. 102-3, 418-23; Address delivered on 3 Aug. 1937, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order, Edinburgh, Aug. 3-18, 1937, ed. Leonard Hodgson (London: SCM, 1938), pp. 49-55 and pp. 69, 167, 173, 197, 205.
47. For example, see 2969: 297, 2978: 13, 89-90, 97-104, 111-15, 148, 150-52, 171-72, 233-38, 274-85, 312, 341, 344-53, 357-59, 366-72, Papers of E. J. Palmer, LP.
49 Sundkler, op. cit., pp. 61-130. This meeting was an Indian initiative with Sherwood Eddy as the only western delegate (as at the foundation of the NMS). See VSA, `What Happened at Tranquebar,' CUNV, I, 4 (Jan. 193 1), pp. 144-45.
50. See, e.g., Azariah's debate with Bernard Lucas in 1919 in Sundkler, op. cit., pp. 108-11; VSA, `Church Union in South India,' HF, XXXIX, 9 (Sept. 1919), p. 333.
51. Sundkler, op. cit., p. 185.
48. G. S. Eddy, Religion and Politics in India, 6: 125, Eddy Papers, YDS.
532. Ibid., pp. 240-41.
53. John 17:21.
54. Interestingly, the American Protestant proponent of the theology of the 'social gospel,' Walter Rauschenbusch, also described denominational divisions as`nearly all an historical heritage, imported from Europe.' `The Social Principles of Jesus,' in The World Treasury of Modern Religious Thought, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan (Boston, 1990), p. 591. It is likely that Azariah's thinking in this area was stimulated by American attitudes towards European Christianity articulated by another proponent of the social gospel, his close friend Sherwood Eddy.
55. VSA, Address delivered on 3 Aug. 1937, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order, Edinburgh, August 3-18, 1937, op. cit., p. 52.
56. Ibid.
57. VSA, `The Necessity of Christian Unity for the Missionary Enterprise of the Church,' in op. cit. (1927), p. 494.
58. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources ofDenominationalism (New York, 1929), pp. 6, 21. I have been unable to establish whether Azariah was familiar with Niebuhr's works. Like Azariah, Niebuhr relied on the historical research of A. Harnack in his analysis. It is conceivable that the influence of Azariah and the South Indian unity movement provoked Niebuhr to utilize the terminology of caste in condemning denominationalism.
61. B. Sundkler, op. cit., p. 110.
59. Lesslie Newbigin, Unfinished Agenda: An Autobiography (London, 1985), p. 176.
60. W. R Hutchison, Errand to the World, op. cit., pp. 102-18, 176-83.
62. VSA, `The Necessity of Christian Unity for the Missionary Enterprise of the Church,' in op. cit. (1927), p. 495.
63. VSA, South India Union: An Examination of the Scheme from the Anglican Point of View (Madras: CLS, 1936), p. 35.
64. B. Sundkler, op. cit., p. 185.
65. Quoted in I. David, `The Development of the Concept of Indigenization,' in op. cit., p. 67.
66. Interview, 23 March 1986, Madras. On the problem generally, see R. H. S. Boyd, India and the Latin Captivity of the Church, op. cit.
67. I am indebted to Azariah's son Ambrose for his vivid description of his father's frustration as he faced his younger and more radical colleagues during the conference discussions. Interview, 23 March 1986, Madras.
68. Hendrik Kraemer, The Christian Message in a Non-Christian World (London, 1938), was the volume he prepared on this subject especially for the conference.
69. VSA, `The Missionaries' Message,' NCCR, LII, 1 (Jan. 1932), pp. 14, 17.
70. VSA, `The Christian Contribution to India,' op. cit. (1938), p. 807.
1. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources ofDenominationalism, op. cit., p. 273.
2. H. Richard Niebuhr identified two radical and three moderate types of solutions that have been devised historically to the problem of `Christ and culture.' Tertullian, Tolstoy, and the monastic tradition fundamentally opposed Christianity to culture; ancient Gnosticism, Abelard, and the modern Ritschl maintained the opposite position that Christianity and culture were in essential agreement. These two radical options were largely rejected by the `church of the center' in favor of three intermediate answers: (1) the synthetic option in which Christ was the fulfillment of a perverted but perfectible culture, (2) the dualist option in which only transhistorical salvation could overcome the fundamental polarity between Christ and culture, and (3) the conversionist option in which Christ transformed culture via conversion. Concrete historical examples rarely fit neatly into such a typology, as Niebuhr admitted, but they provide a useful organizing principle for the discussion of a complex issue. H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York, 195 1), pp. 3944.
3. Substantive Christianity refers to the essentials of the faith (as defined by the Apostles' Creed) which ought never to change, while adjective Christianity refers to those elements which may change. This distinction as drawn by K. M. Banerjee would exclude the sacraments from the substantive category, an exclusion which Azariah would certainly have protested. I. David, op. cit., p. 65.
4. Although much of Azariah's diocese fell within the boundaries of the Muslim-ruled state of Hyderabad, necessitating regular contact with Muslim officials, the number of Muslim converts to Christianity was negligible and most of the bishop's day-to-day work in evangelism, worship, and administration brought him in touch with the so-called `untouchables' and caste `Sudras' who partook in the complex set of popular beliefs and rituals loosely known as `Hinduism.' The vast majority of Azariah's statements on the subject of `Christ and culture' refer only to Hinduism; his writings pay little attention to Islam and offer no detailed analysis of the rival monotheistic faith. It is worth noting, however, that Azariah incorporated Saracenic architectural elements into the design of the Dornakal Cathedral in a deliberate attempt to reflect all aspects of Indian culture, broadly conceived. As early as 1906 he wrote to his wife about impressive churches in Ahmednagar and Peshawar which utilized Muslim architectural forms such as the dome. VSA to Anbu, 16 Sept. 1906, Azariah Collection, Madras.
5. `Religion is the substance of culture, culture is the form of religion.' Tillich, quoted in Kaj Baago, `The Discovery of India's Past and Its Effect on the Christian Church in India,' in History and Contemporary India, ed. J. C. B. Webster (London, 1971), p. 26.
6. VSA, `The Place of the YMCA in the Christian Movement in India,' YMIB&C, XLV, 6 (June 1933), p. 271.
7. Ibid., p. 269.
8. Ibid., p. 271.
9. VSA, `India and Christ,' IRM, XVII (1928), pp. 155-56.
10. See M. M. Thomas, The Acknowledged Christ of the Indian Renaissance (London, 1969), p. 80.
11. Ibid.
12. VSA, The Church and Evangelism, op. cit. (1936), pp. 32-37.
13. VSA, `Christians and the New Government: The Bishop of Dornakal's Call for Support,' MDM, XXXIII, 2 (Feb. 1938), pp. 60-62.
14. DDM, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1936), pp. 10-11.
17. `Report on the United Evangelistic Campaign, 1934,' DDM, XII, 3 (March 1935), p. 17.
18. See, e.g., `Diary of the Bishop's Tour,' MDM, I, 7 Only 1906), p. 319; DDM, VIII, 7 Only 1931), p. 4. The cessation of Sunday work was required in most mass movement areas. See S. Manickam, The Social Setting of Christian Conversion in South India (Wiesbaden, 1977), p. 105; J. Clough, Social Christianity in the Orient, op. cit., pp. 159-84.
15. D. B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity, op. cit.
16. For example, DDM, V, 5 (May 1928), p. 2.
19. DDM, IX, 9 (Sept. 1932), p. 16; X, 5 (May 1933), pp. 7, 10; XII, 8 (Aug. 1935), pp. 8-9; interview with Rev. Daniel, 31 March 1986, Dornakal. This was also the practice in the neighboring diocese of Medak. P. Y. Luke andJ. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture (London, 1968), pp. 190-92.
20. DDM, XII, 9 (Sept. 1935), p. 9.
21. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), p. 1; IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), p. 12.
22. DDM, IX, 5 (May 1932), p. 13; S. Estborn, The Church among the Tamils and Telugus, op. cit., p. 40; interview with Pedamuthyam Joseph, 4 April 1986; Thiruma- palayem, A. P. See also Andhra Christian Lyrics, op. cit., p. 300.
23. DDM, VII, 9 (Sept. 1930), pp. 8-9; V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 3-4.
24. DDM, VI, 5 (May 1929), p. 3; XII, 3 (March 1935), p. 16.
27. DDM, VI, 8 (Aug. 1929), p. 12; Church Censures: Diocese of Dornakal, vol. 1: 1914-32, DDA. This volume of Church Censures and a similar one for 1933-45 contain handwritten lists of the church's disciplinary actions during the period under investigation. I discovered them in an old trunk in the Dornakal Cathedral Compound and believe they constitute a unique and hitherto neglected type of source material.
28. DDM, XI, 10 (Oct. 1934), p. 3.
25. S. Manickam, The Social Setting of Christian Conversion, op. cit., pp. 105, 249.
26. DDM, V, 5 (May 1928), pp. 1, S.
31. S. Estborn, The Church among the Tamils and Telugus, op. cit., p. 40. Estborn shows that sometimes certain members of hulams did not join the mass movements in order to enable their caste to continue fulfilling its Hindu duties.
32. DDM, XV, 8 (Aug. 1938), p. 10. Although the elders agreed afterwards that they had `sinned,' they protested that the ryots were drunk, had `bullock whips in their hands,' and would have killed them if they had refused their traditional participation in the devara.
35. This approach was (and is) common to many other Indian Christian communities. See especially S. B. Kaufmann, `A Christian Caste in Hindu Society,' op. cit., pp. 203-34, and `Popular Christianity, Caste and Hindu Society in South India,' op. cit. Evidence supporting a similar conclusion may also be found throughout. P. Y. Luke and J. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit.; P. Wiebe, `Protestant Missions in India: A Sociological Review,' Journal ofAsian and African Studies, V (1970b), pp. 297-98.
29. DDM, XV, 8 (Aug. 1938), p. 10.
30. DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 3-4.
33. Interview with Bishop Solomon, 1 April 1986, Dhyana Ashram.
34. DDM, XV, 8 (Aug. 1938), p. 9.
36. Such as T. R. Singh, The Madiga: A Study in Social Structure and Change, op. cit.; Sydney Nicholson, `Social Organization of the Malas An Outcaste Indian People,' op. cit., pp. 91-103. Henry Whitehead's ethnographic writings provide relatively detailed observations of depressed class practices. See, e.g., his description of Mala priests (Pambalas) in MDM, I, 7 (July 1906), p. 320; Village Gods of South India, op. cit. (1916), and `A Lecture on Some Religious Customs of the Hindus in South India ... Delivered in the Regimental Theatre at Wellington,' MDM, I, 5 (May 1906), pp. 207-17.
37. P. Y. Luke and J. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit. This was also the conclusion drawn by M. V. Rajagopal in Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers: Khamman (Hyderabad, 1977), p. 40.
38. The term `Sudra' like the term `untouchable' - will strike any informed reader today as both outdated and highly problematical. Sudra was a Brahmin designation for all those who, to them, were not to be deemed `twice born.' As such, it was much resented by caste non-Brahmins, some of whom had been the rulers of their own villages for centuries. Just as Dalits have rejected the term `untouchable,' so Kammas and Reddis have rejected the term `Sudra.' But this does not change the fact that these were the terms used historically by Azariah himself and by his peers. I therefore use these awkward terms in this text in order to maintain consistency with the historical sources, but not to otherwise validate their usefulness.
41. For specific examples of improved relations between Christian converts of different caste origins, see DDM: VII, 1 (April 1930), p. 1; VIII, 10 (Oct. 1931), p. 9; IX, 4 (April 1932), pp. 2-3; IX, 6 (June 1932), pp. 3-4; IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), pp. 13-14; X, 4 (April 1933), pp. 1-2; XII, 3 (March 1935), pp. 12-19; XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), pp. 4-5; XIII, 4 (April 1936), p. 1.
39. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
40. DDM, X, 1 (Jan. 1933), pp. 9-11.
42. DDM, IX, 6 (June 1932), pp. 1-4. The study was conducted under the auspices of the NCC and included the Anglican Church, the United Lutheran Church, The American Baptist Telugu Mission, the Canadian Baptist Mission, and the London Missionary Society, but excluded the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Medak. Its results were published, with a foreword by Azariah, as: J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart op. cit. (1937).
43. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1966), p. 315.
44. The congregation defected when the case was referred to the Deanery Chairman (a Brahmin Christian), who defended the Madiga pastor. The unhappy Malas returned to the Anglican church when they discovered that the Roman Catholics would require re-baptism. They eventually accepted the ministrations of the Madiga pastor, but only with great reluctance. Interview with Carol Graham, 19 Dec. 1984, Oxford. On the persistence of Mala-Madiga rivalry in the Telugu Baptist church, see A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose (Madras, 1958), pp. 76-77; and his Culture Change and the Underprivileged (Madras, 1941).
45. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 31 March 1986, Dornakal.
46. DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 3.
47. See DDM: V, 1 (Jan. 1928), p. 12; V, 5 (May 1928), pp. 2, 5-6; IX, 12 (Dec. 1932), p. 3; X, 12 (Dec. 1933), p. 7; XI, 1 (Jan. 1934), pp. 11-12; XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 3; XIII, 1 (Jan. 1936), pp. 10-11; XIII, 10 (Oct. 1936), p. 8.
48. S. Estborn, The Church among the Tamils and Telugus, op. cit., p. 27.
49. DDM, IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), pp. 4-5. On this subject, see also VSA, `Caste and Denomination,' HF, XLI, 7 (July 1921), pp. 246-53. On fate of western denominationalism in South India, see Lionel Caplan, `Class and Christianity in South India,' op. cit., pp. 645-71.
50. Archival evidence and interviews in Dornakal confirm that caste rivalries persisted in the diocese after Azariah's death. See, e.g., `Petition from Christians of Raghavapuram,' Aug. 1947, 5: 2/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC. That this was not a problem confined to Dornakal Anglicans, see: Paul D. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh (Madras, 1988), pp. 123-28; P. Y. Luke and J. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit.
51. DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 3.
52. VSA, India and the Christian Movement, op. cit. (1935), pp. 76-77.
53. G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion among Non-Brahmans in Andhra Pradesh, with Special Reference to the Anglican Missionaries and the Dornakal Diocese, c. 1900-1936,' in op. cit., p. 83.
56. 1 Cor. 7:39; 2 Cor. 6:14-16.
57. VSA, `Mixed Marriages,' NCCR, LXI, 11 (Nov. 1941), pp. 528-34.
54. DDM, IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), pp. 13-14.
55. DDM, XI, 1 (Jan. 1934), p. 12.
58. Although with one major exception, as Azariah made an effort to include women elders on the panchayats.
59. `Lay Work in Dornakal Diocese,' DDM, X, 4 (April 1933), p. 8.
60. DDM, V, 5 (May 1928), p. 2.
61. DDM, X, 4 (April 1933), pp. 8-9; 14 July 1915, PIMS, IMSA.
62. Azariah did not introduce the idea of a Christian tali, but he abandoned the practice of placing it on a plate which was passed around to receive the blessings of the elderly. Rather, he suggested that the tali be put around the bride's neck and that the groom touch it while saying his vows. Thamil Selvan, `Research on Bishop Azariah and his Theology' (B.D. thesis, Tamil Theological Seminary, Madurai, 1985). Azariah designed a tali for his family decorated with a cross, anchor and heart representing faith, hope, and charity. Interview with Grace Aaron, 24-26 Sept. 1985, Ottawa, Canada.
63. Elva Jackson, Indian Saga, op. cit., p. 226. See also in DDM: IX, 6 (June 1932), p. 2; XII, 10 (Oct. 1935), p. 8.
64. In this idea, Azariah borrowed from Easter (and probably also Epiphany) traditions of the Greek Orthodox Church. T. Selvan, op. cit.
65. Ibid.
66. For examples of relatively positive assessments of Hinduism in Azariah's writings, see VSA, India and the Christian Movement, op. cit. (1935), pp. 55-58; The Church and Evangelism, op. cit. (1936), pp. 36-37.
67. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), pp. 3-4. See also VSA, `The Church in Rural India,' op. cit. (1928), pp. 1-12. (Where Christianity goes, education, civilization and habits of cleanliness in body, dress and food, in speech and conduct, are the concomitant results.' Ibid., p. 3.)
68. Elva Jackson, Indian Saga, op. cit., p. 7.
69. These and the following figures are taken from Directory of Christian Missions and Churches in India, Burma and Ceylon, 1940-41, op. cit.
72. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), pp. 1-4; K. Luke, Darnahal Tiranalveli Indiyan Misanari Sanghamu, op. cit., p. 101; J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., pp. 42-43.
73. DDM: V, 4 (April 1928), p. 3; VIII, 10 (Oct. 1931), p. 15; IX, 5 (May 1932), pp. 1314; X, 1 (Jan. 1933), pp. 9-11; XIII, 3 (March 1936), pp. 2-3; XIII, 4 (April 1936), pp. 1-4; K. Luke, Dornakal Tiranalveli Indiyan Misanari Sanghamu, op. cit., pp. 97-101; Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., p. 42; `The Bishop's Diary,' MDM, XVI, 3 (March 1921), pp. 51-59; David Packiamuthu, Valikatti, op. cit., Act II, Scene I; Thamil Selvan, `Research on Bishop Azariah and His Theology,' op. cit., p. 32; C. Graham, Azariah of Dornakal, op. cit., p. 58. Cattle poisoning was considered a more serious crime by Indian Hindus who venerated the cow than it was by westerners. It was a crime to both, nevertheless.
70. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 12 (Dec. 1934), p. 4.
71. DDM: V, 11 (Nov. 1928), p. 4; VI, 9 (Sept. 1929), p. 3.
74. Converts claim they often gave up `spending lots of money' after baptism. Interview with Padamuthyam Joseph, 4 April 1986, Thirumapalayem, A. P.
75. Azariah was opposed to expensive marriages (his own cost 40 rupees) and to the dowry system (he took no dowry from his son's wives, nor did he ask his wife to provide one). Interview with Grace Aaron, 24-26 Sept. 1985, Ottawa, Canada.
76. DDM, XI, 3 (March 1934), p. 18; VSA, `Sermon Preached by the Bishop of Dornakal on Sunday, November 28, 1920 at St. George's Cathedral, Madras, on behalf of the CMS Centenary Celebrations,' MDM, XVI, 1 (Jan. 1921), pp. 13-22; Knud Heiberg, V. S. Azariah: Bishop afDornahal, op. cit., pp. 94-95; J. Z. Hodge, Bishop Azariah of Dornakal, op. cit., pp. 32-33. The IMS liberated one of its first converts, Kodama Gundula Luka, from debt slavery for Rs 7: D. Packiamuthu, Valihdtti, op. cit., Act I, Scene 3. Mrs. Whitehead initiated one of the diocese's early efforts to establish cooperative societies by founding the Khammamett Workers Society. MDM, XI, 1 (Jan. 1916), p. 8. On cooperatives, see also 14 July 1915, PIMS, IMSA.
77. One case led indirectly to conversion. A Christian priest helped a rich Sudra' to win a land dispute, but then the priest refused to accept three acres of land worth Rs 900 offered to him by the grateful victor. `This aroused the Sudra's interest and he eventually became a Christian': DDM, IX, 8 (Aug. 1932), p. 12.
78. MTDM, VII, 5 (May 1912), p. 139.
79. The land for Vedanayagapuram was purchased, with the help of Bishop Whitehead, to provide for a group of Banjara converts who were barred from burying their dead in their own village. The settlers built their own homes, worked the land, and paid a rent/tax to the church. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 29 March 1986, Dornakal.
80. This practice of creating villages of refuge, based on Old Testament patterns, had been revived during the Tinnevelly mass movements, so it was one with which Azariah was personally familiar. In Andhra, Kiritipuram was settled by Mala workers who constructed the Dornakal Cathedral. Construction jobs and rice from Burma were provided as relief during the thella jonnala haruvu, or `white corn famine' of 1920. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 8 April 1986, Dornakal.
81. For example, DDM, IX, 7 (July 1932), pp. 10-11.
82. Interview with Rev. M. Daniel, 31 March 1986, Dornakal.
83. The 1932 annual report for the Bishop Whitehead Hospital recorded 11,686 outpatients and 131 inpatients. DDM, IX, 7 (July 1932), pp. 10-11.
84. DDM: V, 1 (Jan. 1928), pp. 8-9; V, 12 (Dec. 1928), pp. 1-2; VI, 5 (May 1929), p. 1; VI, 7 (July 1929), p. 16.
85. DDM, VIII, 1 (Jan. 1931), pp. 12-15.
86. DDM, V, 9 (Sept. 1928), pp. 2-3. Rev. Daniel, of Dornakal, described how Hindu Malas and Madigas of his native village worshipped the same gods, but each had a different Muthyalamma gudi (shrine) at which they sacrificed animals. If Muthyalamma got angry, he said, she would send cholera and other serious diseases. The Malas offered goats and sheep as sacrifices; the Madigas offered chickens. When the Sudras sacrificed a buffalo, they would give all but the leg to the Madigas to eat. (The Malas would not eat the buffalo.) "People were afraid of Muthyalamma, but not the Christian God." Interview with Rev. Daniel, 8 April, 1986, Dornakal.
87. DDM, V, 9 (Sept. 1928), p. 4, also pp. 1-3. See also DDM, VIII, 1 (Jan. 1931), pp. 12-15; IX, 7 (July 1932), pp. 10-11.
89. DDM, V, 2 (Feb. 1928), p. 6.
90. DDM, VIII, 10 (Oct. 1931), p. 13. Some wells were provided by a 'Well Fund' established for villages otherwise reliant on surface water. See DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), pp. 1-2.
91. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), p. 2.
88. `Thirty Years' Report of the Dornakal Mission,' DDM, XI, 12 (Dec. 1934), pp. 7-8.
92. VSA, Holy Matrimony: Being Chapters on the Christian Law of Marriage (Madras, 1941; revised and enlarged in 1942). Published also in Tamil, Telugu, Hindi, Urdu, and Marathi.
94. VSA, `Mixed Marriages,' op. cit. (1941), p. 533.
95. VSA, Holy Matrimony, op. cit., p. 46; DDM, VI, 10 (Oct. 1929), pp. 4-5.
93. An `Archbishop's Commission on Kindred and Affinity as Impediments to Marriage' recommended in the 1940s greater lenience regarding marriage to a deceased wife's sister, but still prohibited marriage to a sister's daughter. Ibid., pp. 8485.
96. VSA, Holy Matrimony, op. cit., pp. 63-65.
97. TMI-IMS, XIV, 5 (May 1917), p. 45; P. Y. Luke and J. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit., pp. 195-96.
98. A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose, op. cit., p. 83.
99. P. Y. Luke andJ. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit., pp. 5-6, 192-98.
100. For example, DDM, VI, 9 (Sept. 1929), p. 2. It is interesting to note that the first girl to attend the IMS Boarding School, established in 1906, had taken refuge with the missionaries from child marriage: DDM, XI, 12 (Dec. 1934), p. 6. Also, a Cen- sus Commissioner whom Azariah described as `an impartial student of racial progress' praised the church in 1921 for abolishing child marriage and permitting widow remarriage: DDM, V, 10 (Oct. 1928), p. 3.
101. Church Censures: Diocese ofDornakal, vol. 1: 1914-32; vol. 2: 1933-45, DDA.
103. Ibid., p. 20.
102. VSA, A Charge Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941, op. cit., p. S.
104. Ibid., p. 20.
105. Marriage Register, Indian Missionary Society of Tinnevelly: Telugu Mission, DDA.
108. By the late nineteenth century, there were already several Anglican temperance societies at work in India: the Church of England Temperance Society, the Army White Cross, and the Church of England Purity Society. Report of the Episcopal Conference, 1897 (handwritten), BHA, Calcutta.
106. Interview with Nama Ruth, 9 April 1986, Kiritapuram.
107. Interview with Rev. Daniel, 31 March 1986, Dornakal.
109. `Prohibition Issue in India,' MDM, XIII, 11 (Nov. 1918), pp. 263-64.
110. Herbert Anderson, Prohibition Progresses in India (London: Indian Conciliation Group, 1938).
111. Proceedings of the Eighth Session of the Dornakal Diocesan Council held at Bezwada on 6-7 Jan. 1938, 5: 2/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC. This session applauded the Prohibition Act of 1937 and pledged to continue to aid the now-supportive government in the cause of temperance. The Anglican church was much more in harmony with Indian public opinion on this issue than with some branches of the British and Indian governments. See `Prohibition Issue in India,' op. cit., pp. 263-64.
112. For evidence of reduced alcohol consumption, see DDM, V, 4 (April 1928), p. 4; V, 11 (Nov. 1928), p. 4; VI, 5 (May 1929), p. 1; VI, 6 (June 1929), p. 14; VI, 9 (Sept. 1929), p. 3; VII, 5 (May 1930), pp. 6-7; VII, 9 (Sept. 1930), p. 8; IX, 5 (May 1932), p. 13; X, 10 (Oct. 1933), p. 9; XIII, 4 (April 1936), pp. 2-3. Also J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., p. 42; `The Bishop's Diary,' MDM, XVI, 3 (March 1921), pp. 51-59; Rajaiah D. Paul, `V. S. Dornakal,' in Birth Centenary of Bishop Azariah, 1974, op. cit., p. 59; K. Luke, Darnahal Tiranalveli Indiyan Misanari Sanghamu, op. cit., p. 101. There is relatively little published evidence that drinking remained a severe problem in Christian congregations, but for some indication of intemperance in the church, see DDM, V, 5 (May 1928), p. 2; XII, 4 (April 1935), p. 4. Also `The Bishop's Diary,' MTDM, IX, 2 (Feb. 1914), p. 26.
113. 1,293 of its adult members and 400 of its junior members were on `probation' in 1941. `ACPS Report,' Proceedings of the Twentieth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Diocesan Council, 29 Oct. 1941, Bezwada, 5: 2/2, Dornakal, MACIPBC; MTDM, IX, 6 (June 1914), p. 167; G. B. Redman, `Telugu Church Temperance Society,' MDM, XI, 4 (April 1916), pp. 121-2. See also TMI-IMS, XXVII, 6-7 (June July 1928), pp. 49-52.
114. Interviews with Alfred Bunyan, 29 and 30 March 1986, Dornakal.
117. VSA, A Charge Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th, 1941, op. cit., p. 20.
115. Church Censures: Diocese ofDornakal, I (1914-32),11 (1933-45), DDA.
116. DDM, XV, 7 (July 1938), p. It.
118. David G. Mandelbaum, Society in India (Berkeley, 1970), pp. 201, 217, 47981, 569.
119. R E. Frykenberg to author, 20 Oct. 1990.
120. P. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
121. A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose, op. cit., p. 80. Other types of highly polluting meats (bats, etc.) were not specified in the literature, only beef and pork.
122. A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged, op. cit., pp. 5, 13-15; For This Purpose, op. cit., pp. 14-15, 80.
123. DDM, VIII, 10 (Oct. 1931), p. 15. It was standard practice in such journals to omit village names.
124. Emma Rauschenbusch-Clough, While Sewing Sandals: Or Tales of a Telugu Pariah Tribe (London, 1899).
125. DDM, V, 11 (Nov. 1928), p. 4.
126. DDM, VII, 9 (Sept. 1930), pp. 8-9.
127. DDM, VII, 5 (May 1930), pp. 6-7.
130. Ibid., p. 2.
128. A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose, op. cit., p. 80.
129. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), p. 2.
131. Sometimes the reverse occurred as well. The movements affected trading and artisan groups (merchants, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, potters, etc.) to a lesser degree. G. A. Oddie, `Christian Conversion among Non-Brahmans in Andhra Pradesh, with Special Reference to the Anglican Missionaries and the Dornakal Diocese, c. 1900-1936,' in op. cit., pp. 80-81.
132. J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., pp. 40-45; VSA, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, IX, 6 (June 1932), pp. 1-4.
135. DDM, XII, 11 (Nov. 1935), p. 4.
133. J. Manor, `Testing the Barrier between Caste and Outcaste,' op. cit., pp. 3031.
134. A. Rumpus, `Report on the United Evangelistic Campaign 1934,' op. cit., p. 18.
138. VSA, `Foreword,' in J. W. Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., p. i. See also pp. 40-41, 48-50, 100-102, 103-5.
136. DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 4.
137. J. Manor, op. cit., pp. 34-35.
139. DDM, VI, 5 (May 1929), pp. 2-3.
140. Quoted in A. T. Fishman, For This Purpose, op. cit., p. 80.
143. Ibid., pp. 73-74.
141. T. R. Singh, The Madiga: A Study in Social Structure and Change, op. cit., p. 76.
142. Ibid.
144. Whether these goals were met in reality remains a complex subject whose results vary according to locality and time. For useful assessments see `Mass Movement Appeal,' MDM, XIII, 6 (June 1918), pp. 131-34; S. Manickam, The Social Setting of Christian Conversion in South India, op. cit., pp. 101-3, 108-11, 257-58; J. C. B. Webster, The Christian Community and Change in Nineteenth Century North India (Delhi, 1976), pp. 6172; A History of the Dalit Christians in India, op. cit.
The Indian Christian community became known rather more for its educational than for its economic attainments. Literacy gave converts the opportunity to enter new professions (in railways, postal systems, government, missions). Although this mobility contributed to a significant long-term rise in social status, persecution was often the only short-term result of mass movement conversions. S. Manickam, op. cit., pp. 108-11; Paul D. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh, op. cit., pp. 128-31. Pickett claimed that church-sponsored activity led to general economic improvement for the untouchables. For example, education and the breakdown of occupational restrictions led to increased earnings, improved medical care prevented loss of working days, and reduced drinking meant less wasteful expenditure and greater productivity. But he also pointed out that conversion worsened the economic condition in some respects. Educated converts often migrated to towns and cities so that villages did not benefit from their education, converts adopted new standards of expenditure in clothes, `false ideas of dignity' which prevented them from doing ordinary work, the boycott of certain occupations, `and the occasional development of a spirit of dependence upon the Mission.' See `Mass Movements and Economic Reconstruction,' DDM, XI, 3 (March 1934), pp. 16-19.
145. For example, J. Edwin Orr sees a link between revivals occurring in America and Ireland in 185 8-59 and the growth of the church in Andhra. J. Edwin Orr, Evangelical Awakenings in Southern Asia (Minneapolis, 1975), pp. 56-72, 118-54, and The Outpouring of the Spirit in Revival and Awakening and Its Issue in Church Growth (Pasadena, CA, 1984).
146. For example, M. K. Gandhi, Christian Missions: Their Place in India, ed. Bharatan Kumarappa (Ahmedabad, 2nd ed., 1957), pp. 61-66.
147. VSA and Henry Whitehead, Christ in the Indian Villages (London, 1930), quoted in J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India (Lucknow, 1933), pp. 154-55.
149. According to Paul D. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh, op. cit., pp. 16-17. Pickett was chosen to lead the study because he was particularly critical of collective conversions of this nature. His findings convinced him otherwise. Interview with Cyril B. Firth, 24 Sept. 1986, Romsey, Hants.
148. J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India (Lucknow, 1933).
152. `Our Lord did not hesitate to enroll as His disciples men who had political ambitions and who probably followed Him hoping through Him to secure freedom from Roman domination. In the parable of the Prodigal Son, our Lord was not afraid to say that the son was driven to the father's home by circumstances that brought him to the verge of starvation,' Azariah wrote. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 6 (June 1936), p. 4.
153. VSA, `Living Forces behind Mass Movements,' IRM, XXVIII (Oct. 1929), p. 509.
150. J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, pp. 160-61.
151. Ibid., p. 319.
154. Ibid., pp. 509-10.
155. Paul G. Hiebert, `Folk Religion in Andhra Pradesh and Some Missiological Implications,' in The Gospel among Our Hindu Neighbours, ed. Vinay Samuel and Chris Sugden (Bangalore, 1983), pp. 87-109; `The Flaw of the Excluded Middle,' Missiology, X, 1 (Jan. 1982), pp. 35-47; Konduru: Structure and Integration in a South Indian Village (Minneapolis, 1971).
156. P. Y. Luke and J. B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture, op. cit., pp. 42-43.
157. On the contrast and interaction between the `little' traditional belief systems of village India and the `great' traditional Christian, Muslim, and Hindu understandings as manifest in Andhra Pradesh, see Paul D. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh, op. cit., pp. 70-74, 87-89. Luke and Carman show that, because Sanskritization was not carried out thoroughly in these villages, many of the all-India festivals connected with Sanskritic deities are not much understood or appreciated and, instead, are occasions for `much tamasha' with little religious significance.
158. Quoted in Charles Ryerson, Regionalism and Religion, op. cit., p. 4. On Weber's contrast between `societies where the "magical" or "enchanted" does not transcend everyday life (and the) "rationalized" society where transcendent concepts stand above or apart from common place existence,' see ibid., pp. 3-4.
159. DDM, XII, 10 (Oct. 1935), p. 8.
160. As was the case in 1931, when a village pastor described a 'revival' that took place in two congregations following the observance of a special day of fasting and prayer for rain. The group included 120 Madiga men enrolled as Christian `hearers' (i.e., preparing for baptism) and some Hindus and Muslims because `all the efforts of Hindus and Mohammedans for rain had hitherto proved fruitless.' As it happened, the day of Christian prayer was followed immediately by rainfall, and this event led to the subsequent religious `revival.' DDM, VIII, 10 (Oct. 1931), p. 4. DDM contains many stories of village religious movements in which the boundary between the spiritual and the material is not at all clear.
161. Owen Chadwick, The Secularization of the European Mind in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1975). Only in the 1940s did Azariah begin to warn his clergy about the dangers of secularization and materialism. See VSA, A Charge Delivered at Bezwada on Wednesday, October 29th 1941, op. cit., p. 7.
162. S. B. Kaufmann, `Popular Christianity, Caste and Hindu Society in South India, 1800-1915,' in op. cit., pp. 15-26, 382-490; and `A Christian Caste in Hindu Society: Religious Leadership and Social Conflict among the Paravas of Southern Tamilnadu,' in op. cit., pp. 203-34. Kaufmann's argument that Christian conversion is best understood as a sectarian movement operating according to Hindu concepts of rank and social advancement (similar to bhakti movements such as Virasaivas) challenges the notion that Christian converts were seeking liberation from those values. For representative Christian missionary views, see S. C. Neill, Out of Bondage (London, 1930), pp. 48-50, 127; W. Paton, Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts (Westminster, 1937), p. 93; J. W. Pickett, `The Untouchables,' in Moving Millions (Boston, 1938), pp. 42-74; Bombay Representative Christian Council: Report on the Survey of Evangelistic Opportunities in Maharashtra, 1938-39 (Mysore City, 1940), p. 10. For other modern scholarly assessments of this question, see the works by R. E. Frykenberg, R Hardgrave, G. A. Oddie, J. Manor, and D. Washbrook cited by Kaufmann, and Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision: The Movement against Untouchability in 20th-Century Punjab (Berkeley, 1982), pp. 181-92; R. Frykenberg, `On the Study of Conversion Movements: A Review Article and a Theoretical Note,' in op. cit., pp. 121-38; D. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 1860-1960,' in op. cit., pp. 35-66;J. W. Gladstone, Protestant Christianity and People's Movements in Kerala, 1850-1936, op. cit., pp. 9-10, 76-81, 151-60, 201-4, 421-28; Walter Fernandes, Caste and Conversion Movements in India (Delhi, 1981), and `Caste, Religion and Social Change in India: Christianity and Conversion Movements,' in Scheduled Castes and the Struggle against Inequality, ed. Jose Kananaikil (Delhi, 1983), pp. 115-41; S. Manickam, The Social Setting of Christian Conversion in South India, op. cit., pp. 101-12, 245-49; L. L. and S. H. Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India (Chicago, 1967), pp. 136-37; and Dick Kooiman, Conversion and Social Equality in India (New Delhi: South Asia Publications, n.d.), pp. 168-208. Although this literature has not been subjected to systematic analysis, as Frykenberg notes in his `Review Article and Theoretical Note,' it suggests generally that conversion provided a means of challenging caste disabilities and of bidding for elevation within Indian society, rather than of eradicating caste per se.
163. DDM, XIII, 6 (June 1936), p. 6. See also Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, op. cit., pp. 42-43; A. T. Fishman, Culture Change and the Underprivileged, op. cit., p. 26 (Fishman notes that the prestige of association with missionaries was not unimportant); Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision, op. cit., p. 187.
164. This sort of perspective is reflected indirectly in Forrester's conclusion that the depressed classes were attracted to the Protestant emphasis on equality, among other factors. D. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 1860-1960,' in Religion in South Asia, op. cit., pp. 35-66. This difference between the perceptions of missionaries and converts has been noted in other contexts. See Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision, op. cit., p. 184, where he claims that, for the missionaries, `Christianity in the Punjab was something that rose above caste, hardly an instrument of caste identity and mobility.' On p. 192 he writes, Even in the cheeriest piety of church fellowship there were tensions between the global perspective of the missionaries and the parochial concerns of village Christians, and in the end the illusion of Christendom as a new society remained mostly that, an illusion.'
1. Few historical figures have been subject to such intensive study. Already by the mid-1970s, over 400 biographies of Gandhi were available; and several definitive and balanced biographies have appeared since that time, including Judith M. Brown, Gandhi: Prisoner ofHope (New Haven, 1989); Antony Copley, Gandhi: Against the Tide (Oxford, 1987); and Susanne H. and Lloyd I. Rudolph, Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma (Chicago, 1983). For much less common and sometimes shrill criticism of Gandhi, see Michael Edwardes, The Myth of the Mahatma: Gandhi, the British and the Raj (London, 1986); and Richard Grenier, The Gandhi Nobody Knows (Nashville, 1983).
2. Interview with Professor K. Swaminathan, 20 March 1986, Madras.
3. MTDM, IX, 1(Jan. 1914), pp. 9-11. See also MTDM, X, 1 (Jan. 1915), pp. 35-36.
4. Whitehead, Indian Problems, op. cit., pp. 225-50.
7. Ibid., p. 234. It is entirely possible that Azariah was present for this conversation.
5. MDM, XI, 9 (Sept. 1916), p. 232.
6. Ibid., p. 233.
8. Ibid., p. 235. Gandhi was much more critical of Hindu priests and temples than Azariah.
9. Henry Whitehead, Indian Problems, op. cit., pp. 240-49.
10. M. K. Gandhi, `Why I Did Not Become a Christian,' in The Message of Jesus Christ, ed. Anand T. Hingorani (Bombay, 1971), p. 24.
11. See, e.g., some of Gandhi's statements from the Harijan (citations given from both M. K. Gandhi, Christian Missions: TheirPlace in India, ed. Bharatan Kumarappa [2nd ed., Ahmedabad, 1957, hereafter CM], and CWMG, and differences noted where applicable): `About "Conversion,"' 28 Sept. 1935, CM, pp. 46-50, CWMG, LXI, pp. 454-58;'A Christian Letter,' 30 Jan. 1937, CM, pp. 70-73, CWMG, LXIV, pp. 325-27; `Conversion without Conviction,' 29 March 1942, CM, p. 85 (not in CWMG). It is interesting that Gandhi did approve of reconversion for converts to the former faith of their birth. See `What Is Neutrality,' 30 Dec. 1939, CM, pp. 86-88, CWMG, LXXI, pp. 52-53.
12. `An Address of Welcome Presented to Mahatma Mohandas Karamchand Gandhiji by the Indian Christian Community of Nandyal,' DDM, VI, 6 (June 1929), p. 13.
13. Ibid., p. 13.
14. `Extracts from Letters of Bishop Azariah, with an Introduction by the Bishop of Madras' (Madras, 1945), p. 29.
15. J. C. B. Webster, A History of Dalit Christians in India (San Francisco, 1992), pp. 73-119J. Devasikamani, `Separate Electorates Vs. Joint Electorates,' Guardian, XVIII, 9 (29 Feb. 1940), pp. 133-34.
16. VSA, `Fee Concessions for Harijans,' Guardian, XVII, 36-37 (14 and 21 Sept. 1939), p. 567. Italics mine.
17. Judith M. Brown, Gandhi and Civil Disobedience: The Mahatma in Indian Politics, 1928-34 (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 382-89; Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope (New Haven and London, 1989), pp. 242-43, 247-77.
18. B. D. Graham, The Congress and Hindu Nationalism' (paper presented at the international conference `100 Years of the Indian National Congress,' Oxford, Nov. 1985), pp. 1-7.
19. Judith M. Brown, Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope, op. cit., p. 265.
20. Although Gandhi justified his fast in religious terms, he was fully aware of its political implications. J. M. Brown, Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope, op. cit., p. 265.
21. Ravinder Kumar, `Gandhi, Ambedkar and the Poona Pact, 1932,' JSAS, VIII, 1-2, pp. 87-101. Eleanor Zelliot, `Gandhi and Ambedkar - A Study in Leadership,' in The Untouchables in Contemporary India, ed. J. Michael Mahar (Tucson, AZ, 1972), pp. 6995. Horace G. Alexander, Untouchability and the Poona Agreement (London, 1932).
22. R E. Frykenberg, `Caste, Morality and Western Religion under the Raj: A Review Article,' draft copy from author.
23. See particularly `The Communal Award' and `Indian Christians and the Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 29 (25 Aug. 1932), pp. 342-43 and 349-50 respectively; and `The Position of Indian Christians,' Guardian, X, 34 (29 Sept. 1932), p. 401.
24. `Madras and Provincial Autonomy,' Times, March 1928, in Clippings Album, Azariah Collection, Madras.
25. Quoted in J. C. B. Webster, op. cit., pp. 86-87.
26. D. Packiamuthu, Valihatti, op. cit., Act III, Scene 3.
27. Datta replaced the recently deceased K. T. Paul, representative of the All-India Conference of Indian Christians at the first Round Table Conference. J. C. B. Webster, `Christians and the Depressed Classes Movement in the 1930's: The Crucial Decade' (paper presented to the `Seminar on Aspects of the Economy, Society and Politics in Modern India, 1900-1950,' New Delhi, 15-18 Dec. 1980), p. 7 (hereafter, Seminar Paper; this paper was published in Economy, Society and Politics in Modern India, ed. D. N. Panigrahi [New Delhi, 1985], pp. 313-44); C. S. Milford, Church and Crisis in India (London, 1945), pp. 22-26; History of Christianity in India: Source Materials, ed. M. K. Kuriakose (Madras, 1982), pp. 351-56.
28. VSA, `The Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 31 (8 Sept. 1932), p. 368. Reprinted in DDM, IX, 10 (Oct. 1932), pp. 10-13.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
33. Ibid. In this article, Azariah estimated that about 25,000 caste members had converted to Christianity in the previous decade. Henry Whitehead had earlier likened the mass movements of untouchables to the English labour movement, both of which he described as uprisings `of the underprivileged in the determination to claim the place due to them as human beings.' See William Paton, Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts, op. cit., p. 77.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
34. As a temporary measure, he accepted proposals for reserved seats in a general electorate but concluded: `At the very least under the present system, Indian Christians should have the liberty to vote in the general electorate by choice.' `Indian Christians and the Communal Award,' Guardian, X, 35 (6 Oct. 1932), p. 415.
35. J. C. Winslow, `The Christa Seva Sanghva,' DDM, X, 3 (March 1933), pp. 89. Azariah did not attend the Poona Conference, but rather chose to fulfil prior episcopal duties in the diocese; specifically a confirmation tour which, he explained, could not be canceled without considerable inconvenience to scores of villages. His absence was interpreted by the Madras Mail and the Times of India as a `defection' from his position against the Communal Award. This charge, which Azariah refuted immediately, appears to have been part of a campaign by supporters of separate electorates to belittle the importance of the Poona Conference, which, it was believed, had been `packed' with advocates of joint electorates. In fact, those favoring separate electorates were well represented at the conference by groups from Poona and Ahmednagar. See VSA, `The Bishop of Dornakal and the Poona Conference,' Guardian, X, 40 (10 Nov. 1932), p. 475. Also `Poona Christian Conference,' Guardian, X, 39 (3 Nov. 1932), p. 463; `Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, X, 40 (10 Nov. 1932), p. 474.
36. Separate communal electorates were abolished in accordance with Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution of India. Abraham V. Thomas, Christians in Secularln- dia (Rutherford, NJ, 1974), p. 73.
37. VSA, `Our Duty as Citizens,' DDM, XV, 2 (Feb. 1938), p. 6; see also VSA, `Christians and the New Government: Bishop of Dornakal's Call for Support,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 86-87 (and in MDM, XXXIII, 3 [Feb. 1938], pp. 60-62). For other examples of his later statements on the subject, see VSA, India and the Christian Movement, op. cit. (1935), pp. 106-7; `The Bishop's New Year Letter,' DDM, XIII, 1 (Jan. 1936), pp. 8-11; `Bishop of Dornakal on Communal Representation,' Guardian, XIV, 16 (16 April 1936), p. 249; and `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIV, 5 (May 1937), pp. 3-4.
38. `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' Guardian, XX, 37 (17 Sept. 1942), p. 436. Also `The Indian Christian and Politics,' Guardian, XX, 40 (8 Oct., 1942), p. 478, for a clarification of his views regarding Christians' responsibility towards the state, in response to a critique by R. M. Chetsingh in the previous issue.
39. `The Late Bishop of Dornakal,' Guardian, XXIII, 1 (4 Jan. 1945), pp. 2, 8.
40. Dhananjay Keer, Dr. Ambedhar: Life and Mission (3rd ed., Bombay, 1971), pp. 242-79.
41. J. W. Gladstone, Protestant Christianity and People's Movements in Kerala 18501936, op. cit., pp. 356-74.
42. `The Question of the Depressed Classes,' Guardian, XIV, 23 (4 June 1936), p. 354.
43. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 12 (Dec. 1935), p. 3. Also, `The Bishop of Dornakal on Dr. Ambedkar's Declaration,' Guardian, XIII, 50 (12 Dec. 1935), pp. 791, 793.
44. Mass movement advocate J. W. Pickett expressed skepticism about Ambedkar's making religion an `element of barter,' and urged a hesitant Azariah to approach Ambedkar personally about the decision. See J. W. Pickett, The Movement among the Depressed Classes in India (New York, 12 June 1936). See also J. C. B. Webster, Seminar Paper, pp. 13-15.
45. Even before the conversion of Constantine in the year 312, conversion `from above' had made Edessa the first state with Christianity as its official religion by the end of the second century, followed by Armenia near the end of the third century. See K. S. Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity: The First Five Centuries (London, 1947), pp. 101-6,223-24. Azariah used the example ofArmenia to illustrate dangers inherent to mass movements in `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 10 (Oct. 1934), pp. 1-3. On Constantine's conversion, see A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion ofEurope (Middlesex, 1962). Jones concludes that the Emperor's dominant motive was the achievement of worldly power and that his conversion was not a 'spiritual experience' insofar as Constantine `knew and cared nothing for the metaphysical and ethical teaching of Christianity when he became a devotee of the Christian God' (p. 105).
46. VSA, `The Expansion of Christianity in India,' NCCR, LV, 2-7 (Feb. July 1935). Published under the title The Church and Evangelism, op. cit. (1936). See pp. 35-37. The principal problem involved provision to largely uneducated converts of adequate instruction for baptism and, eventually, for confirmation. According to guidelines set by the NCC in 1937, catechetical preparation for baptism in mass movement areas was supposed to include instruction on the life of Christ, the cardinal doctrines of Christianity, Christian ethics, and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper. Converts were also instructed to make certain changes in lifestyle before baptism (to reject caste, idolatry, and non-Christian marriages), to observe faithfully the Lord's Day, and to profess their acceptance of Christ as Savior and Lord. See `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIV, 4 (April 1937), pp. 1-4. To achieve and maintain such high standards re- quired the availability of trained teachers and ordained clergy who were willing to work in restrictive village circumstances over long periods of time. In Dornakal Diocese, Azariah attempted to limit the expansion of the church to the availability of teaching and oversight capabilities (`The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 10 (Oct. 1934), p. 1), and the standard of achievement for converts in his diocese was reported to be high relative to other mass movement areas, especially in the United Provinces. See J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, op. cit., pp. 338-41, 348-50.
49. His appeals for men and money are well documented in Clippings Album, Azariah Collection, Madras.
47. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 6 (June 1936), p. 4. (Cf. Acts 2:41).
48. VSA, India and the Christian Movement, op. cit. (1935), p. 76.
50. VSA, `India: A Present Urgent Opportunity,' op. cit. (1937), pp. 541-45.
51. VSA, The Church and Evangelism, op. cit., pp. 36-37.
54. Hodge to Paton, 1 Nov. 1935, and Hodge to Paton, 11 Sept. 1936, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
52. VSA to Mott, 2 Feb. 1937, 1: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
53. `A Call to the Church,' DDM, XIII, 2 (Feb. 1936), pp. 2-4.
55. VSA, An Open Letter to Our Countrymen Who Are Classified as Belonging to the Depressed Classes (Dornakal, n.d.), in English and Telugu. English copy in Box: Pamphlets (Old) 275, SOCA. Published also by the Foreign Missions Conference of North America, New York, 1936, with `A Note of Explanation' by A. L. Warnshuis; copy in I: 461, Mott Papers, YDS. See also YMI, B&C, XLVIII, 9 (Oct. 1936), pp. 25354, and `What Christ Has Done for Untouchables,' MRW, LX (March 1937), pp. 13132.
56. VSA, `Duty of Indian Christian Electors,' Guardian, XIV, 3 (16 Jan. 1936), p. 44.
57. VSA, Statement to All Heads of Church and Missions (for private circulation only) (Dornakal, May 1936); draft and printed copies in Box 395, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
58. Ibid.
59. Some from both high-caste and untouchable backgrounds resented the scandalous embarrassment of being identified with the en masse entry into the church of illiterate, ill-mannered, unconverted, and uncatechized outcastes. J. W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, op. cit., pp. 315-18.
60. K. Baago, A History of the National Christian Council of India, 1914-1964, op. cit., pp. 50-60. The new zeal for evangelism which characterized the work of the NCC throughout the 1930s was, according to Baago, due to the following factors: (i) the influence of theological trends in Europe and America, especially in relation to Karl Barth and Reinhold Niebuhr, (ii) the example of evangelistic movements in Japan and China, and (iii) the leadership of Azariah and NCC Secretary J. Z. Hodge, `who were both on fire for the evangelistic work of the Church.' See also C. B. G. Chambers, `A Five Year Programme of Evangelism, 1936-1940,' DDM, XIII, 8 (Aug. 1936), pp. 7-12; and `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, X, 2 (Feb. 1933), pp. 1-6.
61. `Forward Movement in Evangelism,' Guardian, XIII, 29 Only 18, 1935), pp. 455, 458; also in DDM, XII, 7 (July 1935), pp. 9-13.
62. The object of the evangelistic movement was `to call the churches of Christ to this primary duty of the Church to witness for Christ.'Ibid., p. 458.
63. Ibid., p. 458.
64. `When India is rising to a new national life, how can Christians remain quiet, who know fully well that Christ is indispensable in this time of renaissance and all the problems of this great continent can find solution only in and through Jesus Christ.' Ibid., p. 458.
65. As was apparent in his writings on the centrality of the church's role in Christian mission. See especially `The Place of the Church in Evangelism,' in op. cit. (1939), pp. 32-47. Azariah's assertion of this theme at the Tambaram conference of 1938 marked a pivotal moment in the history of Christian mission, when `it was firmly and decisively affirmed that mission is the responsibility of the whole Church,' rather than merely of the missionary societies. See Bishop Lesslie Newbigin, `A Sermon Preached at the Thanksgiving Service for the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Tambaram Conference of the International Missionary Council 1938' (Jan. 1988), manuscript copy from the author.
66. C. Graham, Azariah ofDornakal, op. cit., p. 101. Azariah personally related his recollections of the meeting to Graham. As she recalled in 1985: `Having waited to see what Dr. Ambedkar would do next, when nothing happened Azariah wrote and asked Ambedkar for an interview, which was immediately granted' (Graham to author, 16 March 1985, Farnham). The interview was also described to this author by Azariah's daughter, Grace Aaron (interview, 24-26 Sept. 1985, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada); and by Azariah's son, Ambrose Azariah (interview, 23 March 1986, Madras).
Ambedkar's subsequent long delay in deciding which new religion to adopt (he eventually converted to Buddhism) provoked Azariah to write privately in 1938 that Ambedkar `... has not moved one inch since I saw him in 1936; if at all, he has moved in the direction of politics.' Azariah favored dropping the issue of conversion with Ambedkar and criticized Pickett and American evangelist E. Stanley Jones for continuing their efforts and making `fools of themselves.' Hodge to Paton, 11 March, 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
67. Diocesan statistics revealed the following growth:
See `The Standing Committee,' DDM, XIII, 10 (Oct. 1936), pp. 5; `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XV, 3 (March 1938), p. 1.
68. `The Standing Committee,' DDM, XIII, 10 (Oct. 1936), pp. 4-5. Archdeacon Emmet in the Nandyal area of the Dornakal diocese also reported that Dr. Ambedkar's pronouncement `has scarcely affected this area.' However, the lack of non-Christian Adi-Andhra leaders may have contributed to this outcome. He also observed a general apathy on the part of Sikhs, Muslims, and `Sudra masters in the villages' toward the challenge posed by the depressed classes. DDM, XIV, 8 (Aug. 1937), p. 17.
69. VSA, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 11 (Nov. 1936), pp. 1-4; J. W. Gladstone, Protestant Christianity and People's Movements in Kerala, in op. cit., pp. 356-74; D. B. Forrester, `The Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity,' in op. cit., pp. 54-56; and Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Policies on Caste ofAnglo-Saxon Protestant Missions in India (London, 1980), pp. 85-86.
70. VSA, `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 11 (Nov. 1936), pp. 1-4; J. W. Gladstone, op. cit., pp. 367-68. Azariah's report contradicts Eleanor Mae Zelliot's claim that the Izhavas were among those few depressed class groups which supported Ambedkar's move. E. M. Zelliot, `Dr. Ambedkar and the Mahar Movement' (University of Pennsylvania, 1969), p. 209; cited in J. C. B. Webster, Seminar Paper, p. 13.
71. DDM, XIII, 4 (April 1936), pp. 16-17; `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 6 (June 1936), pp. 1-5.
72. K. Heiberg, V. S. Azariah: Bishop afDornakal, op. cit., p. 98.
73. VSA, `Mahatma Gandhi's Seventieth Birthday: Bishop of Dornakal's Tribute,' Guardian, XVII, 36 and 37 (14 and 21 Sept. 1939), p. 577.
74. As Azariah phrased it, `Opinions may differ as to the method Mr. Gandhi has followed in attacking the evil (untouchability): All may not agree - even of the classes benefited - in the results achieved.' Ibid.
75. J. C. B. Webster, Seminar Paper, pp. 7-12.
76. Ibid., pp. 13-15. Also `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 11 (Nov. 1935), p. 3.
77. J. C. B. Webster, Seminar Paper, op. cit., p. 16. See also The Collected Works ofMahatma Gandhi (hereafter CWMG), LXIV, pp. x-xi, and LXV, pp. ix-x, where Gandhi's opposition to conversion is described in the context of Christianity only.
78. See, e.g., a few accusations from the Harijan in 1937: `The Cow and the Harijan,' 13 March, CM, pp. 58-60, CWMG, LXIV, pp. 440-41; `An Unfortunate Document,' 3 April, CM, pp. 75-83, CWMG, LXV, pp. 47-48 (CM version more complete); `Our Partial Sight,' 17 April, CM, pp. 74-45, CWMG, LXV, p. 96; `Conversion for Convenience' and `The Social Bait,' 12 June, CM, pp. 61, 67-68, CWMG, LXV, pp. 295-96 (latter article only); `How They Convert,' 19 June, CM, pp. 63-66, CWMG, LXV, pp. 316-18 (CM version more complete); `Four Questions,' 25 Sept., CM, pp. 84-85, CWMG, LXVI, pp. 16364.
Thakkar's reports and Gandhi's comments were described and criticized in the Guardian (Madras). See `Reports about Conversion,' and `How They Convert,' XV, 25 (June 24, 1937), pp. 386, 394-95.
79. `Church Missionary Society,' 26 Dec. 1936, CM, pp. 55-58, and CWMG, LXIV, pp. 176-78.
80. `Church Missionary Society,' op. cit.; `What is a Miracle,' 19 Dec. 1936, CM, pp. 53-55, CWMG, LXIV, pp. 149-5 1; `Shameful If True,' S June 1937, CM, pp. 61-62, CWMG, LXV, pp. 277-78; `The Kottayam Interview,' 13 March 1937, CM, pp. 156-59, or `Interview to Bishop Moore, Bishop Abraham, and Others,' CWMG, LXIV, pp. 285-86.
81. `Letter to Amrit Kaur,' 17 March 1937, CWMG, LXV, p. 4; `With an Indian Missionary,' CM, p. 162, or `Discussion with a Missionary,' CWMG, LXV, p. 81.
82. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XII, 11 (Nov. 1935), p. 3.
83. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIV, 5 (May 1937), p. 4.
84. A highly personal biography has been provided by Agatha's sister, Irene Harrison: Agatha Harrison: An Impression by Her Sister (London, 1956). Useful work on Agatha Harrison (hereafter AH) has also been done by Hugh Tinker, The Ordeal ofLove: C. F. Andrews and India (Delhi, 1979), and by Barbara N. Ramusack, `Catalysts or Helpers? British Feminists, Indian Women's Rights and Indian Independence,' in The Extended Family: Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan (Delhi, 1981), pp. 109-50. Among her papers at Friends House, London, see also 'AgathaMary Harrison,' War and India folder, 50B ICG, FH.
85. 45: 2/5, ICG, FH. She discussed Indian controversies with Lord Irwin, Lord Lothian, and Eleanor Rathbone, and was consulted by Sir Stafford Cripps before his departure for India in 1942. Harrison also served as messenger between Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose during the 1938 crisis over Congress leadership. She was instrumental in negotiations over political crises in princely states as well, helping to expedite a settlement during Gandhi's Rajkot fast-to-death by establishing contact with Mr. Gibson, Resident of the States of Western India. See AH, `Record of My Visits to India 1929-49,' 45: 2/5, ICG, FH. B. N. Ramusack, op. cit., pp. 134-36.
86. AH to Mr. Heath, 16 Oct. 1936, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
87. She failed to investigate the work of the Harijan Sevak Sangh as originally intended. AH to C. F. Andrews, 22 July 1936, 50A: CFA folder, ICG, FH. See also AH to Mahatmaji (Gandhi), 1 July 1936 and 19 Aug. 1936, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
88. AH to `dears,' 22 Nov. 1936, en route to Wardha, 50c: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
89. Ibid. Harrison questioned Mercy on numerical estimates attributed to Bishop Azariah in a pamphlet whose title Harrison leaves unnamed. It is likely that this is the same pamphlet criticized by Gandhi a month later in the Harijan ('Church Missionary Society,' Harijan, 26 Dec. 1936, in CM, pp. 55-58 and CWMG, LXIV, pp. 17678). The pamphlet, prepared by Prebendary W. W. Cash, was published by the CMS to raise an emergency fund of 25,000 pounds sterling to support missionary work in mass movement areas. In it, Bishop Azariah estimated that about one million people in his diocese were `moving Christward.'
90. AH to Mr. Wilson, 11 Nov. 1936, Madras, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
91. Ibid. Harrison does not specify the extent or nature of the divergence. See, however, `How They Convert,' Harijan, 19 June 1937, in CM, pp. 63-66 and CWMG, LXV, pp. 316-18; and the Christian critique: `How They Convert,' Guardian, XV, 25 (24 June 1937), pp. 386, 394-95.
92. G. L., `A Visit to India,' 50C: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
95. III: 1181953, Mott Papers, YDS.
96. Ibid. For Mahadev Desai's selective account of the discussions, see `Dr. Mott's Visit,' Harijan, 19 and 26 Dec. 1936, in CM, pp. 169-82, and `Discussion with John R Mott' (dated 13/14 Nov. 1936), in CWMG, LXIV, pp. 33-41. Mott claimed that Desai's record of the interview in the Harijan was 'meagre.' There is some inconsistency over the question of the date of the meeting. Whereas Mott contended the visit took place on 13-14 November, Desai recorded it as early December. Mott seems to have been correct since Harrison referred to the meeting as already having transpired in a letter to Carl Heath, 21 Nov. 1936, Madras, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
93. AH to Lord Brabourne, 5 Feb. 1937, Bombay, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
94. AH to Wilson, 11 Nov. 1936, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
97. `Mass Movement Survey, India, Memoranda, Notes, etc. 1930, 1932, "CMS" Summary of Notes taken at Conference with Dr. John R Mott, High Leigh, April 24, 1930,' Box 406, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
98. AH to Family, 26 Nov. 1936, Wardha, SOC: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
99. He said that no visitors were allowed. Alice Van Doren to AH, 16 Nov. 1936, Nagpur, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH. Original records of the proceedings do not survive; see K. Baago, A History of the National Christian Council of India, op. cit., pp. 57-58. However, the printed report is available in I: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
100. AH to Carl Heath, 16 Nov. 1936, New Delhi, 45: 2/1, ICG, FH.
101. `Extracts from Letters Received from Agatha Harrison,' 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
102. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIV, 2 (Feb. 1937), pp. 1-4. It is interesting to note that Azariah's fellow advocates of a relatively conservative theology supporting mass movement work, P. O. Philip and K. T. Paul, were also involved in the NMS and shared Azariah's commitments to nationalism and indigenization. D. B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity, op. cit., pp. 185-87.
103. VSA to Mott, 2 Feb. 1937,1: 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
104. Pickett to Diffendorfer, 17 March 1937, Bombay, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC.
105. `Extracts from Letters Received from Agatha Harrison,' 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
106. Ibid.
107. Pickett to Warnshuis, 18 Jan. 1937, Bombay, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC.
108. Pickett to Diffendorfer, 2 Jan. 1937, Bombay, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC.
109. Carl Heath to Alexander Wilson, 1 Jan. 1937, Nagpur, 44: 1 (box f), ICG, FH. Also see `Extracts from Letters Received from Agatha Harrison,' 45: 2/2, ICG, FH; and AH to Myrene, 31 Dec. 1936, Nagpur, 50C: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
114. VSA, `Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Work: Bishop of Dornakal Repudiates Dr. McGavran's Version,' Guardian, XVI, 31 (4 Aug. 1938), p. 482.
115. This conclusion is based upon an extensive search in India undertaken with the valuable assistance of Dr. Rajmohan Gandhi (Editor of the Indian Express [Madras], and grandson of Mahatma Gandhi) and Professor K. Swaminathan (Editor of The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi). Neither Dr. Gandhi nor Professor Swaminathan knew about the meeting with Azariah, but both helped this author in the search for evidence. (Interviews: Dr. Gandhi, 26 Feb. 1986, Madras; and Prof Swaminathan, 20 March 1986, Madras.) Letters supporting the conclusion that the transcript has been lost or otherwise removed from the records were received from the following: (1) R. Subrahmaniam, Secretary: the Pyarelal Foundation for Gandhian Studies and Research, Delhi, 5 April 1986 and 30 Sept. 1986 (no transcript reported in the Diaries of Mahadev Desai); (2) Mrs. Nirmala Subramaniam, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Delhi, 7 May 1986 (no records of meeting in her collection or at the Gandhi Museum and Library); (3) Dr. Hari Dev Sharma, Deputy Director, Nehru Memorial Museum, Delhi, 7 and 18 April 1986 (no records in this collection); (4) Mr. Narayan Desai, son of Mahadev Desai, Institute for Total Revolution, Vedchhi, 17 May and 12 June 1986 (no notes of the interview in the family's collection of his father's papers).
112. AH to Family, 21 Jan. 1937, Delhi, 50C: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
113. Hodge to Paton, 8 Aug. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
110. Heath to Wilson, 1 Jan. 1937, Nagpur, 44: 1 (box 0, ICG, FH.
111. AH to Carl Heath 1 Feb. 1937, Bombay, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH.
116. Bishop Pickett claimed in March 1937 that it took place on 12 February, although it seems to have been scheduled originally for a later date. See Pickett to Diffendorfer: 17 March 1937, Bombay, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC. It was scheduled first for 17 February. See Pickett to Warnshuis, 18 Jan. 1937, Bombay, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC. Also, AH to Heath, 1 Feb. 1937, Bombay, 45: 2/2, ICG, FH. In 1938, Azariah placed the meeting more vaguely in `March 1937.' See VSA, `Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Work: Bishop of Dornakal Repudiates Dr. McGavran's Version,' op. cit. (1938), p. 482. It seems probable that Pickett's more precisely specified date, recollected closer to the meeting time, is the accurate one.
117. Hodge to Paton, 8 Aug. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
118. D. A. McGavran, `The Battle for Brotherhood in India Today,' World Dominion, XVI, 1 (Jan. 1938), pp. 32-36; 2 (April 1938), pp. 131-35; 3 (July 1938), pp. 255-61. For biographical and bibliographical information on McGavran, see God, Man and Church Growth (A Festschrift in Honor of Donald Anderson McGavran), ed. A. R. Tippett (Grand Rapids, 1973); and his autobiographical article, `My Pilgrimage in Mission,' International Bulletin of Missionary Research, X, 2 (April, 1986), pp. 53-58. It is ironic to note, in light of his earlier polemic against caste, how McGavran's later theories of church growth admit a remarkable (although, in theory, only short-term) tolerance for caste. In an interview with the author (30 Jan. 1987, Pasadena, CA), McGavran said that he now believes that Christian brotherhood is rarely achieved instantly, and that caste practices should be allowed to persist temporarily among new converts in the interests of numerical expansion of the church. For a critique of McGavran's missiology with special reference to his experience with mass movements in India, see Philip Lewis, `Caste, Mission and Church Growth,' Themelios, X, 2 (Jan. 1985), pp. 24-30.
119. D. A. McGavran, `The Battle for Brotherhood in India Today,' WorldDomin- ion, XVI, 3 Only 1938), p. 261.
120. `Gandhiji on Religion,' Guardian, XVI, 28 (14 July 1938), p. 435.
121. For example, in the Guardian: `Stray references have been made to the Gan- dhi-Dornakal interview, in speeches and papers. The foregoing report is a more coherent account than what we have seen on other occasions. Mahatma Gandhi's views on conversion to Christianity are well known. They have been debated, disputed or supported in public for many years. In none of them did Gandhiji betray intentions of securing State action of the kind indicated above. That he could have held this secret in his mind seems incredible.... Dr. MacGavran has evidently had access to information that has been denied to the public.... But the public will not rest content until some one directly engaged in the interview publishes a full, authentic report of what transpired. The statements published point to serious developments in the future that are of far reaching consequence to many interests." Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Missions,' Guardian, XVI, 30 Only 1938), p. 465.
122. For instance, in a conversation with a missionary in 1935 Gandhi said: `If I had power and could legislate I should certainly stop all proselytizing.' See Mahadev Desai, `Interesting Questions,' Harijan, 11 May 1935, in CM, p. 106. See also S. J. Imam- Ud-Din, Gandhi and Christianity (Lahore, 1946), pp. 42-44.
123. Hodge to Paton, 16 Sept. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
124. `Gandhiji's Alleged Threat to Christian Work: Bishop of Dornakal Repudiates Dr. MacGavran's Version,' op. cit. (1938), p. 482. For Henry Whitehead's impressions of Gandhi, see `Bishop's Diary,' MDM, XI, 9 (Sept. 1916), pp. 232-35; and Indian Problems in Religion, Education, Politics, op. cit., p. 245. See also Knud Heiberg, V. S. Azariab: Bishop of Dornakal, op. cit., p. 97.
125. `The explanation of the publication is that I heard the story from a dozen different sources, did not hear that it was confidential, and thus incorporated the incident in my article in all good faith.' See `Dr. D. A. McGavran's Explanation,' Guardian, XVI, 38 (22 Sept. 1938), p. 594. See also World Dominion, XVI, 4 (Oct. 1938), p. 392.
126. McGavran to the author, 17 Oct. 1986, Pasadena, California.
127. Vern Middleton, `Caste Issues in the Minds of McGavran and Gandhi,' Missiology: An International Review, XIII, 2 (April 1985), pp. 159-73. I am grateful to the Rev. Vinay Samuel of Bangalore for drawing my attention to this article. Regarding Azariah's defense of Gandhi in the Guardian, Middleton contends that it `was written under considerable duress and reflects the heat behind the issue.... In it the Bishop [Azariah] strives to save face with Gandhi by virtually calling McGavran a liar. A portion of the letter is quoted here to demonstrate that even Bishops can brush truth aside for that which is politically expedient. I dare make such an accusation here because history has proven the accuracy of McGavran's statements.'
128. M. B. Niyogi, Madhya Pradesh Enquiry Report (Madhya Pradesh Government Publications, 1956), pp. 49-51; cited in P. D. Devanandan, The Gospel and RenascentHin- duism (London, 1959), p. 23.
129. In a letter to the author, McGavran admitted that Pickett was his informer but explained that he (McGavran) concealed this fact at the time of the incident. After receiving `two or three indignant letters' from Azariah demanding to know the source of his `false information,' McGavran said he accepted blame for the incident in order to protect Pickett from being drawn into `a very embarrassing position.' McGavran to the author, 17 Oct. 1986, Pasadena, California.
This statement is consistent with the information given by McGavran in an oral interview with Vern Middleton, author of the above article in Missiology on 27 Oct. 1983. See Middleton, op. cit., p. 161.
Indeed, in 1938 Pickett admitted privately to Hodge his role in the affair, saying that McGavran may have `... laid hold of something he [Pickett] had said at the Landour Conference of a year ago.' Hodge to Paton, 8 Aug. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
130. `Having heard general talk on the subject I wrote an account of the interview as I understood it. As I had adopted for that article the direct discourse style, I put quotation marks on the statement, and did not give consideration to the fact that readers would regard them as meaning that I was using Mr. Gandhi's exact words.'
`As to "who my informant was" I really can't say. I have heard the story from a dozen different people, Indians and missionaries. It is quite a common story. I have also heard substantially the same thing from Hindu sources. Not, to be sure, ascribing the statement to Mr. Gandhi in conversation with you, but laying down this course of procedure as one which India now having achieved Hindu raj would be certain to follow.'
`As I always try to be accurate, this slip causes me very great regret.' McGavran to Azariah, 6 August 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
131. `It must be said that this story, current quite widely and heard by the author from a dozen different sources must hence forth be accepted as mythical in view of Bishop Azariah's categorical statement. On the other hand there is no question but that some such position is widely held amongst influential Hindu leaders.... In conclusion, therefore, while we point out that while Mr. Gandhi did not make the statement to Bishop Azariah, the fundamental truth underlying the statement remains unchanged, namely that in the Battle for Brotherhood Christianity is facing in India a religion whose existence depends upon a denial of brotherhood, and the prevention by as many means as it has at hand of the spread of a religion of brotherhood.' McGavran to the Editor of World Dominion, 29 July 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
132. As Paton observed: `McGavran has not grasped the essential distinction between two things: (i) his own opinions as to whether Hindus think certain things about Christian conversion and the prohibition of it and whether Mr. Gandhi more or less agrees with them, and (ii) the question whether or not certain things were said by Mr. Gandhi on a specific and stated occasion. To withdraw what he said under No. ii and then excuse it by No i is the kind of thing which makes people see red.' Paton to Hodge, 5 Sept. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS. See also Hodge to Paton, 16 Sept. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
133. `Since Waskom Pickett was a good friend of mine, I formed the conclusion that Gandhi had indeed said this (i.e., what was attributed to him in the World Dominion article), but did not want the matter publicized. I did not consult Waskom Pickett. I was sure that I had quoted him exactly.... My present conclusion is that Gandhi unquestionably said this but that publicizing his remark was something that he did not approve of. Pickett had made a mistake in mentioning it at all, and I had made a mis- take in including it in my article. It was private information.' McGavran to the author, 17 Oct. 1986, Pasadena, California.
134. Hodge wrote: `I entirely endorse what Dornakal has written. The words that McGavran attributes to Gandhi were quite contrary to the whole tenor of his conversation.' See Hodge to Paton, 8 Aug. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS. Mahadev Desai called on McGavran to make an apology as well. See Hodge to Paton, 16 Sept. 1938, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
135. Even the files containing Bishop Pickett's correspondence with the Home Board of Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church for 1938 (GCAH, UMC) are void of any reference to the controversy with Gandhi.
136. J. W. Pickett to R. E. Diffendorfer, 17 March 1937, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC.
137. Ibid. For Ambedkar's fully developed critique of Gandhi, see B. R. Ambedkar, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables (Bombay, 1945, 2nd ed. 1946).
138. One must therefore question the reasoning behind Middleton's assertion that `history has proven the accuracy of McGavran's statements.' The opinions of the Niyogi Commission cannot be proof or disproof of who said what in a meeting almost two decades earlier. It is not unreasonable to suggest that Middleton has fallen into precisely the same trap that snared McGavran in 1938, namely, the failure to distinguish between the particulars of the 1937 meeting and the well-known fact of Gandhi's opposition to Christian evangelism. Middleton attempts to exonerate McGavran with the use of interesting but unrelated evidence. That Gandhi was quoted in Harijan as saying `If I had power and could legislate I should certainly stop all proselytizing' is irrelevant. Azariah's defense of Gandhi says nothing about Gandhi's general beliefs with respect to proselytizing. ('Whether Gandhiji made any such statement or statements, anywhere else or to anybody else, at any other time, I do not know,' Azariah wrote.) It merely defends Gandhi from McGavran's portrayal of what was said during the 1937 meeting. More significantly, it was most likely meant to defend Christians from what would have been a justified charge by Hindu nationalists and others of distorting facts for purposes of propaganda.
139. Middleton, op. cit., p. 161. Apparently, Middleton was unaware that Hodge also contested McGavran's interpretation, and no explanation was given for why the NCC Secretary might have brushed truth aside as well.
140. `Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 17.
141. VSA: `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' op. cit. (1942), pp. 43637; `The Indian Christian and Politics,' op. cit. (1942), p. 478.
142. `What the Congress Stands For' and `Bishops and Politics,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 17; `Concerning Untouchables,' Guardian, XIV, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 19; VSA, `Nationalism and Indian Christianity,' DDM, XIII, 2 (Feb. 1936), p. 14.
143. `Whatever Gandhi said was subject to two interpretations. Pickett made one. Azariah made another and both of them were probably according to the best of their ability.... Neither of them were deliberately lying.' Interview with the author, 30 January 1987, Pasadena, California.
144. Interview with the author, 2 February 1987, Pasadena, California.
145. Ved Mehra, Mahatma Gandhi and His Apostles (New York, 1976), p. 36.
146. `The Kottayam Interview,' Harijan, 13 March 1937, in CM, pp. 156-59. See also `Interview to Bishop Moore, Bishop Abraham, and others' (dated 19 Jan. 1937, Kottayam), CWMG, LXIV, pp. 285-86.
147. E. Stanley Jones, Gandhi: Portrayal of a Friend (Nashville, 1948), pp. 66-67. The three Christian witnesses (E. Stanley Jones, Rev. S. Aldis, and Principal David Moses of Hislop College, Nagpur) claimed that Gandhi had `unhesitatingly approved of conversion' given certain specific conditions: (i) the convert was inwardly convinced that Christ is the one to whom he should give his allegiance, (ii) he would not be denationalized, and (iii) the Christian community as a separate political entity would fade out. A retraction published six months later by Gandhi's secretary claimed that the interview had been incorrectly reported and that Gandhi did not approve of conversion.
148. Pickett to Diffendorfer, 2 Jan. 1937, 1185-4-3:03, Pickett Papers, GCAH, UMC. VSA to Paton, 25 Jan. 1937, Box 395, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
149. B. N. Ramusack, op. cit., p. 131.
150. AH to Family, SOC: unmarked folder, ICG, FH.
151. `He did not feel that my intervention into the missionary field had been helpful to say the least. In fact he "was in revolt over the line I had taken." He had read my letters and said they were "abusive" and "contemptuous."' AH to C. F. Andrews, undated (probably May 1937), 50A: CFA folder, ICG, FH.
152. Paton to Hodge, 3 March 1937, Box 396, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
153. VSA to Harrison, 17 Jan. 1937, Box 395, NCCC, IMC/CBMS, SOAS.
154. Ibid.
155. Mark, 16:15-16.
156. So, e.g., Gandhi wrote in Young India, 8 Dec. 1927: `If, then, I had to face only the Sermon on the Mount and my own interpretation of it, I should not hesitate to say: "Oh yes, I am a Christian."' See `The Message ofJesus,' in M. K. Gandhi, TheMessage ofJesus Christ, op. cit., p. 44. On the subject of Gandhi's selective reinterpretation of Sanskritic tradition, see Judith M. Brown, `Mahatmas as Reformers: Some Problems of Religious Authority in the Indian Nationalist Movement,' South Asia Research, VI, 1 (May 1986), pp. 15-26.
157. Harijan, 30 May 1936, quoted in M. K. Gandhi, The Message ofJesus Christ, op. cit., p. 89; see also pp. 43-44.
158. `Mahatma Gandhi's Seventieth Birthday: Bishop of Dornakal's Tribute,' op. cit. (1939), p. 577.
159. `Gandhiji and Religious Freedom,' Guardian, XVIII, 11 (14 March 1940), p. 163. See also the Guardian, XVIII, 10 (7 March 1940), pp. 146-47.
160. `Concerning "Untouchables,"' Guardian, XVI, 2 (9 Jan. 1936), p. 19. See also a similar statement several months later in which Azariah countered objections to mass conversion movements from `nationalist patriots' who `erroneously think that for any group to give up Hinduism is to abandon Indian nationality,' asserting instead that missionaries bore the message of Jesus Christ out of a public-spirited love for India. `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XIII, 6 (June 1936), p. 4.
161. VSA: `Our Duty as Citizens,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 5-10; `Christians and the New Government: Bishop of Dornakal's Call for Support,' op. cit. (1938), pp. 86-87.
164. VSA, `Fee Concessions for Harijans,' Guardian, op. cit., p. 567.
162. VSA, `Our Duty as Citizens,' op. cit. (1938), p. 7.
163. Ibid., p. 6.
165. Ibid., p. 8.
166. Ibid., p. 9.
167. J. Devasikamani, `Separate Electorates Vs. Joint Electorates with Reservation of Seats,' Guardian, XVIII, 10 (7 March 1940), p. 149.
168. Ibid.
170. `The Bishop of Dornakal on Sir H. Page Croft's Scare,' Guardian, XII, 28 (12 July 1934), p. 436. Also `The Bishop's Letter,' DDM, XI, 7 (July 1934), pp. 2-4.
169. VSA, `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' op. cit. (1942), p. 436.
171. `Sermon Preached by the Bishop at the Consecration of the Bishop in Travancore in St. George's Cathedral, Madras, on October 18th,' DDM, XV, 12 (Dec. 1938), p. 7.
173. Azariah headed the NCC Commission on Church and State in Post-war India that issued this statement. Proceedings of the Ninth Meeting of the National Christian Council, Nagpur, 1944, p. 48, UTCA.
172. VSA, `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' op. cit. (1942), p. 436.
174. `Episcopal Synod, 1942,' 1: 2, Episcopal Synod, MACIPBC.
175. VSA, `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' op. cit. (1942), p. 436. His description of the Indian Christian situation reflects accurately his own situation.
176. Ibid.
177. Eleanor Mason, `The Bishop of Dornakal's Last Visitation,' typescript, Graham collection.
178. Ibid.
181. Ibid. Italics in original.
179. Ibid. Italics in original.
180. Ibid.
182. Ibid.
183. Ibid.
184. Interview with Mrs. S. David, 4 April 1986, Beerole.
185. Interview with Mrs. Perem Kantamma, 4 April 1986, Beerole.
186. Anbu Azariah to John Mott, 19 Feb. 1945, L• 4/61, Mott Papers, YDS.
187. The coffin replaced the customary burial cloths used to wrap the body by Madigas. Interview with Pedamuthyam Joseph, 4 April 1986, Dornakal. Azariah's wife Anbu died five years later, on 11 Oct. 1950, and was laid to rest beside her husband.
188. Good collections of obituaries may be found in the Graham collection and scattered throughout most major archival collections containing Azariah papers. See, e.g., the memorials of Azariah in NCCR, LXV, 2 (Feb. 1945);'A Great Christian,' Over- seas News 39 (March 1945); `A Pioneer Indian Bishop,' Church Times (12 Jan. 1945) and `A Shepherd of Souls,' Church Times (4 May 1945), p. 253; Carol Graham, `The Bishop of Dornakal,' The East and WestReview, XI, 2 (April, 1945), pp. 35-38; Tinnevelly Diocesan Magazine, 309 (March 1945), p. 29 (in Tamil).
191. `Bishop Azariah of Dornakal,' The Student Movement, XLVII, 4 (March 1945), p. 84.
189. `Memorials and Tributes to the Bishop,' DDM (March and April 1945), pp. 2-6.
190. `A Service of Thanksgiving in Memory of Vedanayakam Samuel Azariah, Bishop of Dornakal, 1912-1945,' 7 Feb. 1945, St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, Graham Collection.
1. He is usually cited along with K. T. Paul and S. K. Datta as one of the few Indian Christian leaders who sought to identify the interests of the Indian Christian community with that of the nation at large. See, e.g., `The Late Bishop of Dornakal,' Guardian, XXIII, 1 (4 Jan. 1945), pp. 2, 8; A. V. Thomas, Christians in Secular India, op. cit., p. 102; D. B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity, op. cit., p. 185; G. Hewitt, The Problems of Success, op. cit., p. 44.
2. For example, G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, 1885-1950, op. cit., pp. 173-74.
3. For a refreshing example of a missions- and church-centered explanation for indigenization, see V. E. Devadutt, `What Is an Indigenous Theology? (with special reference to India),' Ecumenical Review, II, 1 (Autumn 1949), pp. 40-51. (`I have heard it said again and again that the urge for "indigenisation" is inspired by nationalist feeling. On the contrary,' p. 43.) See also I. David, `The Development of the Concept of Indigenisation,' op. cit., p. 43.
4. See the Proceedings of the National Missionary Council for the Reports of the Committee on the Indian Church, of which Azariah was the Convener from 1916: Proceedings of the Fourth Meeting of the National Missionary Council, Coonoor 9-13 Nov. 1917, pp. 1522 (quote from p. 19); Proceedings of the Fifth Meeting of the National Missionary Council, Benares, 14-19 Nov. 1918, pp. 13-19; Proceedings of the Sixth Meeting of the National Missionary Council, Lahore, 13-18 Nov. 1919, pp. 15-23.
5. `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' Guardian, XX, 37 (17 Sept. 1942), p. 436.
6. G. Thomas, Christian Indians and Indian Nationalism, 1885-1950, op. cit., pp. 16567, 198-99; K. Baago, A History of the National Christian Council oflndia,1914-1964, op. cit.
7. Compare Henry Whitehead's condemnation of the British role at Amritsar in Indian Problems, op. cit., pp. 302-18.
8. K. Heiberg, V. S. Azariah: Bishop afDornahal, op. cit., p. 94; Thamil Selvan, 'Research on Bishop Azariah and His Theology,' op. cit., p. 55.
9. VSA, `Bishop of Dornakal on the Indian Situation,' Guardian, op. cit. (1942), pp. 436-37.
10. VSA, `Bishops and Politics' and `The Bishop of Dornakal and the Poona Conference,' op. cit. (1932), p. 475.
It. G. Thomas, op. cit., pp. 205-18.
12. A. M. Mundadan, Indian Christians Search for Identity, op. cit., p. 191.
13. On the concept of cultural systems (defined as `products of human interaction within whatever size demographic framework there is communication maintained over any significant length of time and by whatever means of communication'), see Jack R Rollwagen, `Reconsidering Basic Assumptions: A Call for a Reassessment of the General Concept of Culture in Anthropology,' Urban Anthropology, XV, 1-2 (1986), pp. 97-133; definition on p. 105.
14. `The discovery that the men whose actions [the historian] studies are ... free is a discovery which every historian makes as soon as he arrives at a scientific mastery of his own subject.' R G. Collingwood, The idea of History (London, 1966), p. 318.
15. As Stalin executed his genocidal forced collectivization of the Russian peasants, Sherwood Eddy hosted annual tours of Russia for American radicals and leftwing liberals to observe, firsthand, the socialist reconstruction. Eddy published his book, Russia Today: What Can We Learn From It?, in 1932 shortly after cooperating with Reinhold Niebuhr in the establishment of the Fellowship of Socialist Christians. R. W. Fox, Reinhold Niebuhr, op. cit., p. 123; P. Johnson, op. cit., p. 260. By 1949, however, Eddy warned Indian students of `the tyranny of Soviet Russia's police state and slave labor camps, of the Soviet's imperialistic advance and conquests through its use of every means, fair or foul, moral or immoral, in every country in the world; and the repudiation of all absolute moral standards by its dogmatic atheism.' Religion and Politics in India (typewritten letter from Dornakal, 1949), p. 2, II: 6/125, Eddy Papers, YDS.
16. He changed his mind upon witnessing Azariah's subsequent work. During a visit to the Dornakal Diocese in 1949, Eddy wrote:
When Azariah died on January 1, 1945 after thirty-two years of labour, he left in his diocese a Christian community of230,000. They have been uplifted above carrion-eating, devil worship, robbery and drunkenness, just as St. Paul's converts `turned from idols to serve the living God.'... On the whole, this Dornakal diocese is the finest piece of mission work, the most deeply spiritual and the most fruitful, that I have seen in any land. (G. S. Eddy, Religion and Politics in India, op. cit., p. 3)
17. `Bishop Azariah of Dornakal,' The Student Movement, op. cit., p. 84.
18. Carol Graham, Between Two Worlds, op. cit., p. 24.
19. Ibid., pp. 24-25.
20. Sung to the author in Telugu by Rev. Daniel, Dornakal, April 1986. `Friends who love to serve their country. Friends who love to serve their God. Come Forward!'
30. Interviews with Nama Ruth, 8 April 1986, Dornakal; and with Gaddikoppula Isaiah, 5 April, 1986, Madiripuram.
31. VSA, `The Care of the Christians of the Second Generation,' NCCR, LXII, 1 (Jan. 1942), pp. 19-25; `Post-War Problems of Churches and Missions in India,' NCCR, LXIII, 8 (Aug. 1943), pp. 263-70.
32. VSA, `Post-War Problems of Churches and Missions in India,' op. cit., pp. 269270.
1. Since using this manuscript, it has been edited for publication by Eleanor Jackson.
2. Many of Azariah's earliest articles and addresses were published anonymously and are therefore not represented in this bibliography (see `V. S. Azariah,' NMI, III, 10, Dune 1909], pp. 79-82). Some of Azariah's works, particularly his biblical commentaries in Tamil, Telugu, and other Indian vernaculars, have proven exceedingly difficult to find. They are preserved neither in India's principal Protestant theological college libraries, nor in Dornakal or other Telugu diocesan centres. Even Azariah's principal publisher, the Christian Literature Society, possesses neither records nor surviving copies of many works which are known by this author to have existed (S. P. Appasamy to author, 10 July 1985; and interview with S. P. Appasamy, 27 February 1986, Madras). In hopes that Azariah's `lost works' may one day be located, this bibliography includes available information about every book he is known to have published, however incomplete. All works are in English, unless otherwise noted. English transliterations of Tamil and Telugu titles are provided only for those few works whose titles were not already translated into English by Azariah or his editors and translators.
3. For further bibliography on Henry Whitehead, see Professor Bengt Sundkler, Church of South India: The Movement towards Union, 1900-1947 (London, 1954), p. 439.
4. Works chosen for this list devote all or significant portions of their space exclusively to Azariah. The list excludes treatments of Azariah in general ecclesiastical histories such as Eyre Chatterton, A History ofthe Church ofEngland in India since the Early Days of the East India Company (London, 1924), pp. 325-28. A significant number of the Printed Primary Sources also contain discussions of Azariah, as indicated in footnotes throughout this book.
85. The first college hostel, opened in 1882, accommodated solely Brahmin or Vaishnava students. P. Cherian, op. cit., p. 170; R. S. Macnicol, `Landmarks in College History', MCCM, Centenary Number (March 1937), p. 145. In 1888, a hostel was opened for the accommodation of Christian students (presumably of all castes) and named after the late CMS Secretary in Madras, David Fenn. (Ibid., p. 146.) In 1903, a hostel for Non-Brahmin students was opened as well. Known as Caithness Hall, this was the first hostel to accept students of different communities, although others were to follow suit later. William Miller conducted an experiment in attempting to persuade students of different communities to share housing during retreats at the Mountain Home in Yercaud. However, the depth of resistance to these measures is reflected in the fact that when an inter-caste hostel was opened in 1919, the College Park Hostel, it maintained separate messes for Brahmin, Christian, and Non-Brahmin students. (Ibid., pp. 15 1-3.) Separate messes may have been provided to cope with the different diets for vegetarians and non-vegetarians, but the issues of purity and pollution were almost certainly at stake as well. E. Jackson to author, 21 Jan. 1991, Birmingham.